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Las venas abiertas de Am茅rica Latina ha sido traducida a dieciocho lenguas y ha tenido una vasta difusi贸n en el mundo de habla hispana desde que en 1971 se public贸 la primera edici贸n. "En los 煤ltimos a帽os he le铆do pocas cosas que me hayan conmovido tanto." Heinrich Boll, discurso en Colonia, 1976. "Este libro supera todo lo que yo jam谩s he le铆do sobre el tema, y permanecer谩 a lo largo de los a帽os venideros. Una obra maestra. " Carleton Beals, "Monthly Review", USA. "Este reportaje-ensayo-mural-obra de artesan铆a admirable ensambla g茅neros que andaban la historia econ贸mica, el relato vital.. " Hugo Neira, "Expreso", Per煤. "El mejor libro sobre nuestro maltratado continente." Hern谩n Invernizzi, "El Cronista Comercial",Argentina. "Bienvenida sea esta historia de Am茅rica Latina que recoge los hechos, tiene profundidad te贸rica y es sumamente legible. Un excelente trabajo. " Peter Roman, "Science and Society", USA. "Este libro de Galeano es absolutamente imprescindible para todos los interesados en Am茅rica Latina. "Deutsche Bolkszeitung", Alemania Federal. "Una contribuci贸n muy importante a la comprensi贸n del pasado que alimenta un presente ambiguo e incierto. " Marcel Niedergang, "Le Monde", Franda. "Un gran escritor y una gran obra, que hoy me parece m谩s actual y necesaria que cuando apareci贸. " Jean Ziegler, "Afrique-Asie", Francia.
456 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1971
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About the author
Eduardo Galeano
166听books3,620听followersEduardo Galeano was a Uruguayan journalist, writer and novelist. His best known works are Memoria del fuego (Memory of Fire Trilogy, 1986) and Las venas abiertas de Am茅rica Latina (Open Veins of Latin America, 1971) which have been translated into twenty languages and transcend orthodox genres: combining fiction, journalism, political analysis, and history.
The author himself has proclaimed his obsession as a writer saying, "I'm a writer obsessed with remembering, with remembering the past of America above all and above all that of Latin America, intimate land condemned to amnesia."
He has received the International Human Rights Award by Global Exchange (2006) and the Stig Dagerman Prize (2010).
The author himself has proclaimed his obsession as a writer saying, "I'm a writer obsessed with remembering, with remembering the past of America above all and above all that of Latin America, intimate land condemned to amnesia."
He has received the International Human Rights Award by Global Exchange (2006) and the Stig Dagerman Prize (2010).
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 2,259 reviews
May 26, 2013
Cuando era ni帽o le pregunt茅 a mis padres por qu茅 M茅xico era m谩s pobre que los Estados Unidos. Me explicaron que el calor hac铆a a la gente m谩s perezosa y que en Europa y Estados Unidos, la gente es m谩s trabajadora, logrando un mejor nivel de vida despu茅s de varias generaciones.
Mucho tiempo despu茅s, despu茅s de mucha indoctrinaci贸n, llegu茅 a creer que lo que requer铆amos era un golpe de estado al estilo chileno, para avanzar como sociedad.
Luego me percat茅 que todas esas respuestas eran simplemente negaci贸n y auto-enga帽o. Eran el resultado de a帽os de propaganda oficial dentro de la clase media-alta mexicana, que finalmente se destilaba a煤n entre los que participaron en los movimientos juveniles de finales de los sesenta y principios de los setenta.
Y es precisamente durante este periodo que Eduardo Galeano escribi贸 uno de sus libros insignia: Las venas abiertas de Am茅rica Latina. Libro que fue prohibido, censurado, ignorado en gran parte de Latinoam茅rica. Basta decir que yo no conoc铆 el libro sino hasta que me mud茅 a Espa帽a.
Galeano re煤ne vasta evidencia documental sobre la hip贸tesis de una Am茅rica explotada y exhibe dicha evidencia de manera brutal, sin fisuras aparentes.
La hip贸tesis principal gira alrededor de que Am茅rica Latina, desde la conquista espa帽ola, ha sido, es y ser谩 una colonia de las grandes potencias extranjeras. Primero lo fue la Corona Espa帽ola; una vez consumadas su respectivas independencias, pasaron a ser colonias no-declaradas del Imperio Brit谩nico, y finalmente, somos el patio trasero de los Estados Unidos.
Como colonias, todos los latinoamericanos somos ciudadanos de segunda categor铆a, sin derecho a decidir qu茅 hacer con nuestros recursos naturales, a aceptar empr茅stitos forzados para afincar una industria y banca extranjera, que se llevar谩n las ganancias de vuelta a Europa y Estados Unidos, dejando a su paso deuda insaldable y mano de obra exhausta.
En un inicio, las materias primas y su extracci贸n, eran el principal objetivo de las potencias colonizadoras; agotadas 茅stas, toc贸 el turno a la mano de obra barata, sin especializaci贸n y sumisa. Y ahora, cada vez que una transnacional instala una f谩brica de manufactura en nuestro territorio, debemos congratularnos y decir que el gobierno est谩 haciendo bien las cosas.
驴C贸mo puede ser un pa铆s pr贸spero, si no se tiene control de sus propios recursos, si no se respeta su mercado interno ni a su poblaci贸n?
Mucho tiempo despu茅s, despu茅s de mucha indoctrinaci贸n, llegu茅 a creer que lo que requer铆amos era un golpe de estado al estilo chileno, para avanzar como sociedad.
Luego me percat茅 que todas esas respuestas eran simplemente negaci贸n y auto-enga帽o. Eran el resultado de a帽os de propaganda oficial dentro de la clase media-alta mexicana, que finalmente se destilaba a煤n entre los que participaron en los movimientos juveniles de finales de los sesenta y principios de los setenta.
Y es precisamente durante este periodo que Eduardo Galeano escribi贸 uno de sus libros insignia: Las venas abiertas de Am茅rica Latina. Libro que fue prohibido, censurado, ignorado en gran parte de Latinoam茅rica. Basta decir que yo no conoc铆 el libro sino hasta que me mud茅 a Espa帽a.
Galeano re煤ne vasta evidencia documental sobre la hip贸tesis de una Am茅rica explotada y exhibe dicha evidencia de manera brutal, sin fisuras aparentes.
La hip贸tesis principal gira alrededor de que Am茅rica Latina, desde la conquista espa帽ola, ha sido, es y ser谩 una colonia de las grandes potencias extranjeras. Primero lo fue la Corona Espa帽ola; una vez consumadas su respectivas independencias, pasaron a ser colonias no-declaradas del Imperio Brit谩nico, y finalmente, somos el patio trasero de los Estados Unidos.
Como colonias, todos los latinoamericanos somos ciudadanos de segunda categor铆a, sin derecho a decidir qu茅 hacer con nuestros recursos naturales, a aceptar empr茅stitos forzados para afincar una industria y banca extranjera, que se llevar谩n las ganancias de vuelta a Europa y Estados Unidos, dejando a su paso deuda insaldable y mano de obra exhausta.
En un inicio, las materias primas y su extracci贸n, eran el principal objetivo de las potencias colonizadoras; agotadas 茅stas, toc贸 el turno a la mano de obra barata, sin especializaci贸n y sumisa. Y ahora, cada vez que una transnacional instala una f谩brica de manufactura en nuestro territorio, debemos congratularnos y decir que el gobierno est谩 haciendo bien las cosas.
驴C贸mo puede ser un pa铆s pr贸spero, si no se tiene control de sus propios recursos, si no se respeta su mercado interno ni a su poblaci贸n?
January 9, 2021
When Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez presented President Obama with a copy of Eduardo Galeano's Open Veins of Latin America during a summit meeting in 2009 the intellectually gouty noise machine of the bourgeoisie began to flap its collective jowls, calling the gift an insult to America, and Obama's acceptance of it a sign of his acquiescence to communist influences. The truths contained in the gift were essentially ignored by the right-wind punditry, because truth and history have no place in the circus of sound bite chicanery, not when the mainstream media is little more than a clown car of corporate maleficence, whose acquiescence in the plunder and economic repression of Latin America continues unabated; the media's boosting of NAFTA, for instance, is an excellent example of imperialistic mechanisms at work.
Originally published in the early 70s, Open Veins of Latin America is an eloquently written, vivid examination of five centuries of genocide, theft, and political interference by European and American economic interests. And while Galeano writes with passion and artistry, his history is not the hysterical harangue the noise machine would have us believe. The book is well researched and documented, but Galeano's intensity and skill as a writer adds gravitas to the irrefutable evidence he presents, a thing the noise machine cannot abide. They fear his eloquence, but their attempt to invalidate the book through misdirection, using the threadbare histrionics of anti-communism, failed. Open Veins of Latin America is a powerful rejoinder to the stupidity and greed inherent in international corporatism, past and present.
Originally published in the early 70s, Open Veins of Latin America is an eloquently written, vivid examination of five centuries of genocide, theft, and political interference by European and American economic interests. And while Galeano writes with passion and artistry, his history is not the hysterical harangue the noise machine would have us believe. The book is well researched and documented, but Galeano's intensity and skill as a writer adds gravitas to the irrefutable evidence he presents, a thing the noise machine cannot abide. They fear his eloquence, but their attempt to invalidate the book through misdirection, using the threadbare histrionics of anti-communism, failed. Open Veins of Latin America is a powerful rejoinder to the stupidity and greed inherent in international corporatism, past and present.
March 31, 2010
I read this book out of curiosity鈥攁nd interest in Latin America. I was advised that it was just rant or left-wing rant, but decided to see for myself. I came away with this as the main idea: 鈥渋n Latin America, free enterprise is incompatible with civil liberties鈥� as Galeano says in his commentary on the book in an afterward. The book catalogues the exploitation of 鈥渢he people鈥� 鈥攗sually the indigenous people鈥攂y South American oligarchies and by their European and North American affiliates.
It鈥檚 certainly been a controversial book. First published in 1971 and often condemned and frequently banned in Latin America, I doubt it鈥檚 been on the radar in North American very long. The current edition was published in 1997 with a foreward by Isabel Allende. It鈥檚 been in the news recently when President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela gave a copy to Obama and then when commentators speculated on whether or not he would read it. Actually, I hope he did. ()
My first impression was that Galeano鈥檚 detractors were right, the book was just rant. Galeano is a journalist and he knows how to use words to move readers. My impression was that every sentence in the first chapter had emotionally-loaded words. If his ideas hadn鈥檛 piqued my curiosity I might have put it down. Ensuing chapters might come to emotionally-loaded conclusions, but the presentation of evidence was impressive. I can鈥檛 endorse the ideas completely because I don鈥檛 know enough to evaluate everything he says, but I was impressed.
Galeano鈥檚 thesis is that the first the European conquerors (Spain and Portugal), later European business interests鈥攎ainly the British鈥攁nd finally the US (government and business) have promised developmental assistance but delivered subservience largely by economic means鈥攂y keeping production costs low using raw materials and cheap labor from Latin American and then selling products for large profits, even selling them back to Latin American countries at the same time as they prevent them from producing their own products. In what seemed to me a telling comparison he contrasts conquistadors arriving in Latin American with the expectation of taking riches home to Europe with settlers in New England fleeing Europe and determined to grow their food and make the products they need for themselves鈥攁nd to stay, not seek treasure to bring home. In what turned out to be an advantage for North America, there was no gold or silver, not even promising farms land so the British, in comparison to the Iberians, tended to ignore the colonies rather than plunder them.
In this idea, Galeano reminds me of Fareed Zakaria鈥檚 thesis in The Future of Freedom where he explains that wealth in the form of natural resources is actually a deterrent to democracy because it leads to a ruling class that appropriates the resources and uses them to develop the country (or to line their own pockets) rather than depending on the population to supply funds for the government in the form of taxes. Elections don鈥檛 mean much if the people doing the electing have no power. And clearly immigration to America took a far different path in the North than in the South. The result was the development of a growing middle class of local producers in North America--something that didn't happen in most Latin American countries which developed local oligarchies who themselves continued to be exploited by powerful patrons.
Galeano鈥檚 text is colorful and impressive, even for someone like me for whom the names and historical events are not familiar. He鈥檚 a master at creating powerful and memorable phrases than sum up (probably somewhat simplistically but I ended up thinking often right nonetheless) the problem. 鈥淯nderdevelopment in South America is a result of development elsewhere鈥�, 鈥� a Volkswagen Republic is much like a banana republic鈥�, 鈥渘ationalization doesn鈥檛 necessarily redistribute wealth鈥�. Over and over again he talks about the wealth concentrated among an oligarchy and the widespread poverty at the bottom that has characterized many Latin American countries for centuries, making it clear over and over again that 鈥渢he outposts pay the price for the wealth of the centers鈥�. The centers were usually the ports that grew up to serve the Europeans and later North Americans who needed to ship the gold, the silver, the meat, the rubber, the bananas or whatever.
It鈥檚 easy for a US citizen to agree with all the details about exploitation by Europeans, harder to deal with exploitation by North Americans. Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA by Tim Weiner (2007) confirms US involvement in supporting the governments and business leaders that supported the US companies. It struck me reading about the maneuverings of American companies that, whether needing bananas or rubber or petroleum, they were operating not all that differently from how we鈥檙e discovering they operate at home and it鈥檚 abundantly clear at this point that the US is moving toward something like the Latin American republics with wealth increasingly concentrated among the few while the middle class which enabled the US to be different from its Latin American neighbors is dwindling. Power in the US is increasingly in the hands of corporations鈥攐ften multi-nationals with loyalties primarily to their own interests which may or may not be the people of the United States. But perhaps I push this too far.
I have to note that Galeano, as many other Latin Americans, deplores the fact that the US has even co-opted the name 鈥淎merica鈥�. (I had a hard time avoiding it in this review.)
Bottom line: This is a highly emotional book, but the logic and the evidence is quite definitely not lacking. I tend to compare him to Michael Moore, who goes after public attention with emotionally charged rhetoric, but backs it up with facts and details that prove the need for drawing attention to the issue. I cannot evaluate the detail and no doubt Galeano exaggerates and rants but it鈥檚 still a compelling book that鈥檚 worth the attention of a thinking person.
It鈥檚 certainly been a controversial book. First published in 1971 and often condemned and frequently banned in Latin America, I doubt it鈥檚 been on the radar in North American very long. The current edition was published in 1997 with a foreward by Isabel Allende. It鈥檚 been in the news recently when President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela gave a copy to Obama and then when commentators speculated on whether or not he would read it. Actually, I hope he did. ()
My first impression was that Galeano鈥檚 detractors were right, the book was just rant. Galeano is a journalist and he knows how to use words to move readers. My impression was that every sentence in the first chapter had emotionally-loaded words. If his ideas hadn鈥檛 piqued my curiosity I might have put it down. Ensuing chapters might come to emotionally-loaded conclusions, but the presentation of evidence was impressive. I can鈥檛 endorse the ideas completely because I don鈥檛 know enough to evaluate everything he says, but I was impressed.
Galeano鈥檚 thesis is that the first the European conquerors (Spain and Portugal), later European business interests鈥攎ainly the British鈥攁nd finally the US (government and business) have promised developmental assistance but delivered subservience largely by economic means鈥攂y keeping production costs low using raw materials and cheap labor from Latin American and then selling products for large profits, even selling them back to Latin American countries at the same time as they prevent them from producing their own products. In what seemed to me a telling comparison he contrasts conquistadors arriving in Latin American with the expectation of taking riches home to Europe with settlers in New England fleeing Europe and determined to grow their food and make the products they need for themselves鈥攁nd to stay, not seek treasure to bring home. In what turned out to be an advantage for North America, there was no gold or silver, not even promising farms land so the British, in comparison to the Iberians, tended to ignore the colonies rather than plunder them.
In this idea, Galeano reminds me of Fareed Zakaria鈥檚 thesis in The Future of Freedom where he explains that wealth in the form of natural resources is actually a deterrent to democracy because it leads to a ruling class that appropriates the resources and uses them to develop the country (or to line their own pockets) rather than depending on the population to supply funds for the government in the form of taxes. Elections don鈥檛 mean much if the people doing the electing have no power. And clearly immigration to America took a far different path in the North than in the South. The result was the development of a growing middle class of local producers in North America--something that didn't happen in most Latin American countries which developed local oligarchies who themselves continued to be exploited by powerful patrons.
Galeano鈥檚 text is colorful and impressive, even for someone like me for whom the names and historical events are not familiar. He鈥檚 a master at creating powerful and memorable phrases than sum up (probably somewhat simplistically but I ended up thinking often right nonetheless) the problem. 鈥淯nderdevelopment in South America is a result of development elsewhere鈥�, 鈥� a Volkswagen Republic is much like a banana republic鈥�, 鈥渘ationalization doesn鈥檛 necessarily redistribute wealth鈥�. Over and over again he talks about the wealth concentrated among an oligarchy and the widespread poverty at the bottom that has characterized many Latin American countries for centuries, making it clear over and over again that 鈥渢he outposts pay the price for the wealth of the centers鈥�. The centers were usually the ports that grew up to serve the Europeans and later North Americans who needed to ship the gold, the silver, the meat, the rubber, the bananas or whatever.
It鈥檚 easy for a US citizen to agree with all the details about exploitation by Europeans, harder to deal with exploitation by North Americans. Legacy of Ashes: The History of the CIA by Tim Weiner (2007) confirms US involvement in supporting the governments and business leaders that supported the US companies. It struck me reading about the maneuverings of American companies that, whether needing bananas or rubber or petroleum, they were operating not all that differently from how we鈥檙e discovering they operate at home and it鈥檚 abundantly clear at this point that the US is moving toward something like the Latin American republics with wealth increasingly concentrated among the few while the middle class which enabled the US to be different from its Latin American neighbors is dwindling. Power in the US is increasingly in the hands of corporations鈥攐ften multi-nationals with loyalties primarily to their own interests which may or may not be the people of the United States. But perhaps I push this too far.
I have to note that Galeano, as many other Latin Americans, deplores the fact that the US has even co-opted the name 鈥淎merica鈥�. (I had a hard time avoiding it in this review.)
Bottom line: This is a highly emotional book, but the logic and the evidence is quite definitely not lacking. I tend to compare him to Michael Moore, who goes after public attention with emotionally charged rhetoric, but backs it up with facts and details that prove the need for drawing attention to the issue. I cannot evaluate the detail and no doubt Galeano exaggerates and rants but it鈥檚 still a compelling book that鈥檚 worth the attention of a thinking person.
July 16, 2021
I was talking with a friend last week and she mentioned Shashi Tharoor and I said 鈥榦h, I鈥檝e read a book of his鈥︹€� Now, the thing it is useful to know about me 鈥� or not, depending on so many things 鈥� is that whatever part of the brain evolution decided to set aside for the storage and retrieval of names seems to have been left out of my brain. The fact I remembered this man鈥檚 name was truly remarkable (although, I admit there was a bit of guessing going on too), what was less remarkable was that I鈥檇 completely forgotten the title of the book. I said to her, 鈥榠t was called something like, How Britain Ruins Everything, something like that.鈥� It is actually called, 鈥業nglorious Empire: What the British Did to India鈥� 鈥� so as you can see, I was very nearly right.
Before the US empire, there was the British Empire. This book is a bit about both, but mostly about the US empire, or at least, that part of the US empire that it likes to think of as its 鈥榖ackyard鈥�. It is an interesting metaphor, the backyard. You know, you probably would not swim naked in your own front yard. You probably wouldn鈥檛 kick one of your kids in the bum in your front yard either. And if you had a body to bury, I figure you would be more likely to bury it in your backyard too, rather than in your front yard. All of which is relevant to how the US behaves in the non-English speaking parts of the Americas.
This book is something of a long catalogue of crimes, many of which are crimes against humanity, that have been either committed, planned, supported or just ignored by the US, almost invariably in support of US commercial interests. It starts with an introduction by Isabel Allende, in which she makes clear that Cuba meant it would be inevitable there would be a coup in Chile, just as the extremity of the revenge taken against the left in Chile was also inevitable. The people of Cuba should be under no illusions, if the US does overthrow the government in Cuba blood will flow in rivers down the streets, the nation will be torn apart, and most likely be reduced to rubble. If you possibly can avoid it, you should do what you can not to be Black. On the theory that Imperialists and tyrants invariably accuse others of what they are planning to do themselves, the current focus upon the crimes of China we witness nightly on our television screens are, if nothing else, instructive.
I have developed an incredibly low opinion of economists and their explanations of why certain nations develop and others do not. The general theory concerning Latin America and why it has not developed is that it does not have the initial seeding capital necessary to support economic development. The cruelty of this 鈥榚xplanation鈥� is so extreme that it is a wonder anyone could say it with a straight face. As the author makes all too clear, Latin America has been pillaged by the west for five centuries. It has been sucked dry of its mineral wealth, its peoples have been enslaved, starved, and murdered. It is clear that Europe and the United States have used Latin America as, well, a long-suffering corpse with veins opened wide so they, vampire-like, can suck it dry.
Marx explained that capitalism could not have gotten started unless there was a 鈥榩rimitive accumulation of capital鈥�. By this he meant that while capitalism itself accumulates and multiplies capital by extracting surplus value, to get this process started it requires initial capital to be. This initial theft of capital is called primitive accumulation. Whether this was in the fencing of the commons or in the stealing of gold from the Inca, it was an appropriation of wealth more akin to theft than anything else.
This theft, however, has never stopped in Latin America. The implication that the primitive accumulation is something that occurred at the dawn of capitalism and was then overtaken by the production of surplus value is proven wrong in this book. Here the entire American continent south of the Rio Grande has been bled white. Any attempt to take control of its own national wealth 鈥� whether derived from bananas and coffee or petroleum, bauxite, or any of the other rare earth metals simply not available within the US 鈥� has been met with punishments worthy in their inventiveness and cruelty of devils in hell.
This book takes you on a tour of this history of the nations of Latin America, and while many of the themes are shockingly consistent, each nation has its own special twist of horror. The most shocking of which are perhaps the tales of the Bolivian workers who 鈥榣eft their lungs in the Oruro mines鈥�, but what is done to the people is also done to the land, laid waste under sugar plantations. People are treated worse than animals, like the Peruvians producing fishmeal to provide protein for US cows, but who have barely any protein in their own diets.
You can鈥檛 come away from this book uplifted 鈥� but it exquisitely beautifully written. As he says at the end, too much academic writing is designed to exclude the average reader. This book is certainly not one of those. It never talks down, it is a work of deep love. You should read this book.
Before the US empire, there was the British Empire. This book is a bit about both, but mostly about the US empire, or at least, that part of the US empire that it likes to think of as its 鈥榖ackyard鈥�. It is an interesting metaphor, the backyard. You know, you probably would not swim naked in your own front yard. You probably wouldn鈥檛 kick one of your kids in the bum in your front yard either. And if you had a body to bury, I figure you would be more likely to bury it in your backyard too, rather than in your front yard. All of which is relevant to how the US behaves in the non-English speaking parts of the Americas.
This book is something of a long catalogue of crimes, many of which are crimes against humanity, that have been either committed, planned, supported or just ignored by the US, almost invariably in support of US commercial interests. It starts with an introduction by Isabel Allende, in which she makes clear that Cuba meant it would be inevitable there would be a coup in Chile, just as the extremity of the revenge taken against the left in Chile was also inevitable. The people of Cuba should be under no illusions, if the US does overthrow the government in Cuba blood will flow in rivers down the streets, the nation will be torn apart, and most likely be reduced to rubble. If you possibly can avoid it, you should do what you can not to be Black. On the theory that Imperialists and tyrants invariably accuse others of what they are planning to do themselves, the current focus upon the crimes of China we witness nightly on our television screens are, if nothing else, instructive.
I have developed an incredibly low opinion of economists and their explanations of why certain nations develop and others do not. The general theory concerning Latin America and why it has not developed is that it does not have the initial seeding capital necessary to support economic development. The cruelty of this 鈥榚xplanation鈥� is so extreme that it is a wonder anyone could say it with a straight face. As the author makes all too clear, Latin America has been pillaged by the west for five centuries. It has been sucked dry of its mineral wealth, its peoples have been enslaved, starved, and murdered. It is clear that Europe and the United States have used Latin America as, well, a long-suffering corpse with veins opened wide so they, vampire-like, can suck it dry.
Marx explained that capitalism could not have gotten started unless there was a 鈥榩rimitive accumulation of capital鈥�. By this he meant that while capitalism itself accumulates and multiplies capital by extracting surplus value, to get this process started it requires initial capital to be. This initial theft of capital is called primitive accumulation. Whether this was in the fencing of the commons or in the stealing of gold from the Inca, it was an appropriation of wealth more akin to theft than anything else.
This theft, however, has never stopped in Latin America. The implication that the primitive accumulation is something that occurred at the dawn of capitalism and was then overtaken by the production of surplus value is proven wrong in this book. Here the entire American continent south of the Rio Grande has been bled white. Any attempt to take control of its own national wealth 鈥� whether derived from bananas and coffee or petroleum, bauxite, or any of the other rare earth metals simply not available within the US 鈥� has been met with punishments worthy in their inventiveness and cruelty of devils in hell.
This book takes you on a tour of this history of the nations of Latin America, and while many of the themes are shockingly consistent, each nation has its own special twist of horror. The most shocking of which are perhaps the tales of the Bolivian workers who 鈥榣eft their lungs in the Oruro mines鈥�, but what is done to the people is also done to the land, laid waste under sugar plantations. People are treated worse than animals, like the Peruvians producing fishmeal to provide protein for US cows, but who have barely any protein in their own diets.
You can鈥檛 come away from this book uplifted 鈥� but it exquisitely beautifully written. As he says at the end, too much academic writing is designed to exclude the average reader. This book is certainly not one of those. It never talks down, it is a work of deep love. You should read this book.
March 20, 2022
The Veins Flow With People Now
All the stately homes, the baroque palaces, the post roads, the standing military and naval forces, the banking institutions, and advanced educational establishments of Europe (and, arguably therefore, the Industrial Revolution) are built on the same foundations: sugar from the Caribbean, silver from Bolivia and Mexico, gold and diamonds from Nicaragua and Brazil. These in turn are the product of the enslavement of the native Indian populations of Central and South America, and, as the local inhabitants were exterminated, the importation of millions of Africans to maintain and expand production. The legacy of this boom in European fortunes is depleted and poisoned soil, enormous differences in economic status, profound lack of social cohesion, and a continued vulnerability to exploitation.
The Spanish-American War - with its annexation of Puerto Rico and occupation of Cuba - allowed a new mechanism and new actors in Latin American exploitation at the turn of the 20th century. Strategy shifted from the use of individual commercial buccaneers who were permitted by the sovereign to use any means necessary to keep the booty flowing, to corporate enterprise with the direct support of military and other government resources. So following on its success in the Caribbean, it tested the strategy again in Mexico. The United States twice sent troops to impede the Zapata-land reforms, arranged the assassination of the President, and occupied Vera Cruz in order to ease concerns of American investors in Mexican mines and railroads.
This set a pattern for subsequent armed assertion of power in Colombia, Haiti, Honduras, Panama, Dominican Republic and Nicaragua. Subsequent proxy interventions and 鈥榬egime changes鈥� through covert de-stabilisation became the preferred approach from the 1950鈥檚 on, in Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Guatemala, Guyana, Chile, and Argentina and Brazil. It is accurate to say that there are few countries in Latin America in which the US government has not sought to overthrow democratically elected regimes, replacing them with military juntas or right-wing dictators favourable to US investment.
Such actions have only nominally been about ideology (Capitalism vs. Communism) or the threat of foreign intervention in Latin America (the Soviet Union or China).* But the interests of United Fruit, National Sugar, and Kennecott Copper or AT&T, for example, were always apparent to those involved. The connection between intervention and business interests has been clear throughout the 20th century. Galeano quotes the 1935 testimony of General Smedley D. Butler, who headed many of the expeditions, and who at the time of his death was the most decorated serving Marine in history. Smedley testified:
Corporations don鈥檛 build stately homes; they build skyscrapers and office campuses. And they build these no longer on sugar or coffee but on the materials essential in a high-tech society. Chile, Argentina and Bolivia sit on two thirds of the world鈥檚 lithium. Peru, Chile, Bolivia, and Mexico have half the world鈥檚 un-mined silver. A third of the world鈥檚 tin is still in the ground in Peru, Brazil, and Bolivia. Venezuela has something like a quarter of OPEC鈥橲 reserves and controls the world鈥檚 largest proven pool of oil. Bauxite, nickel, and iron have similar concentrations in Latin America. The United States will undoubtedly do what it can to preserve its dominance over these resources. Capital will continue to flow North while misery continues to flow South. Little mystery, therefore, about why much of the population wants to follow the capital.
* I can鈥檛 avoid including one or two of the numerous illustrations of the behaviour of the United States that are probably unfamiliar to its population:
All the stately homes, the baroque palaces, the post roads, the standing military and naval forces, the banking institutions, and advanced educational establishments of Europe (and, arguably therefore, the Industrial Revolution) are built on the same foundations: sugar from the Caribbean, silver from Bolivia and Mexico, gold and diamonds from Nicaragua and Brazil. These in turn are the product of the enslavement of the native Indian populations of Central and South America, and, as the local inhabitants were exterminated, the importation of millions of Africans to maintain and expand production. The legacy of this boom in European fortunes is depleted and poisoned soil, enormous differences in economic status, profound lack of social cohesion, and a continued vulnerability to exploitation.
The Spanish-American War - with its annexation of Puerto Rico and occupation of Cuba - allowed a new mechanism and new actors in Latin American exploitation at the turn of the 20th century. Strategy shifted from the use of individual commercial buccaneers who were permitted by the sovereign to use any means necessary to keep the booty flowing, to corporate enterprise with the direct support of military and other government resources. So following on its success in the Caribbean, it tested the strategy again in Mexico. The United States twice sent troops to impede the Zapata-land reforms, arranged the assassination of the President, and occupied Vera Cruz in order to ease concerns of American investors in Mexican mines and railroads.
This set a pattern for subsequent armed assertion of power in Colombia, Haiti, Honduras, Panama, Dominican Republic and Nicaragua. Subsequent proxy interventions and 鈥榬egime changes鈥� through covert de-stabilisation became the preferred approach from the 1950鈥檚 on, in Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Guatemala, Guyana, Chile, and Argentina and Brazil. It is accurate to say that there are few countries in Latin America in which the US government has not sought to overthrow democratically elected regimes, replacing them with military juntas or right-wing dictators favourable to US investment.
Such actions have only nominally been about ideology (Capitalism vs. Communism) or the threat of foreign intervention in Latin America (the Soviet Union or China).* But the interests of United Fruit, National Sugar, and Kennecott Copper or AT&T, for example, were always apparent to those involved. The connection between intervention and business interests has been clear throughout the 20th century. Galeano quotes the 1935 testimony of General Smedley D. Butler, who headed many of the expeditions, and who at the time of his death was the most decorated serving Marine in history. Smedley testified:
鈥淚 spent thirty-three years and four months in active service as a member of our country鈥檚 most agile military force鈥攖he Marine Corps. I served in all commissioned ranks from a second lieutenant to major-general. And during that period I spent most of my time being a high-class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street, and for the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer for capitalism.鈥� Thus I helped make Mexico and especially Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank to collect revenues in. I helped purify Nicaragua for the international banking house of Brown Brothers in 1909-1912. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for American sugar interests in 1916. I helped make Honduras 鈥榬ight鈥� for American fruit companies in 1903鈥�
Corporations don鈥檛 build stately homes; they build skyscrapers and office campuses. And they build these no longer on sugar or coffee but on the materials essential in a high-tech society. Chile, Argentina and Bolivia sit on two thirds of the world鈥檚 lithium. Peru, Chile, Bolivia, and Mexico have half the world鈥檚 un-mined silver. A third of the world鈥檚 tin is still in the ground in Peru, Brazil, and Bolivia. Venezuela has something like a quarter of OPEC鈥橲 reserves and controls the world鈥檚 largest proven pool of oil. Bauxite, nickel, and iron have similar concentrations in Latin America. The United States will undoubtedly do what it can to preserve its dominance over these resources. Capital will continue to flow North while misery continues to flow South. Little mystery, therefore, about why much of the population wants to follow the capital.
* I can鈥檛 avoid including one or two of the numerous illustrations of the behaviour of the United States that are probably unfamiliar to its population:
鈥溾€� the United States occupied Haiti for twenty years [1915-1934] and, in that black country that had been the scene of the first victorious slave revolt, introduced racial segregation and forced labor, killed 1,500 workers in one of its repressive operations (according to a U.S. Senate investigation in 1922), and when the local government refused to turn the Banco Nacional into a branch of New York鈥檚 National City Bank, suspended the salaries of the president and his ministers so that they might think again.鈥�
鈥淚n a fine report on his visit [in 1910], [a socialist journalist,] John Kenneth Turner wrote that 鈥榯he United States has virtually reduced Diaz [the Mexican president] to a political dependency, and by so doing has virtually transformed Mexico into a slave colony of the United States.鈥� U.S. capital made juicy profits directly or indirectly from its association with the dictatorship. 鈥楾he Americanization of Mexico of which Wall Street boasts,鈥� wrote Turner, 鈥榠s being accomplished and accomplished with a vengeance鈥�.鈥�
鈥淚n 1965 another sugar country, the Dominican Republic, was invaded, this time鈥攁ccording to their commander, General Bruce Palmer鈥攂y 40,000 U.S. Marines ready 鈥榯o stay indefinitely in this country in view of the reigning confusion.鈥� The vertical drop in sugar prices had been a factor in setting off popular indignation; the people rose against the military dictatorship and U.S. troops arrived promptly to restore order鈥� After the invasion, President Lyndon Johnson鈥檚 special envoy to the Dominican Republic was Ellsworth Bunker, the chairman of the National Sugar Refining Company鈥�
February 23, 2015
Open Veins was a title in the Hugo Chavez Book Club; the Venezuelan strongman surprised President Barrack Obama with a copy in 2009. Open Veins was written by a novelist in the vivid prose of a novel and the history takes many liberties, making it more like historic fiction. On pg. 283, author Galeano cited Chilean dictator Pinochet leaving 鈥�30,000 dead鈥�, which didn鈥檛 ring true to my memory. A quick check of Wikipedia shows 鈥渧arious reports and investigations claim that between 1,200 and 3,200 people were killed鈥�. That is Galeano鈥檚 Open Veins in a nutshell: taking various misfortunes and admitted outrages and then, massively exaggerating them.
How does one rate a book like this, which suffers from even a rudimentary understanding of economics (e.g. repeated assertions that individual corporations control prices, which is only true of monopolies) and lays every conceivable ill of Latin America at the doorstop of capitalism, Europe, the IMF, the United States, and Latin American liberal advocates of market economies and free trade? Score a 2 or 3 for Galeano writing in a lyrical way. I think of this as a story, rather than history. The first part, detailing the evils of colonialism and the European importation of millions of African slaves, is its best. The story goes downhill, deep into 1 tierra, as it drones on about American and British companies and the dictators they back supposedly destroying Latin America. Hence, Chavez's love of this book. There is no attempt at balance. Galeano gives individual names killed by a right-wing military in Guatemala, yet, there is not one word about those killed by Che and Castro in Cuba. This 1971 book and its 1978 update predate the worst of the Colombian FARC or the barbaric Communist Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) rebellion that started in Peru in 1980. But, the author has not a word about Leftist killings in Colombia, Cuba, Bolivia, or anywhere else. I place this tale at 1.5 stars.
Galeano idolizes the Aztecs, Maya, and Incas. They had their accomplishments, indeed, but they were warlike, practiced human sacrifice, and enslaved other tribes. Cortez鈥檚 and Pizzaro鈥檚 tiny bands would have been forced into the sea if not for the ability to raise huge indigenous armies thirsty to overthrow Aztec and Incan hegemony. Without question, the Spanish, Dutch, Portuguese, and English mistreated the native peoples and African slaves. The greatest value of Open Veins is in the early pages, which hold nothing back when vividly describing Spanish enslavement of Indians to work in the gold and silver mines and to work the haciendas. The Spanish didn鈥檛 bring wives and took Indian women, at gunpoint if needed. Galeano fails to see the connection between early Spanish rule and the present, but other, more thoughtful authors have fingered the 鈥渕ordida鈥� (bribe) culture of colonial Spain and authoritarian, caudillo rule as continuing today in many Latin American countries.
Open Veins is not shy in its Marxist economic critique. Galeano gleefully flies in the face of mainstream economics with strident advocacy of protectionism. He is practically the last person alive to think communism was a rousing success in Cuba. The book suffers from a rudimentary understanding of economics. I found the frequent Marx and Lenin quotes jarring. Even the phrasing is Marxian. Most of Latin America saw the back of colonial Spain two centuries ago. In Galliano鈥檚 view, nothing changed with new 鈥渕asters鈥�, 鈥渋mperial鈥� England and the USA. There is, of course, great truth about Uncle Sam鈥檚 involvement in Latin America. Although, in typical fashion, Galeano exaggerates (鈥淢arines here, there, everywhere鈥�). I don鈥檛 pretend to be an expert on everything that ever happened in Latin America, but Open Veins doesn鈥檛 mesh with what I鈥檝e read elsewhere about the end of the Trujillo dictatorship in the Dominican Republic, Ford in the Amazon, Mexico, the Panama Canal, Walker in Nicaragua, and the like. In so many cases, there is a kernel of truth to European/American heavy handedness, but Galeano is like a steam-roller, using outlandish, emotional statements (e.g. seemingly voluntary economic transactions are actually 鈥減lunder鈥�, 鈥渄evastation鈥�, and 鈥渟lavery鈥�). There is absolutely nothing here about, say, Western medicine conquering malaria. Yankee 鈥済odless technology" built a leisure class of a fortunate few in Lima, Caracas, Buenos Aires, etc.
Galeano鈥檚 cluelessness shows through with statements like, of the Argentine capitalists, 鈥減roductivity is low because it suits them; the law of profit prevails over all overs.鈥� Actually, higher productivity drives higher profits; I doubt Argentinian capitalists want 鈥渓ow鈥� productivity. Low productivity may exist, but not because of a devious plot. He actually writes of 20 American aid organizations bringing 鈥渂irth control鈥� to the Amazon not to help the people- no, but to depopulate it so American economic interests can conquer Amazonia. As I said at the outset, Open Veins is more like a novel than a serious history.
Given that Galeano鈥檚 鈥渟olutions鈥� of socialism and protectionism have failed, what is better? He never even considers other developing nations, and even by 1980, a number of formerly colonized Asian nations were fast approaching developed world standards. Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore, and liberalizing China are illustrative. Even within Latin America, Chile, the nation which suffered the admitted human rights abuses of Pinochet, liberalized its economy under the 鈥淐hicago Boys鈥� and has higher living standards today and is a functioning democracy.
A much better thinker about Latin America, and a more gifted novelist, too, is Mario Vargas Llosa, who ran for president of Peru. His Sables y Utopias is infinitely more nuanced than Open Veins, saying, 鈥淟a globalizacion no es, por definicion, ni buena ni mala" ["globalization is neither good nor bad"], it is the result of many factors including technological and scientific advances, international business and capital flows, and interdependent world markets. (pg. 158). Vargas Llosa succinctly writes, 鈥淥bstaculos al desarrollo: nacionalismo, populismo, indigenismo, corrupcion.鈥� [鈥淥bstacles to development: nationalism, populism, indigenism, corruption.鈥漖
Indeed, Latin America has been ill-served by its governments, often the legacy of colonial Spain and stillborn reforms of Juarez, Bolivar and well-meaning others. Latin America has had far too many right-wing dictators and military juntas; it also experienced Peronist and Cardenas-style Leftist populism. More recently we saw the failure of Chavez and Maduro in Venezuela, who incredibly, brought shortages and economic depression, during an era of record oil prices, to the nation holding the world鈥檚 largest oil reserves!
For decades, rafts floated one direction in the Florida Straight: away from Cuba. Galeano never says a word about Latin Americans living in the United States. Is there not a lesson in the economic success of America鈥檚 ~70 million Hispanics, who enjoy a higher standard of living than Hispanics anywhere in Latin America? Take a Mexican or Cuban or Colombian and put him in New York City or Miami and he tends to thrive. Same people, same culture, but a very different economic and political system. Vargas-Llosa thought Peru could learn from Asian Tigers: democratic capitalist engines like South Korea. I do not quibble for a moment about the horrors of early Spanish colonization. Yet, Latin America is not the only place that was colonized, even brutally, and dwelling on 500 years ago won鈥檛 improve today. Korea succeeded despite Japan's far more recent colonialization of that peninsula.
Latin America needs the rule of law. The mordida lives and breeds cynicism, allowing narco cartels and criminal gangs to thrive from Venezuela to Tijuana. Mexico needs to stop scaring its entrepreneurs into migrating to the United States; Mexican-Americans are about 25 times more likely to own their own business, at least a legally registered one, than their relatives back in Mexico. Latin America needs property rights (another Peruvian, Hernando de Soto has written interestingly about the virtual impossibility of poor squatters in taking out even the most modest loan, which helped lead to the current popularity of microloans in developing nations). Latin America needs better education and learning focused in STEM (science, technology, engineering, mathematics). The continent has produced many great novelists and muralists, but Latin America would benefit from its own Bill Gates, Michael Dells, Jeff Bezos, and Sergey Brins. It is telling that Latin America鈥檚 richest man, Carlos Slim, while a skillful businessman, succeeded in the shadowy world of Latin American telecomm privatizations. Latin America has a few notable colleges, but it cannot even begin to compare to United States R&D (e.g., Caltech, Stanford, MIT, Harvard, Johns Hopkins, and most any large land-grant university). India, by comparison, created an excellent STEM program in the campuses of its Indian Institute of Technology.
Galeano鈥檚 solutions to Latin American problems are Marxism and protectionism. Sadly, filling the continent with socialist strongmen like Hugo Chavez would lead to another 500 years of pain and backwardness in Latin America.
How does one rate a book like this, which suffers from even a rudimentary understanding of economics (e.g. repeated assertions that individual corporations control prices, which is only true of monopolies) and lays every conceivable ill of Latin America at the doorstop of capitalism, Europe, the IMF, the United States, and Latin American liberal advocates of market economies and free trade? Score a 2 or 3 for Galeano writing in a lyrical way. I think of this as a story, rather than history. The first part, detailing the evils of colonialism and the European importation of millions of African slaves, is its best. The story goes downhill, deep into 1 tierra, as it drones on about American and British companies and the dictators they back supposedly destroying Latin America. Hence, Chavez's love of this book. There is no attempt at balance. Galeano gives individual names killed by a right-wing military in Guatemala, yet, there is not one word about those killed by Che and Castro in Cuba. This 1971 book and its 1978 update predate the worst of the Colombian FARC or the barbaric Communist Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path) rebellion that started in Peru in 1980. But, the author has not a word about Leftist killings in Colombia, Cuba, Bolivia, or anywhere else. I place this tale at 1.5 stars.
Galeano idolizes the Aztecs, Maya, and Incas. They had their accomplishments, indeed, but they were warlike, practiced human sacrifice, and enslaved other tribes. Cortez鈥檚 and Pizzaro鈥檚 tiny bands would have been forced into the sea if not for the ability to raise huge indigenous armies thirsty to overthrow Aztec and Incan hegemony. Without question, the Spanish, Dutch, Portuguese, and English mistreated the native peoples and African slaves. The greatest value of Open Veins is in the early pages, which hold nothing back when vividly describing Spanish enslavement of Indians to work in the gold and silver mines and to work the haciendas. The Spanish didn鈥檛 bring wives and took Indian women, at gunpoint if needed. Galeano fails to see the connection between early Spanish rule and the present, but other, more thoughtful authors have fingered the 鈥渕ordida鈥� (bribe) culture of colonial Spain and authoritarian, caudillo rule as continuing today in many Latin American countries.
Open Veins is not shy in its Marxist economic critique. Galeano gleefully flies in the face of mainstream economics with strident advocacy of protectionism. He is practically the last person alive to think communism was a rousing success in Cuba. The book suffers from a rudimentary understanding of economics. I found the frequent Marx and Lenin quotes jarring. Even the phrasing is Marxian. Most of Latin America saw the back of colonial Spain two centuries ago. In Galliano鈥檚 view, nothing changed with new 鈥渕asters鈥�, 鈥渋mperial鈥� England and the USA. There is, of course, great truth about Uncle Sam鈥檚 involvement in Latin America. Although, in typical fashion, Galeano exaggerates (鈥淢arines here, there, everywhere鈥�). I don鈥檛 pretend to be an expert on everything that ever happened in Latin America, but Open Veins doesn鈥檛 mesh with what I鈥檝e read elsewhere about the end of the Trujillo dictatorship in the Dominican Republic, Ford in the Amazon, Mexico, the Panama Canal, Walker in Nicaragua, and the like. In so many cases, there is a kernel of truth to European/American heavy handedness, but Galeano is like a steam-roller, using outlandish, emotional statements (e.g. seemingly voluntary economic transactions are actually 鈥減lunder鈥�, 鈥渄evastation鈥�, and 鈥渟lavery鈥�). There is absolutely nothing here about, say, Western medicine conquering malaria. Yankee 鈥済odless technology" built a leisure class of a fortunate few in Lima, Caracas, Buenos Aires, etc.
Galeano鈥檚 cluelessness shows through with statements like, of the Argentine capitalists, 鈥減roductivity is low because it suits them; the law of profit prevails over all overs.鈥� Actually, higher productivity drives higher profits; I doubt Argentinian capitalists want 鈥渓ow鈥� productivity. Low productivity may exist, but not because of a devious plot. He actually writes of 20 American aid organizations bringing 鈥渂irth control鈥� to the Amazon not to help the people- no, but to depopulate it so American economic interests can conquer Amazonia. As I said at the outset, Open Veins is more like a novel than a serious history.
Given that Galeano鈥檚 鈥渟olutions鈥� of socialism and protectionism have failed, what is better? He never even considers other developing nations, and even by 1980, a number of formerly colonized Asian nations were fast approaching developed world standards. Taiwan, South Korea, Singapore, and liberalizing China are illustrative. Even within Latin America, Chile, the nation which suffered the admitted human rights abuses of Pinochet, liberalized its economy under the 鈥淐hicago Boys鈥� and has higher living standards today and is a functioning democracy.
A much better thinker about Latin America, and a more gifted novelist, too, is Mario Vargas Llosa, who ran for president of Peru. His Sables y Utopias is infinitely more nuanced than Open Veins, saying, 鈥淟a globalizacion no es, por definicion, ni buena ni mala" ["globalization is neither good nor bad"], it is the result of many factors including technological and scientific advances, international business and capital flows, and interdependent world markets. (pg. 158). Vargas Llosa succinctly writes, 鈥淥bstaculos al desarrollo: nacionalismo, populismo, indigenismo, corrupcion.鈥� [鈥淥bstacles to development: nationalism, populism, indigenism, corruption.鈥漖
Indeed, Latin America has been ill-served by its governments, often the legacy of colonial Spain and stillborn reforms of Juarez, Bolivar and well-meaning others. Latin America has had far too many right-wing dictators and military juntas; it also experienced Peronist and Cardenas-style Leftist populism. More recently we saw the failure of Chavez and Maduro in Venezuela, who incredibly, brought shortages and economic depression, during an era of record oil prices, to the nation holding the world鈥檚 largest oil reserves!
For decades, rafts floated one direction in the Florida Straight: away from Cuba. Galeano never says a word about Latin Americans living in the United States. Is there not a lesson in the economic success of America鈥檚 ~70 million Hispanics, who enjoy a higher standard of living than Hispanics anywhere in Latin America? Take a Mexican or Cuban or Colombian and put him in New York City or Miami and he tends to thrive. Same people, same culture, but a very different economic and political system. Vargas-Llosa thought Peru could learn from Asian Tigers: democratic capitalist engines like South Korea. I do not quibble for a moment about the horrors of early Spanish colonization. Yet, Latin America is not the only place that was colonized, even brutally, and dwelling on 500 years ago won鈥檛 improve today. Korea succeeded despite Japan's far more recent colonialization of that peninsula.
Latin America needs the rule of law. The mordida lives and breeds cynicism, allowing narco cartels and criminal gangs to thrive from Venezuela to Tijuana. Mexico needs to stop scaring its entrepreneurs into migrating to the United States; Mexican-Americans are about 25 times more likely to own their own business, at least a legally registered one, than their relatives back in Mexico. Latin America needs property rights (another Peruvian, Hernando de Soto has written interestingly about the virtual impossibility of poor squatters in taking out even the most modest loan, which helped lead to the current popularity of microloans in developing nations). Latin America needs better education and learning focused in STEM (science, technology, engineering, mathematics). The continent has produced many great novelists and muralists, but Latin America would benefit from its own Bill Gates, Michael Dells, Jeff Bezos, and Sergey Brins. It is telling that Latin America鈥檚 richest man, Carlos Slim, while a skillful businessman, succeeded in the shadowy world of Latin American telecomm privatizations. Latin America has a few notable colleges, but it cannot even begin to compare to United States R&D (e.g., Caltech, Stanford, MIT, Harvard, Johns Hopkins, and most any large land-grant university). India, by comparison, created an excellent STEM program in the campuses of its Indian Institute of Technology.
Galeano鈥檚 solutions to Latin American problems are Marxism and protectionism. Sadly, filling the continent with socialist strongmen like Hugo Chavez would lead to another 500 years of pain and backwardness in Latin America.
June 9, 2023
.丕爻鬲賯氐丿 卮丕賮賷夭 廿賴丿丕亍 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱兀賵亘丕賲丕 賵丕賱鬲氐賵賷乇 賰賲丕 賷乇賮毓 丕賱氐亘賷 丕賱賲卮丕賰爻 兀氐亘毓賷賳 禺賱賮 乇兀爻 氐丿賷賯賴 賮賷 丕賱氐賵乇.
賱賲 賷賰賳 卮丕賮賷夭 賵丨丿賴 賲賳 丕丨鬲賮賶 亘賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘貙 亘賱 賰丕賳 賱賴 氐丿賶 賵丕爻毓 亘賷賳 兀賵爻丕胤 卮毓賵亘 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞. 賴賳丕賰 丕賱卮丕亘 丕賱匕賷 鬲噩賵賱 亘賷賳 丕賱賲賰鬲亘丕鬲 賵丕賱兀賰卮丕賰 賱賷賯乇兀 賲賯胤毓賻丕 賲賳賴 賮賷 賰賱 賲乇丞 丨賷孬 兀賳賴 賱丕 賷賲賱賰 孬賲賳賴. 賴賳丕賰 丕賱賮鬲丕丞 丕賱鬲賷 兀禺匕鬲 鬲賯乇兀 賲賳賴 丕賯鬲亘丕爻丕鬲 賮賷 丕賱丨丕賮賱丕鬲 丕賱毓丕賲丞 賱賷爻賲毓 丕賱噩賲賷毓貙 賵賱丕 賳賳爻賶 賰丕鬲亘丞 賲賯丿賲丞 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘: 丕賱噩賲賷賱丞 廿賷夭丕亘賷賱 丕賱賱賷賳丿賷 丕賱鬲賷 丕禺鬲丕乇鬲 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賰兀丨丿 丕賱賲賯鬲賳賷丕鬲 丕賱賯賱賷賱丞 丕賱鬲賷 賮乇鬲 亘賴丕 廿賱賶 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 亘毓丿 丕賱丕賳賯賱丕亘 丕賱毓爻賰乇賷 賮賷 鬲卮賷賱賷.
卮乇丕賷賷賳 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱噩賳賵亘賷丞 鬲鬲丿賮賯 賮賷賴丕 丕賱孬乇賵丕鬲 賲賳 匕賴亘 賵賮囟丞 賵賳賮胤 賵賯賴賵丞 賵賰丕賰丕賵. 賴匕丕 廿賱賶 噩丕賳亘 丕賱孬乇賵丞 丕賱亘卮乇賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲卮賰賱 賯賵丞 毓丕賲賱丞 乇禺賷氐丞 亘賱 賵賲噩丕賳賷丞 賮賷 亘毓囟 丕賱兀丨賷丕賳. 賱賱兀爻賮 賰賱 賴匕賴 丕賱卮乇丕賷賷賳 賱丕 鬲睾匕賷 丕賱噩爻丿 丕賱匕賷 賷丨賲賱賴丕 亘賱 鬲睾匕賷 賰丕卅賳丕鬲 鬲賲鬲氐賴丕 丿賵賳 鬲賵賯賮 賵亘賱丕 賴賵丕丿丞.
鬲賯乇兀 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賮鬲毓乇賮 賱賲 賯丕賲 丕賱賰孬賷乇賵賳 亘鬲亘賳賷 丕賱卮毓丕乇丕鬲 丕賱卮賷賵毓賷丞 亘丨賲丕爻丞貙 爻鬲鬲賮賴賲 賰孬賷乇賸丕 賰賱 賲賳 鬲毓氐亘 囟丿 丕賱廿賲亘乇賷丕賱賷丞 賵噩賳賾丿 丨賷丕鬲賴 賱賲賯丕賵賲鬲賴丕. 爻鬲毓乇賮 丕賱賰孬賷乇 毓賳 兀賱賵丕賳 噩賱丿 丕賱賲爻鬲毓賲乇 丕賱匕賷 賷睾賷乇賴丕 賮賷 賰賱 賲乇丞 賷乇賷丿 兀賳 賷乇鬲卮賮 賲賵丕乇丿賰 丕賱胤亘賷毓賷丞 丿賵賳 兀賳 賳賳鬲亘賴 兀賵 乇睾賲丕賸 毓賳 兀賳賮賰.
馗賴乇 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕乇 毓賱賶 卮賵丕胤卅 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賷丨賲賱 丕賱賴丿丕賷丕 丕賱鬲賷 鬲禺賮賷 丕賱亘賳丕丿賯貙 丨賵賾賱 丕賱兀賴丕賱賷 廿賱賶 毓亘賷丿 賵賳賴亘 賲賳 丕賱匕賴亘 兀胤賳丕賳丕 兀賳毓卮鬲 丕賯鬲氐丕丿 兀賵乇賵亘丕 賱毓賯賵丿. 丕賱毓噩賷亘 兀賳 兀爻亘丕賳賷丕 賱賲 鬲爻鬲賮丿 賲賳 賰賱 丕賱賰賳賵夭 丕賱鬲賷 賴乇亘鬲賴丕 亘賱 賰丕賳鬲 鬲丿賮毓 亘賴丕 賱賱丿賵賱 丕賱兀賵乇賵亘賷丞 丕賱兀禺乇賶 丕賱鬲賷 鬲夭丿賴乇 亘賴丕 丕賱氐賳丕毓丞 賵鬲丨鬲賰乇 丕賱鬲賵乇賷丿. 賵丕賱兀毓噩亘 賲賳 匕賱賰 兀賳 丕賱孬乇賵丕鬲 丕爻鬲購賳賮丿鬲 賱丿乇噩丞 兀賳 賴賳丕賰 賲丿賳賸丕 兀氐亘丨鬲 賲賴噩賵乇丞 亘毓丿 兀賳 賮乇睾鬲 亘胤賵賳 賲賳丕噩賲賴丕.
丕爻鬲賲乇 丕賱賮丕乇爻 丕賱賲爻鬲毓賲乇 賮賷 氐賵賱丕鬲賴 毓賱賶 氐賴賵丞 丕賱丨賰賵賲丕鬲 丕賱賮丕爻丿丞. 鬲賱賰 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賴亘賴 丨賯賵賯 丕賱鬲賳賯賷亘 丿賵賳 孬賲賳 賵鬲爻禺賾乇 賱賴 賲丕賷卮丕亍 賲賳 毓賲賾丕賱 亘丕賱兀噩賵乇 丕賱鬲賷 賷丨丿丿賴丕 賵亘爻丕毓丕鬲 丕賱毓賲賱 丕賱鬲賷 賷賲賱賷賴丕. 賵廿匕丕 噩丕亍鬲 丨賰賵賲丞 亘囟賲賷乇 賲鬲賷賯馗 賳賵毓丕 賲丕 賵賮賰乇鬲 賲噩乇丿 鬲賮賰賷乇 兀賳 鬲爻鬲賯賱 亘匕丕鬲賴丕貙 賮賴賳丕賰 毓氐丕 丕賱廿賳賯賱丕亘丕鬲 丕賱毓爻賰乇賷丞貙 賳賮爻 丕賱賯氐丞 鬲鬲賰乇乇 賮賷 賰賱 賲乇丞貙 兀賳賴丕乇 賲賳 丕賱丿賲丕亍 賵賯鬲賱賶 賲賳 丕賱賲賵丕胤賳賷賳 賮賷 賰賱 噩丕賳亘 孬賲 賷鬲賲 鬲鬲賵賷噩 兀丨丿 丕賱噩賳乇丕賱丕鬲 丕賱匕賷 賷爻鬲禺丿賲 丕賱爻賵胤 賲毓 賲賵丕胤賳賷賴 賵購賷賴丿賷 賰賱 丕賱噩賻夭乇 賱賱賲爻鬲毓賲乇.
賱賲 賵賱賳 鬲鬲賵賯賮 兀賱丕毓賷亘 丕賱毓丕賱賲 丕賱賲鬲賯丿賲貙 賴賳丕賰 丕賱亘賳賵賰 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賴亘 丕賱賯乇賵囟 亘卮乇賵胤賴丕 丕賱禺丕氐丞 噩丿丕 賵鬲毓賲賱 賰賱 賲丕亘賵爻毓賴丕 賱鬲囟禺賷賲 丕賱毓賲賱丞. 賴賳丕賰 兀賷囟丕賸 鬲卮賰賷賱丞 賲賳 丕賱賲賳馗賲丕鬲 丕賱鬲賷 賱丕 鬲毓乇賮 爻賵賶 丕賱丕鬲賮丕賯賷丕鬲 丕賱鬲賷 鬲囟賲賳 丕賳爻丨丕亘 丕賱賲賵丕丿 丕賱禺丕賲 賲賳 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱賮賯賷乇丞 亘兀乇禺氐 丕賱兀孬賲丕賳 賱賷鬲賲 鬲氐賳賷毓賴丕 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱睾賳賷丞 賵賲賳 孬賲 亘賷毓賴丕 亘兀爻毓丕乇 賲賳丕賮爻丞貙 賵賲賳 丕賱賲丨鬲賲賱 兀賳 賷賰賵賳 丕賱賲卮鬲乇賷 賴賵 氐丕丨亘 丕賱賲丕丿丞 丕賱禺丕賲 賳賮爻賴.
賮賷 丕賱賳賴丕賷丞 賱丕 亘丿 兀賳 鬲卮賰乇 賴匕丕 "丕賱噩賳鬲賱賲丕賳" 丕賱匕賷 兀賵賱賶 兀乇囟賰 賵亘賳賷 賯賵賲賰 賰賱 賴匕丕 丕賱丕賴鬲賲丕賲. 賮賴賵 賲丕 噩丕亍 廿賱賶 亘賱丕丿賰 廿賱丕 賰賷 賷禺乇噩 兀賴賱賴丕 賲賳 丕賱馗賱賲丕鬲 廿賱賶 丕賱賳賵乇貙 兀賵 賱賷氐賳毓 氐賳丕丿賷賯 丕賱丕賯鬲乇丕毓貙 兀賵 賷賴亘賰 賲毓賵賳丕鬲 賲丕賱賷丞 丿賵賳 賲賯丕亘賱 兀賵 賷賯賷賲 賲卮丕乇賷毓 鬲毓賵丿 亘丕賱賳賮毓 毓賱賶 毓賲賵賲 丕賱亘卮乇賷丞.
匕賰乇賳賷 賲丨鬲賵賶 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘亘毓囟 賲丕賵乇丿 賮賷 毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞 丨賷孬 賷鬲賲 賮囟丨 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿 丕賱賳賷賵賱亘乇丕賱賷 丕賱匕賷 賷禺賮賷 丕賱賰孬賷乇 禺賱賮 丕亘鬲爻丕賲鬲賴 賵乇亘胤丞 毓賳賯賴 丕賱兀賳賷賯丞. 賱丕 卮賰 兀賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲購乇 賵賷爻亘亘 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱丕賰鬲卅丕亘 賵丕賱廿丨亘丕胤貙 賮賱賷爻 賵丕賯毓賳丕 毓賳 賵丕賯毓 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 亘亘毓賷丿貙 賵賱賷爻 孬賲丞 亘氐賷氐 賲賳 丕賱賳賵乇 賮賷 丌禺乇 丕賱賳賮賯. 賵賱賰賳 賱賱賲毓乇賮丞 孬賲賳 賱丕亘丿 賲賳 丿賮毓賴貙 賵賮鬲丨 丕賱毓賷賳賷賾賳 禺賷乇 賲賳 廿胤亘丕賯 丕賱噩賮賳賷賳 亘賷賳賲丕 賷鬲毓乇囟 噩賷亘賰 賱賱賳卮賱.
亘丕賱乇睾賲 賲賳 賱睾丞 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘爻賷胤丞 賵賱丕 鬲毓噩賾 亘丕賱鬲毓賯賷丿丕鬲 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞貙 廿賱丕 兀賳賳賷 丕賮鬲賯丿鬲 乇賵丨 睾丕賱賷丕賳賵 丕賱鬲賷 賱賲爻鬲賴丕 賮賷 "賲乇丕賷丕 賲丕 賷卮亘賴 鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱毓丕賱賲"貙 丕賱賱睾丞 氐丨賮賷丞 兀賰孬乇 賲賳賴丕 兀丿亘賷丞貙 賲毓 丕賱賯賱賷賱 噩丿丕賸 賲賳 丕賱賯氐氐 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳賷丞 賵丕賱毓亘丕乇丕鬲 丕賱亘賱賷睾丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賲賷夭 睾丕賱賷丕賳賵. 兀禺賷乇賸丕 賷鬲亘丕丿乇 廿賱賶 匕賴賳賷 賳賮爻 丕賱爻丐丕賱 賮賷 賰賱 賲乇丞: 鬲乇賶 賴賱 丕賱賳禺亘丞 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 賮賷 亘賱丿丕賳賳丕 丕賱賳丕賲賷丞 鬲賯乇兀責
賱賲 賷賰賳 卮丕賮賷夭 賵丨丿賴 賲賳 丕丨鬲賮賶 亘賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘貙 亘賱 賰丕賳 賱賴 氐丿賶 賵丕爻毓 亘賷賳 兀賵爻丕胤 卮毓賵亘 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞. 賴賳丕賰 丕賱卮丕亘 丕賱匕賷 鬲噩賵賱 亘賷賳 丕賱賲賰鬲亘丕鬲 賵丕賱兀賰卮丕賰 賱賷賯乇兀 賲賯胤毓賻丕 賲賳賴 賮賷 賰賱 賲乇丞 丨賷孬 兀賳賴 賱丕 賷賲賱賰 孬賲賳賴. 賴賳丕賰 丕賱賮鬲丕丞 丕賱鬲賷 兀禺匕鬲 鬲賯乇兀 賲賳賴 丕賯鬲亘丕爻丕鬲 賮賷 丕賱丨丕賮賱丕鬲 丕賱毓丕賲丞 賱賷爻賲毓 丕賱噩賲賷毓貙 賵賱丕 賳賳爻賶 賰丕鬲亘丞 賲賯丿賲丞 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘: 丕賱噩賲賷賱丞 廿賷夭丕亘賷賱 丕賱賱賷賳丿賷 丕賱鬲賷 丕禺鬲丕乇鬲 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賰兀丨丿 丕賱賲賯鬲賳賷丕鬲 丕賱賯賱賷賱丞 丕賱鬲賷 賮乇鬲 亘賴丕 廿賱賶 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 亘毓丿 丕賱丕賳賯賱丕亘 丕賱毓爻賰乇賷 賮賷 鬲卮賷賱賷.
卮乇丕賷賷賳 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱噩賳賵亘賷丞 鬲鬲丿賮賯 賮賷賴丕 丕賱孬乇賵丕鬲 賲賳 匕賴亘 賵賮囟丞 賵賳賮胤 賵賯賴賵丞 賵賰丕賰丕賵. 賴匕丕 廿賱賶 噩丕賳亘 丕賱孬乇賵丞 丕賱亘卮乇賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲卮賰賱 賯賵丞 毓丕賲賱丞 乇禺賷氐丞 亘賱 賵賲噩丕賳賷丞 賮賷 亘毓囟 丕賱兀丨賷丕賳. 賱賱兀爻賮 賰賱 賴匕賴 丕賱卮乇丕賷賷賳 賱丕 鬲睾匕賷 丕賱噩爻丿 丕賱匕賷 賷丨賲賱賴丕 亘賱 鬲睾匕賷 賰丕卅賳丕鬲 鬲賲鬲氐賴丕 丿賵賳 鬲賵賯賮 賵亘賱丕 賴賵丕丿丞.
鬲賯乇兀 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賮鬲毓乇賮 賱賲 賯丕賲 丕賱賰孬賷乇賵賳 亘鬲亘賳賷 丕賱卮毓丕乇丕鬲 丕賱卮賷賵毓賷丞 亘丨賲丕爻丞貙 爻鬲鬲賮賴賲 賰孬賷乇賸丕 賰賱 賲賳 鬲毓氐亘 囟丿 丕賱廿賲亘乇賷丕賱賷丞 賵噩賳賾丿 丨賷丕鬲賴 賱賲賯丕賵賲鬲賴丕. 爻鬲毓乇賮 丕賱賰孬賷乇 毓賳 兀賱賵丕賳 噩賱丿 丕賱賲爻鬲毓賲乇 丕賱匕賷 賷睾賷乇賴丕 賮賷 賰賱 賲乇丞 賷乇賷丿 兀賳 賷乇鬲卮賮 賲賵丕乇丿賰 丕賱胤亘賷毓賷丞 丿賵賳 兀賳 賳賳鬲亘賴 兀賵 乇睾賲丕賸 毓賳 兀賳賮賰.
馗賴乇 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕乇 毓賱賶 卮賵丕胤卅 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賷丨賲賱 丕賱賴丿丕賷丕 丕賱鬲賷 鬲禺賮賷 丕賱亘賳丕丿賯貙 丨賵賾賱 丕賱兀賴丕賱賷 廿賱賶 毓亘賷丿 賵賳賴亘 賲賳 丕賱匕賴亘 兀胤賳丕賳丕 兀賳毓卮鬲 丕賯鬲氐丕丿 兀賵乇賵亘丕 賱毓賯賵丿. 丕賱毓噩賷亘 兀賳 兀爻亘丕賳賷丕 賱賲 鬲爻鬲賮丿 賲賳 賰賱 丕賱賰賳賵夭 丕賱鬲賷 賴乇亘鬲賴丕 亘賱 賰丕賳鬲 鬲丿賮毓 亘賴丕 賱賱丿賵賱 丕賱兀賵乇賵亘賷丞 丕賱兀禺乇賶 丕賱鬲賷 鬲夭丿賴乇 亘賴丕 丕賱氐賳丕毓丞 賵鬲丨鬲賰乇 丕賱鬲賵乇賷丿. 賵丕賱兀毓噩亘 賲賳 匕賱賰 兀賳 丕賱孬乇賵丕鬲 丕爻鬲購賳賮丿鬲 賱丿乇噩丞 兀賳 賴賳丕賰 賲丿賳賸丕 兀氐亘丨鬲 賲賴噩賵乇丞 亘毓丿 兀賳 賮乇睾鬲 亘胤賵賳 賲賳丕噩賲賴丕.
丕爻鬲賲乇 丕賱賮丕乇爻 丕賱賲爻鬲毓賲乇 賮賷 氐賵賱丕鬲賴 毓賱賶 氐賴賵丞 丕賱丨賰賵賲丕鬲 丕賱賮丕爻丿丞. 鬲賱賰 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賴亘賴 丨賯賵賯 丕賱鬲賳賯賷亘 丿賵賳 孬賲賳 賵鬲爻禺賾乇 賱賴 賲丕賷卮丕亍 賲賳 毓賲賾丕賱 亘丕賱兀噩賵乇 丕賱鬲賷 賷丨丿丿賴丕 賵亘爻丕毓丕鬲 丕賱毓賲賱 丕賱鬲賷 賷賲賱賷賴丕. 賵廿匕丕 噩丕亍鬲 丨賰賵賲丞 亘囟賲賷乇 賲鬲賷賯馗 賳賵毓丕 賲丕 賵賮賰乇鬲 賲噩乇丿 鬲賮賰賷乇 兀賳 鬲爻鬲賯賱 亘匕丕鬲賴丕貙 賮賴賳丕賰 毓氐丕 丕賱廿賳賯賱丕亘丕鬲 丕賱毓爻賰乇賷丞貙 賳賮爻 丕賱賯氐丞 鬲鬲賰乇乇 賮賷 賰賱 賲乇丞貙 兀賳賴丕乇 賲賳 丕賱丿賲丕亍 賵賯鬲賱賶 賲賳 丕賱賲賵丕胤賳賷賳 賮賷 賰賱 噩丕賳亘 孬賲 賷鬲賲 鬲鬲賵賷噩 兀丨丿 丕賱噩賳乇丕賱丕鬲 丕賱匕賷 賷爻鬲禺丿賲 丕賱爻賵胤 賲毓 賲賵丕胤賳賷賴 賵購賷賴丿賷 賰賱 丕賱噩賻夭乇 賱賱賲爻鬲毓賲乇.
賱賲 賵賱賳 鬲鬲賵賯賮 兀賱丕毓賷亘 丕賱毓丕賱賲 丕賱賲鬲賯丿賲貙 賴賳丕賰 丕賱亘賳賵賰 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賴亘 丕賱賯乇賵囟 亘卮乇賵胤賴丕 丕賱禺丕氐丞 噩丿丕 賵鬲毓賲賱 賰賱 賲丕亘賵爻毓賴丕 賱鬲囟禺賷賲 丕賱毓賲賱丞. 賴賳丕賰 兀賷囟丕賸 鬲卮賰賷賱丞 賲賳 丕賱賲賳馗賲丕鬲 丕賱鬲賷 賱丕 鬲毓乇賮 爻賵賶 丕賱丕鬲賮丕賯賷丕鬲 丕賱鬲賷 鬲囟賲賳 丕賳爻丨丕亘 丕賱賲賵丕丿 丕賱禺丕賲 賲賳 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱賮賯賷乇丞 亘兀乇禺氐 丕賱兀孬賲丕賳 賱賷鬲賲 鬲氐賳賷毓賴丕 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱睾賳賷丞 賵賲賳 孬賲 亘賷毓賴丕 亘兀爻毓丕乇 賲賳丕賮爻丞貙 賵賲賳 丕賱賲丨鬲賲賱 兀賳 賷賰賵賳 丕賱賲卮鬲乇賷 賴賵 氐丕丨亘 丕賱賲丕丿丞 丕賱禺丕賲 賳賮爻賴.
賮賷 丕賱賳賴丕賷丞 賱丕 亘丿 兀賳 鬲卮賰乇 賴匕丕 "丕賱噩賳鬲賱賲丕賳" 丕賱匕賷 兀賵賱賶 兀乇囟賰 賵亘賳賷 賯賵賲賰 賰賱 賴匕丕 丕賱丕賴鬲賲丕賲. 賮賴賵 賲丕 噩丕亍 廿賱賶 亘賱丕丿賰 廿賱丕 賰賷 賷禺乇噩 兀賴賱賴丕 賲賳 丕賱馗賱賲丕鬲 廿賱賶 丕賱賳賵乇貙 兀賵 賱賷氐賳毓 氐賳丕丿賷賯 丕賱丕賯鬲乇丕毓貙 兀賵 賷賴亘賰 賲毓賵賳丕鬲 賲丕賱賷丞 丿賵賳 賲賯丕亘賱 兀賵 賷賯賷賲 賲卮丕乇賷毓 鬲毓賵丿 亘丕賱賳賮毓 毓賱賶 毓賲賵賲 丕賱亘卮乇賷丞.
匕賰乇賳賷 賲丨鬲賵賶 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘亘毓囟 賲丕賵乇丿 賮賷 毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞 丨賷孬 賷鬲賲 賮囟丨 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿 丕賱賳賷賵賱亘乇丕賱賷 丕賱匕賷 賷禺賮賷 丕賱賰孬賷乇 禺賱賮 丕亘鬲爻丕賲鬲賴 賵乇亘胤丞 毓賳賯賴 丕賱兀賳賷賯丞. 賱丕 卮賰 兀賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲購乇 賵賷爻亘亘 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱丕賰鬲卅丕亘 賵丕賱廿丨亘丕胤貙 賮賱賷爻 賵丕賯毓賳丕 毓賳 賵丕賯毓 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 亘亘毓賷丿貙 賵賱賷爻 孬賲丞 亘氐賷氐 賲賳 丕賱賳賵乇 賮賷 丌禺乇 丕賱賳賮賯. 賵賱賰賳 賱賱賲毓乇賮丞 孬賲賳 賱丕亘丿 賲賳 丿賮毓賴貙 賵賮鬲丨 丕賱毓賷賳賷賾賳 禺賷乇 賲賳 廿胤亘丕賯 丕賱噩賮賳賷賳 亘賷賳賲丕 賷鬲毓乇囟 噩賷亘賰 賱賱賳卮賱.
亘丕賱乇睾賲 賲賳 賱睾丞 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘爻賷胤丞 賵賱丕 鬲毓噩賾 亘丕賱鬲毓賯賷丿丕鬲 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞貙 廿賱丕 兀賳賳賷 丕賮鬲賯丿鬲 乇賵丨 睾丕賱賷丕賳賵 丕賱鬲賷 賱賲爻鬲賴丕 賮賷 "賲乇丕賷丕 賲丕 賷卮亘賴 鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱毓丕賱賲"貙 丕賱賱睾丞 氐丨賮賷丞 兀賰孬乇 賲賳賴丕 兀丿亘賷丞貙 賲毓 丕賱賯賱賷賱 噩丿丕賸 賲賳 丕賱賯氐氐 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳賷丞 賵丕賱毓亘丕乇丕鬲 丕賱亘賱賷睾丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賲賷夭 睾丕賱賷丕賳賵. 兀禺賷乇賸丕 賷鬲亘丕丿乇 廿賱賶 匕賴賳賷 賳賮爻 丕賱爻丐丕賱 賮賷 賰賱 賲乇丞: 鬲乇賶 賴賱 丕賱賳禺亘丞 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 賮賷 亘賱丿丕賳賳丕 丕賱賳丕賲賷丞 鬲賯乇兀責
July 10, 2016
丕賱卮乇丕賷賷賳 丕賱賲賮鬲賵丨丞 賱兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞
賰鬲亘 睾丕賱賷丕賳賵 賰鬲丕亘賴 賴匕丕 賮賷 丕賱爻亘毓賷賳丕鬲貙 賱賷賮囟丨 賲賳 禺賱丕賱賴 賲丕 鬲毓乇囟鬲 賵賲丕 鬲鬲毓乇囟 賱賴 丕賱賯丕乇丞 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 丕賱噩賳賵亘賷丞 賲賳 丕丨鬲賱丕賱 賵丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱 賲爻鬲賲乇賷賳貙 賲賳匕 丕賱丕賰鬲卮丕賮 賵丕賱丕爻鬲賷胤丕賳 丕賱兀賵乇賵亘賷 賵丨鬲賶 兀夭賲賳丞 丕賱賴賷賲賳丞 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞貙 賰賷賮 賷鬲賲 爻丨賯 卮毓賵亘 丕賱賲賳胤賯丞 賱乇賮丕賴賷丞 丕賱廿爻亘丕賳 賵丕賱亘乇鬲睾丕賱賷賷賳貙 賵賲賳 孬賲 丕賱廿賳噩賱賷夭 賵丕賱兀賲乇賷賰丕賳貙 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賴賲 噩丿丕賸 賮賷 賰卮賮 丕賱丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕乇賷丞 丕賱賲亘丕卮乇丞 兀賵 丕賱禺賮賷丞貙 乇亘賲丕 賱賴匕丕 兀賴丿丕賴 鬲卮丕賮賷夭 賱亘丕乇丕賰 兀賵亘丕賲丕 毓賳丿賲丕 丕賱鬲賯丕賴 亘毓丿 丕賳鬲禺丕亘賴貙 賲賲丕 噩毓賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷鬲氐丿乇 丕賱賲亘賷毓丕鬲 賱賮鬲乇丞.
賰鬲亘 睾丕賱賷丕賳賵 賰鬲丕亘賴 賴匕丕 賮賷 丕賱爻亘毓賷賳丕鬲貙 賱賷賮囟丨 賲賳 禺賱丕賱賴 賲丕 鬲毓乇囟鬲 賵賲丕 鬲鬲毓乇囟 賱賴 丕賱賯丕乇丞 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 丕賱噩賳賵亘賷丞 賲賳 丕丨鬲賱丕賱 賵丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱 賲爻鬲賲乇賷賳貙 賲賳匕 丕賱丕賰鬲卮丕賮 賵丕賱丕爻鬲賷胤丕賳 丕賱兀賵乇賵亘賷 賵丨鬲賶 兀夭賲賳丞 丕賱賴賷賲賳丞 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞貙 賰賷賮 賷鬲賲 爻丨賯 卮毓賵亘 丕賱賲賳胤賯丞 賱乇賮丕賴賷丞 丕賱廿爻亘丕賳 賵丕賱亘乇鬲睾丕賱賷賷賳貙 賵賲賳 孬賲 丕賱廿賳噩賱賷夭 賵丕賱兀賲乇賷賰丕賳貙 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賴賲 噩丿丕賸 賮賷 賰卮賮 丕賱丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕乇賷丞 丕賱賲亘丕卮乇丞 兀賵 丕賱禺賮賷丞貙 乇亘賲丕 賱賴匕丕 兀賴丿丕賴 鬲卮丕賮賷夭 賱亘丕乇丕賰 兀賵亘丕賲丕 毓賳丿賲丕 丕賱鬲賯丕賴 亘毓丿 丕賳鬲禺丕亘賴貙 賲賲丕 噩毓賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷鬲氐丿乇 丕賱賲亘賷毓丕鬲 賱賮鬲乇丞.
May 17, 2025
This guy writes fiction likes it's non-fiction and non-fiction likes it's fiction. He blends in and out better than anyone I know of. What beauty, what poetry, what defiance, what anger, what celebration, what satire, what humour. Sheer brilliance. Oh, and he does his research too.
Recommended related readings: Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Exterminate All the Brutes.
Recommended related readings: Pedagogy of the Oppressed, Exterminate All the Brutes.
July 4, 2017
Este libro es lectura obligatoria para cualquier latinoamericano. Narra de una forma muy interesante la historia de nuestros pa铆ses, escencial para entender porqu茅 Latinoam茅rica naci贸 pobre y sigue siendo pobre. Me gust贸 m谩s la primera mitad del libro; la segunda es un poco pesada y la cantidad de datos es abrumadora.
August 6, 2020
4.5/5
Veamos, no es una lectura f谩cil de digerir ni entretenida. Hubo un momento en que se me hizo bastante pesada, porque quer铆a procesar todo lo que me dec铆a e, idealmente, aprender. Es nuestra historia, el por qu茅 Am茅rica Latina es c贸mo es. El libro explica que nos metieron en una carrera en la que ni siquiera ten铆amos posibilidades de cruzar la l铆nea de meta en 煤ltimo lugar.
Me puso indescriptiblemente triste y furiosa por la frustraci贸n, no s茅 de qu茅 otra forma decirlo. El libro se public贸 en 1970 y hay un apartado escrito en 1978. 驴Las cosas mejoraron? Es dif铆cil de decirlo, sobre todo en Chile que el a帽o pasado tuvimos que salir a las calles a reclamar por un sistema que nos consum铆a, nos volv铆a pobres y nuestro trabajo sustentaba las ganancias de los mismos de siempre. Me gustar铆a creer que aprendimos, pero est谩 por verse si gana, en un par de a帽os, el candidato que los matinales tan descaradamente hacen campa帽a.
No s茅 qu茅 decir del ensayo, es asqueroso (lo que dice, no la forma). Estoy asqueada de las personas, de los pa铆ses y de que b谩sicamente consigui茅ramos la "libertad" para solo ser el sustento de las riquezas de los pa铆ses europeos y de Estados Unidos. Es triste ver el c贸mo lograron que compiti茅ramos entre nosotros (pa铆ses latinoamericanos) mientras ellos se llevaban las verdaderas ganancias de las guerras.
Galeano logra hacer bastante digerible la informaci贸n, con un lenguaje sencillo y sin darse vueltas dice lo que tiene que decir. No hay palabras complicadas de sociolog铆a ni de econom铆a. Como dice el mismo autor, es un libro escrito por alguien no especializado para un p煤blico no especializado y cumple con ello.
A pesar de lo oscuro que es leer esta especie de cr贸nica del continuo robo de las riquezas de Am茅rica Latina, tambi茅n hay toque de esperanza. En el sentido de que se han podido hacer cambios, que estos fueran luego bloqueados y atacados por ciertos pa铆ses es otra cosa. Pero se puede hacer. El secreto est谩 en que los pa铆ses latinoamericanos sean gobernados por personas cuyos intereses est茅n en estos pa铆ses, no en los negocios que puedan hacer por debajo de la mesa con las potencias. Lo que debe sumarse a un trabajo conjunto con los dem谩s vecinos de la regi贸n. Es dif铆cil, casi imposible, pero si algo aprendimos del a帽o anterior es que es el inicio de ese camino o ver arder todo, porque ya estamos cansados.
La mejor forma de resumir la historia de Am茅rica Latina y cerrar esta "rese帽a" es esta:
Veamos, no es una lectura f谩cil de digerir ni entretenida. Hubo un momento en que se me hizo bastante pesada, porque quer铆a procesar todo lo que me dec铆a e, idealmente, aprender. Es nuestra historia, el por qu茅 Am茅rica Latina es c贸mo es. El libro explica que nos metieron en una carrera en la que ni siquiera ten铆amos posibilidades de cruzar la l铆nea de meta en 煤ltimo lugar.
Me puso indescriptiblemente triste y furiosa por la frustraci贸n, no s茅 de qu茅 otra forma decirlo. El libro se public贸 en 1970 y hay un apartado escrito en 1978. 驴Las cosas mejoraron? Es dif铆cil de decirlo, sobre todo en Chile que el a帽o pasado tuvimos que salir a las calles a reclamar por un sistema que nos consum铆a, nos volv铆a pobres y nuestro trabajo sustentaba las ganancias de los mismos de siempre. Me gustar铆a creer que aprendimos, pero est谩 por verse si gana, en un par de a帽os, el candidato que los matinales tan descaradamente hacen campa帽a.
No s茅 qu茅 decir del ensayo, es asqueroso (lo que dice, no la forma). Estoy asqueada de las personas, de los pa铆ses y de que b谩sicamente consigui茅ramos la "libertad" para solo ser el sustento de las riquezas de los pa铆ses europeos y de Estados Unidos. Es triste ver el c贸mo lograron que compiti茅ramos entre nosotros (pa铆ses latinoamericanos) mientras ellos se llevaban las verdaderas ganancias de las guerras.
En la actualidad, cualquiera de las corporaciones multinacionales opera con mayor coherencia y sentido de unidad que este conjunto de islas que es Am茅rica Latina, desgarrada por tantas fronteras y tantas incomunicaciones. 驴Qu茅 integraci贸n pueden realizar, entre s铆, pa铆ses que ni siquiera se han integrado por dentro?
Galeano logra hacer bastante digerible la informaci贸n, con un lenguaje sencillo y sin darse vueltas dice lo que tiene que decir. No hay palabras complicadas de sociolog铆a ni de econom铆a. Como dice el mismo autor, es un libro escrito por alguien no especializado para un p煤blico no especializado y cumple con ello.
A pesar de lo oscuro que es leer esta especie de cr贸nica del continuo robo de las riquezas de Am茅rica Latina, tambi茅n hay toque de esperanza. En el sentido de que se han podido hacer cambios, que estos fueran luego bloqueados y atacados por ciertos pa铆ses es otra cosa. Pero se puede hacer. El secreto est谩 en que los pa铆ses latinoamericanos sean gobernados por personas cuyos intereses est茅n en estos pa铆ses, no en los negocios que puedan hacer por debajo de la mesa con las potencias. Lo que debe sumarse a un trabajo conjunto con los dem谩s vecinos de la regi贸n. Es dif铆cil, casi imposible, pero si algo aprendimos del a帽o anterior es que es el inicio de ese camino o ver arder todo, porque ya estamos cansados.
La mejor forma de resumir la historia de Am茅rica Latina y cerrar esta "rese帽a" es esta:
Los latinoamericanos somos pobres porque es rico el suelo que pisamos y los lugares privilegiados por la naturaleza han sido malditos por la historia.
February 7, 2017
This is an agonizingly lucid account of the of colonisation and depredation of a continent. Beginning with the continuing genocide of the native population, seguing into the advent of slavery and its replacement with hunger wages for the same back-breaking (or in the case of the mines, lung-destroying) 鈥渨ork鈥� as the slaves were forced to carry out, and concluding with the neocolonial extraction of Latin American resources by the USA and Europe; whatever Latin America makes, he argues, its main export is cheap labour. Corporate vampires and their helpers (the US government, local dictators, the IMF and World Bank) are thoroughly indicted. Galeano also takes care to mention the many uprisings and resistance fighters and the violence they were met with, and also success stories like Cuba. Essential reading.
There are always politicians and technocrats ready to show that the invasion of 鈥渋ndustrialising鈥� foreign capital benefits the area invaded. In this version , the new-model imperialism comes on a geuinely civilizing mission, is a blessing to the dominated countries, and the true-love declarations by the dominant power of the moment are its real intentions. Guilty consciences are ths relieved of the need for alibis, for no one is guilty:, today鈥檚 imperialism radiates techology and progress, and even the use of this old, unpleasant word to define it is in bad taste. But when imperialism begins exalting its own virtues we should take a look in our pockets. We find that the new model does not make its colonies more prosperous, although it enriches their poles of development; it does not ease social and regional tensions, but aggravates them; it spreads poverty even more widely and concentrates wealth even more narrowly; it pays wages twenty times lower than in Detroit and charges prices three times higher than in New York; it takes over the internal market and the mainsprings of the productive apparatus; it assumes proprietary rights to chart the course and fix the frontiers of progress; it controls national credit and orients external trade at its whim; it denationalises not only industry but the profits earned by industry; it fosters the waste of resources by diverting a large part of the economic surplus abroad; it does not bring in capital for investment but takes it out.
September 7, 2019
賷乇氐丿 廿丿賵丕乇丿賵 睾丕賱賷丕賳賵 賮賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 鬲丕乇賷禺 賳賴亘 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞貙 賳賴亘 孬乇賵丕鬲賴丕 賵禺賷乇丕鬲賴丕 賵賰賳賵夭賴丕貙 廿亘丕丿丞 卮毓賵亘賴丕 賵賯亘丕卅賱賴丕貙 丕爻鬲賳夭丕賮 丕賱兀乇囟 賵丕賱廿賳爻丕賳.
卮毓賵乇 卮丿賷丿 亘丕賱賯賴乇 鬲賲賱賾賰賳賷 賵兀賳丕 丕賯乇兀 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘. 孬賵乇丕鬲 兀購禺賲丿鬲貙 賵兀亘胤丕賱 鬲賲 鬲卮賵賷賴 氐賵乇賴賲 賵鬲丨賵賷賱賴賲 賯胤丕毓丕賸 賱賱胤乇賯貙 賵賰賱 賴匕丕 亘爻亘亘 賵賯賵賮賴賲 賮賷 賵噩賴 賯賵賶 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕乇 賵丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞. 禺賷丕賳丕鬲 賱丕 丨氐乇 賱賴丕. 賰乇賴鬲 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 兀賰孬乇 賲賲丕 賰賳鬲 兀賰乇賴賴丕 賱賲丕 丕賯鬲乇賮鬲賴 賵賲丕 夭丕賱鬲 鬲賯鬲乇賮賴 賲賳 賳賴亘 賵丕爻鬲賷賱丕亍 賱孬乇賵丕鬲 丕賱卮毓賵亘 亘丕爻賲 丕賱丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷丞 賵丕賱丨乇賷丞 賵鬲丨乇賷乇 丕賱兀爻賵丕賯. 賰乇賴鬲 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷 丕賱丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱賷 兀賰孬乇. 賮賰賲 卮乇賰丞 毓丕亘乇丞 賱賱賯丕乇丕鬲 亘購賳賷鬲 毓賱賶 賳賴亘 兀乇丕囟 丕賱卮毓賵亘貙 賰賲 睾丕亘丞 兀賵 賲賵乇丿 胤亘賷毓賷 丕爻購鬲賳夭賮 賱鬲兀爻賷爻賴丕貙 賵賰賲 乇氐賷丿 亘賳賰賷 賱乇噩賱 兀毓賲丕賱 卮賴賷乇 賲鬲禺賲 亘賲賱賷丕乇丕鬲 丕賱丿賵賱丕乇丕鬲 兀購賳卮卅 賲賳 毓乇賯 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳 賵丕爻鬲毓亘丕丿賴責!
兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 毓丕賳鬲 賰孬賷乇丕賸 賵賳丨賳 賮賷 亘賱丿丕賳賳丕 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 賱丕 賳禺鬲賱賮 毓賳賴賲 亘卮賷亍. 賲丕囟賺 賲丐賱賲 賵賵丕賯毓 兀卮丿 廿賷賱丕賲丕賸 賵賱丕 兀馗賳 丕賱賲爻鬲賯亘賱 爻賷賰賵賳 賲禺鬲賱賮丕賸 賲丕 賱賲 賳毓賷 鈥� 賰卮毓賵亘 鈥� 丨賯賷賯丞 賲丕 賷丿賵乇 丨賵賱賳丕.
賳賯胤丞 兀禺賷乇丞: 賲賳 丕賱賲丐爻賮 賵丕賱賲毓賷亘 丨賯丕賸 兀賳 鬲賰賵賳 鬲乇噩賲丞 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 丕賱毓馗賷賲 乇賰賷賰丞 賵囟毓賷賮丞 亘賴匕賴 丕賱氐賵乇丞貙 賵賲賱賷卅丞 亘丕賱兀禺胤丕亍 丕賱廿賲賱丕卅賷丞 賵丕賱賳丨賵賷丞貙 賵兀爻賱賵亘 氐賷丕睾丞 乇丿賷亍 噩丿丕賸貙 賵賰兀賳 丕賱賲鬲乇噩賲 丕毓鬲賲丿 毓賱賶 Google translate. 兀鬲賲賳賶 兀賳 鬲鬲賵賮賾乇 鬲乇噩賲丞 丨丿賷孬丞 賲賲鬲丕夭丞 賱賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賯乇賷亘丕賸.
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丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱賮賳夭賵賷賱賷 賴賵睾賵 鬲卮丕賮賷夭 賷賯丿賲 賰鬲丕亘 "丕賱卮乇丕賷賷賳 丕賱賲賮鬲賵丨丞 賱兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞" 廿賱賶 丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷 亘丕乇丕賰 兀賵亘丕賲丕貙 賲賲丕 噩毓賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷鬲氐丿乇 賯賵丕卅賲 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱兀賰孬乇 賲亘賷毓丕賸 賮賷 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 賮賷 賵賯鬲 賯賷丕爻賷.
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兀鬲乇賰賰賲 賲毓 賲噩賲賵毓丞 賲賳 丕賱丕賯鬲亘丕爻丕鬲:
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卮毓賵乇 卮丿賷丿 亘丕賱賯賴乇 鬲賲賱賾賰賳賷 賵兀賳丕 丕賯乇兀 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘. 孬賵乇丕鬲 兀購禺賲丿鬲貙 賵兀亘胤丕賱 鬲賲 鬲卮賵賷賴 氐賵乇賴賲 賵鬲丨賵賷賱賴賲 賯胤丕毓丕賸 賱賱胤乇賯貙 賵賰賱 賴匕丕 亘爻亘亘 賵賯賵賮賴賲 賮賷 賵噩賴 賯賵賶 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕乇 賵丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞. 禺賷丕賳丕鬲 賱丕 丨氐乇 賱賴丕. 賰乇賴鬲 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 兀賰孬乇 賲賲丕 賰賳鬲 兀賰乇賴賴丕 賱賲丕 丕賯鬲乇賮鬲賴 賵賲丕 夭丕賱鬲 鬲賯鬲乇賮賴 賲賳 賳賴亘 賵丕爻鬲賷賱丕亍 賱孬乇賵丕鬲 丕賱卮毓賵亘 亘丕爻賲 丕賱丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷丞 賵丕賱丨乇賷丞 賵鬲丨乇賷乇 丕賱兀爻賵丕賯. 賰乇賴鬲 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷 丕賱丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱賷 兀賰孬乇. 賮賰賲 卮乇賰丞 毓丕亘乇丞 賱賱賯丕乇丕鬲 亘購賳賷鬲 毓賱賶 賳賴亘 兀乇丕囟 丕賱卮毓賵亘貙 賰賲 睾丕亘丞 兀賵 賲賵乇丿 胤亘賷毓賷 丕爻購鬲賳夭賮 賱鬲兀爻賷爻賴丕貙 賵賰賲 乇氐賷丿 亘賳賰賷 賱乇噩賱 兀毓賲丕賱 卮賴賷乇 賲鬲禺賲 亘賲賱賷丕乇丕鬲 丕賱丿賵賱丕乇丕鬲 兀購賳卮卅 賲賳 毓乇賯 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳 賵丕爻鬲毓亘丕丿賴責!
兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 毓丕賳鬲 賰孬賷乇丕賸 賵賳丨賳 賮賷 亘賱丿丕賳賳丕 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 賱丕 賳禺鬲賱賮 毓賳賴賲 亘卮賷亍. 賲丕囟賺 賲丐賱賲 賵賵丕賯毓 兀卮丿 廿賷賱丕賲丕賸 賵賱丕 兀馗賳 丕賱賲爻鬲賯亘賱 爻賷賰賵賳 賲禺鬲賱賮丕賸 賲丕 賱賲 賳毓賷 鈥� 賰卮毓賵亘 鈥� 丨賯賷賯丞 賲丕 賷丿賵乇 丨賵賱賳丕.
賳賯胤丞 兀禺賷乇丞: 賲賳 丕賱賲丐爻賮 賵丕賱賲毓賷亘 丨賯丕賸 兀賳 鬲賰賵賳 鬲乇噩賲丞 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 丕賱毓馗賷賲 乇賰賷賰丞 賵囟毓賷賮丞 亘賴匕賴 丕賱氐賵乇丞貙 賵賲賱賷卅丞 亘丕賱兀禺胤丕亍 丕賱廿賲賱丕卅賷丞 賵丕賱賳丨賵賷丞貙 賵兀爻賱賵亘 氐賷丕睾丞 乇丿賷亍 噩丿丕賸貙 賵賰兀賳 丕賱賲鬲乇噩賲 丕毓鬲賲丿 毓賱賶 Google translate. 兀鬲賲賳賶 兀賳 鬲鬲賵賮賾乇 鬲乇噩賲丞 丨丿賷孬丞 賲賲鬲丕夭丞 賱賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賯乇賷亘丕賸.
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丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱賮賳夭賵賷賱賷 賴賵睾賵 鬲卮丕賮賷夭 賷賯丿賲 賰鬲丕亘 "丕賱卮乇丕賷賷賳 丕賱賲賮鬲賵丨丞 賱兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞" 廿賱賶 丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷 亘丕乇丕賰 兀賵亘丕賲丕貙 賲賲丕 噩毓賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷鬲氐丿乇 賯賵丕卅賲 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱兀賰孬乇 賲亘賷毓丕賸 賮賷 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 賮賷 賵賯鬲 賯賷丕爻賷.
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兀鬲乇賰賰賲 賲毓 賲噩賲賵毓丞 賲賳 丕賱丕賯鬲亘丕爻丕鬲:
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November 8, 2013
毓丿丿 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賳鬲噩賴丕 丕賱亘卮乇賷丞 賮賷 賰賱 毓丕賲 禺乇丕賮賷 噩丿丕 貙 賱賰賳賴丕 賯賱賷賱丞 鬲賱賰 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱鬲賷 賵亘賲噩乇丿 丕賳 鬲賯賱亘 氐賮丨丕鬲賴丕 丕賱兀賵賱賶 爻鬲毓乇賮 亘爻賴賵賱丞 兀賳賰 丕賲丕賲 毓賲賱 毓馗賷賲 貙 亘賱 丕賲丕賲 毓賲賱 爻賷睾賷賾乇 賱賰 丨賷丕鬲賰 .
丕賱卮乇丕賷賷賳 丕賱賲賮鬲賵丨丞 賱丕賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 貙 丕賰孬乇 賲賳 賲噩乇丿 賰鬲丕亘 貙 賵賴匕丕 丕賱賰賱丕賲 賱賷爻 賲賳 亘丕亘 廿胤賱丕賯 丕賱賳毓賵鬲 丕賱賮丕乇睾 賲賳 丕賱賲囟賲賵賳 貙 賮賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷氐賱丨 兀賳 賷賰賵賳 賲丕賳賮爻鬲賵 賱賱鬲睾賷賷乇 賵賱賱孬賵乇丞 貙 賵賴賵 亘丨賯 鬲丕乇賷禺 賲囟丕丿 .
"賷賳鬲噩 卮毓亘 丕賱亘賷乇賵 丿賯賷賯 爻賲賰 貙 睾賳賷丕 噩丿丕 亘丕賱亘乇賵鬲賷賳丕鬲 貙 賲賳 丕噩賱 兀亘賯丕乇 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 賵兀賵乇賵亘丕 貙 賱賰賳 丕賱亘乇賵鬲賷賳丕鬲 睾丕卅亘丞 毓賳 賲賵丕卅丿 兀睾賱亘 丕賱亘賷乇賵賮賷賷賳 貙 賮賷賲丕 賷毓賲賱 賮乇毓 賮賵賱賰爻 賮丕噩賳 丕賱爻賵賷爻乇賷 毓賱賶 夭乇丕毓丞 卮噩乇丞 賲賯丕亘賱丞 賰賱 爻賷丕乇丞 賷賳鬲噩賴丕 賷賯賵賲 丕賱賮乇毓 丕賱亘乇丕夭賷賱賷 賱賱卮乇賰丞 亘廿丨乇丕賯 毓卮乇丕鬲 丕賱賴賰鬲丕乇丕鬲 賲賳 丕賱睾丕亘丕鬲 賮賷 丕賱亘乇丕夭賷賱 "
賴匕丕 賴賵 丨丕賱 丕賱毓丕賱賲 貙 丕賱馗賱賲 賵丕賱賯賴乇 賱丕 夭丕賱 賲爻鬲賲乇丕 賰賲丕 賰丕賳 貙 賱賰賳賴 賯丿 賷睾賷乇 賯賳丕毓賴 亘賷賳 丕賱賮賷賳丞 賵丕賱兀禺乇賶 貙 賮氐丨賷丨 " 丕賳 爻賮賳 丕賱毓亘賷丿 賱賲 鬲毓丿 鬲賳賯賱 丕賱毓亘賷丿 賲賳 兀賮乇賷賯賷丕 貙 賱賰賳 鬲噩丕乇丞 丕賱毓亘賷丿 賱丕 夭丕賱鬲 賲爻鬲賲乇丞 貙 賵賴賷 鬲丿丕乇 賲賳 賯亘賱 賵夭丕乇丞 丕賱毓賲賱 丕賱丌賳 貙 賮丕賱兀噩賵乇兀賮乇賷賯賷丞 貙 賵丕賱兀爻毓丕乇 兀賵乇賵亘賷丞 "
賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 氐丿乇鬲 胤亘毓鬲賴 丕賱兀賵賱賶 賮賷 賳賴丕賷丞 丕賱毓丕賲 1970 賵丕賱丌賳 賵亘毓丿 孬賱丕孬丞 賵兀乇亘毓賷賳 毓丕賲丕 賲丕 丕賱匕賷 鬲睾賷賾乇 責 賵賴賱 鬲睾賷賾乇 卮賷亍 兀氐賱丕 亘賷賳 丕賱兀賷丕賲 丕賱兀賵賱賶 " 賱賮鬲丨 " 賰賵賱賵賲亘賵爻 賱賱賯丕乇丞 丕賱鬲毓賷爻丞 貙 賵亘賷賳 丕賱兀賷丕賲 丕賱鬲賷 鬲睾夭賵 賮賷賴丕 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 賲鬲毓丿丿丞 丕賱賯賵賲賷丕鬲 賱賱賯丕乇丞 丕賱鬲毓賷爻丞 匕丕鬲賴丕責
賷賳胤賱賯 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賳 毓丿丞 賲賯賵賱丕鬲 爻丕丨丕賵賱 鬲賱禺賷氐賴丕 賮賷 丕賱爻胤賵乇 丕賱鬲丕賱賷丞 賲丕 丕爻鬲胤毓鬲 廿賱賶 匕賱賰 爻亘賷賱丕:
兀賵賱丕 : 賰賱賲丕 丨亘鬲 丕賱胤亘賷毓丞 丕賱兀乇囟 亘賲夭賷丿 賲賳 丕賱孬乇賵丕鬲 貙 賰賱賲丕 賲賳丨賴丕 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賱毓賳鬲賴
賵賴匕丕 丕賱賰賱丕賲 賱丕 賷賳胤亘賯 賮賯胤 毓賱賶 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 貙 賮兀賷 賳丕馗乇 賱賱毓丕賱賲 丕賱毓乇亘賷 爻賷乇賶 賴匕賴 丕賱丨賯賷賯丞 氐丕乇禺丞 貙 賵賴賱 賰丕賳 丕賰鬲卮丕賮 丌亘丕乇 丕賱賳賮胤 賮賷 丕賱氐丨乇丕亍 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 廿賱賾丕 賱毓賳丞 毓賱賶 賲賳 卮丕亍鬲 丕賱兀賯丿丕乇 賱賴賲 賴匕賴 丕賱賵乇胤丞 責
孬丕賳賷丕 : 丕賱丕爻鬲賯賱丕賱 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 丿賵賳 丕爻鬲賯賱丕賱 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷 賴賵 賲噩乇丿 賲夭丨丞 爻賲噩丞 貙 賲丕 丕賱賮丕卅丿丞 賲賳 毓賱賲 賷乇賮乇賮 毓賱賶 爻丕乇賷丞 賲賳 丨丿賷丿 貙 廿賳 賰丕賳 丕賱毓賱賲 賲爻鬲賵乇丿丕賸 賵丕賱爻丕乇賷丞 賲爻鬲賵乇丿丞賸 賵乇亘賲丕 賰賱賲丕鬲 丕賱賳卮賷丿 丕賱賵胤賳賷 賲爻鬲賵乇丿丞 兀賷囟丕賸
孬丕賱孬丕 :賰丕賳 " 賳卮乇 丕賱丿賷賳" 賴賵 丕賱卮賲丕毓丞 丕賱鬲賷 毓賱賯 毓賱賷賴丕 賲賱賰丕 丕爻亘丕賳賷丕 胤賲毓賴賲 賮賷 兀乇丕囟 鬲賳亘鬲 兀卮噩丕乇賴丕 丕賱匕賴亘 貙 賴匕丕 賰丕賳 賯亘賱 禺賲爻丞 賯乇賵賳 貙 賵賴匕賴 丕賱丨噩丞鬲賲 丕爻鬲亘丿丕賱賴丕 賮賷 賵賯鬲 鬲兀賱賷賮 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘賲丨丕乇亘丞 丕賱卮賷賵毓賷丞 貙 賵賷鬲賲 丕爻鬲亘丿丕賱賴丕 丕賱賷賵賲 亘卮賲丕毓丞 賳卮乇 丕賱丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷丞.
乇丕亘毓丕 : 賷賯賵賱 賱賷賳賷賳 : 丕賱廿賲亘乇賷丕賱賷丞 賴賷 兀毓賱賶 賲乇丕丨賱 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞" 賴匕丕 賲丕 賷賯賵賱賴 鬲丕乇賷禺 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賵賴賰匕丕 賷賲賰賳 兀賳 賳賮賴賲 噩夭亍丕 賱丕 亘兀爻 亘賴 賲賳 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺.
禺丕賲爻丕 : 丕賱賲爻鬲亘丿\ 丕賱賲丨鬲賱 賷禺賱賯 兀卮亘丕賴賴 貙 賵禺賲爻賲卅丞 毓丕賲 賲賳 丕賱賯鬲賱 賵丕賱賯賲毓 丕賳噩亘丕 丕賳馗賲丞 丿賷賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丞 毓賱丕賯鬲賴丕 亘丕賱卮毓亘 鬲賲丕賲丕 賰毓賱丕賯丞 丕賱賲丨鬲賱 亘丕賱賲丨鬲賱 . 賵賱匕丕 乇兀賷賳丕 丕賱亘乇丕夭賷賱 賵丕賱兀乇噩賵丕賷 賵丕賱兀乇噩賳鬲賷賳 鬲睾夭賵 噩丕乇鬲賴賲 賵卮乇賷賰鬲賴賲 賮賷 丕賱廿囟胤賴丕丿 丕賱亘丕乇丕噩賵丕賷 貙 賮賯胤 賲賳 兀噩賱 賰爻乇 賳賲賵匕噩 賱丕 賷乇丕丿 賱賴 兀賳 賷毓賲賲. 丨賷孬 賰丕賳鬲 丕賱亘丕乇丕噩賵丕賷 賮賷 鬲賱賰 丕賱賮鬲乇丞 鬲毓鬲亘乇 兀賮囟賱 丿賵賱 丕賱賯丕乇丞 賲賳 丨賷孬 丕賱丕爻鬲賯賱丕賱賷丞 貙 賵賰丕賳鬲 賯丿 鬲賲賰賳鬲 賲賳 丕賱賯囟丕亍 毓賱賶 丕賱兀賲賷丞 亘卮賰賱 丨丕爻賲 貙 賱賰賳 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱亘乇賷胤丕賳賷丞 賱賲 賷賰賳 賴匕丕 賱賷乇賵賯賴丕 貙 賵賱賲 賷爻乇賴丕 丕賱丨賲丕賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賯賵賲 亘賴丕 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱氐睾賷乇丞 賱氐賳丕毓丕鬲賴丕 丕賱賳丕卮卅丞 .
賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 :
丕賱乇丕丨賱 賴賵睾賵 鬲卮丕賮賷夭 賵禺賱丕賱 丕噩鬲賲丕毓 囟賲 乇丐爻丕亍 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱噩賳賵亘賷丞 賵丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷 亘丕乇丕賰 兀賵亘丕賲丕 , 賯丕賲 丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱賮賳夭賵賷賱賷 亘廿賴丿丕亍 賳爻禺丞 賲賳 賰鬲丕亘 丕賱卮乇丕賷賷賳 丕賱賲賮鬲賵丨丞 賱兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賱兀賵亘丕賲丕 , 賵亘賷賳 賱賷賱丞 賵囟丨丕賴丕 亘丕鬲 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賳 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱丕賰孬乇 賲亘賷毓丕 賮賷 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 亘賱 賵乇亘賲丕 丨賵賱 丕賱毓丕賱賲 貙 賲毓 丕賱毓賱賲 亘兀賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 鬲賲 鬲兀賱賷賮賴 賮賷 丕賱毓丕賲 1971.
丕賱賯乇丕亍 丕賱兀毓夭丕亍 : 賱丕 兀匕賰乇 兀賳賳賷 賯乇丕鬲 賰鬲丕亘丕 賮賷 賷賵賲 賲賳 丕賱兀賷丕賲 賰丕賳 賱賴 賴匕賴 丕賱賯丿乇丞 毓賱賶 鬲睾賷賷乇賷 貙 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賰丕賳 丨丕爻賲丕 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 賱賷 毓賱賶 賲爻鬲賵賷賷賳 貙 毓賱賶 丕賱賲爻鬲賵賶 丕賱毓丕胤賮賷 貙 賮賰賲賷丞 丕賱睾囟亘 賵丕賱賰乇丕賴賷丞 賵丕賱丨賯丿 丕賱鬲賷 賷丿賮毓賰 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱鬲亘賳賷賴丕 賲乇毓亘丞 貙 賵毓賱賶 丕賱賲爻鬲賵賶 丕賱孬賯丕賮賷 爻賷丿賮毓賳賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 廿賱賶 丕賳 兀睾賷乇 賳賲胤 丕賱賯乇丕亍丞 丕賱匕賷 賰賳鬲 兀爻賷乇 毓賱賷賴 賵丕賳賵賷賴 賲賳匕 亘丿丕賷丞 丕賱毓丕賲 .
丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 :
賮賷 賯乇丕亍丞 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賵丿乇丕爻鬲賴 毓丿丞 賲卮賰賱丕鬲 賲賳 亘賷賳賴丕 賲丕 賯丕賱賴 賴賷噩賱 : 丕賱丕賲乇 丕賱賵丨賷丿 丕賱匕賷 賲賳 丕賱賲賲賰賳 賱賳丕 丕賳 賳鬲毓賱賲賴 賲賳 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賴賵 兀賳 丕丨丿丕 賱丕 賷鬲毓賱賲 賲賳 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 貙 賵賷賯賵賱 賲丕乇賰爻 毓賳丿賲丕 賷賰乇乇 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賳賮爻賴 賮賷 丕賱賲乇賾丞 丕賱兀賵賱賶 鬲賰賵賳 丕賱賲兀爻丕丞 賵賮賷 丕賱賲乇賾丞 丕賱孬丕賳賷丞 鬲賰賵賳 丕賱賲賱賴丕丞 .
賵孬丕賳賷 賲卮丕賰賱 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賴賵 丕賳賴 毓氐賷 毓賱賶 丕賱丨賮馗 貙
賵賱賰賳 丕賱賲卮賰賱丞 丕賱兀賴賲 賵丕賱兀賰孬乇 鬲噩匕乇丕 賮賷 " 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 " 賴賷 丕賳 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賷賰鬲亘賴 丕賱賲賳鬲氐乇賵賳 貙 賵賱匕丕 賰丕賳 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲禺鬲賱賮丕 貙 賱丕賳賴 鬲丕乇賷禺 賷賰鬲亘賴 囟丨賷鬲賴 貙 鬲丕乇賷禺 睾丕囟亘 賳丕賯賲 賵賴賵 兀亘毓丿 賲丕 賷賰賵賳 毓賳 丕賱賲賵囟賵毓賷丞 丕賵 "丕賱丨賷丕丿" 丕賱亘匕賷亍 .
賰賷賮 丨賱賾鬲 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 鬲賳丕賯囟丕鬲賴丕 賲毓 丕賱毓賲丕賱 賮賷 兀賵乇賵亘丕責 賰賷賮 賳賴囟鬲 兀賵乇賵亘丕責 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 爻賷禺亘乇賰 賰賷賮 .
賱賵 卮卅鬲 丕賳 兀賯亘鬲爻 賲賳 賴匕丕丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賮賯乇丞 賵丕丨丿丞 賱丕禺鬲乇鬲 賴匕賴:
賴丕賷賷鬲賷 賴賷 兀賮賯乇 亘賱丿丕賳 丕賱賳氐賮 丕賱睾乇亘賷 貙 賵賮賷賴丕 睾丕爻賱賵 兀賯丿丕賲 兀賰孬乇 賲賳 賲丕爻丨賷 丕賱兀丨匕賷丞 貙 賵睾丕爻賱賵 丕賱兀賯丿丕賲 賴賲 兀胤賮丕賱 賷睾爻賱賵賳 賱賯丕亍 賯胤毓丞 毓賲賱丞 兀賯丿丕賲 丕賱夭亘丕卅賳 丕賱丨賮丕丞 貙 丕賱匕賷賳 賱賷爻 賱丿賷賴賲 丕丨匕賷丞 賷賱賲毓賵賳賴丕 . 賵賲鬲賵爻胤 丕毓賲丕乇 丕賱賴丕賷鬲賷賷賳 兀賰孬乇 賯賱賷賱丕 賲賳 孬賱丕孬賷賳 爻賳丞 貙 賵鬲爻毓丞 賲賳 賰賱 毓卮乇丞 賴丕賷鬲賷賷賳 賱丕 賷毓乇賮賵賳 丕賱賯乇丕亍丞 賵丕賱賰鬲丕亘丞 貙 賵賲賳 丕噩賱 丕賱丕爻鬲賴賱丕賰 丕賱丿丕禺賱賷 賷夭乇毓賵賳 丨賵丕賮 丕賱噩亘丕賱 丕賱賯丕丨賱丞 貙 賵賲賳 丕噩賱 丕賱鬲氐丿賷乇 賷夭乇毓賵賳 丕賱爻賴賵賱 丕賱禺氐亘丞 貙 兀賮囟賱 丕賱兀乇丕囟賷 鬲禺氐氐 賱賱亘賳 賵丕賱爻賰乇 賵丕賱賰丕賰丕賵 貙 賵丕賱賲賳鬲噩丕鬲 丕賱兀禺乇賶 丕賱鬲賷 鬲鬲胤賱亘賴丕 丕賱爻賵賯 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 丕賱卮賲丕賱賷丞 . 賵賱賷爻 賴賳丕賰 賲賳 賷賱毓亘 丕賱亘賷爻亘賵賱 賮賷 賴丕賷賷鬲賷 賱賰賳 賴丕賷賷鬲賷 賴賷 丕賱賲賳鬲噩 丕賱毓丕賱賲賷 丕賱兀賵賱 賱賰乇丕鬲 丕賱亘賷爻亘賵賱 貙 賵賮賷 丕賱亘賱丕丿 賲氐丕賳毓 賷毓賲賱 賮賷賴丕 丕賱兀胤賮丕賱 賲賯丕亘賱 丿賵賱丕乇 賵丕丨丿 賮賷 丕賱賷賵賲 賮賷 鬲乇賰賷亘 兀噩賴夭丞 丕賱賰丕爻賷鬲 賵丕賱賯胤毓 丕賱廿賱賰鬲乇賵賳賷丞 賵賴賷 亘丕賱胤亘毓 賲賳鬲噩丕鬲 賱賱鬲氐丿賷乇 貙 賵亘丕賱胤亘毓 鬲氐丿賾乇 丕賱兀乇亘丕丨 兀賷囟丕.
丕賱卮乇丕賷賷賳 丕賱賲賮鬲賵丨丞 賱丕賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 貙 丕賰孬乇 賲賳 賲噩乇丿 賰鬲丕亘 貙 賵賴匕丕 丕賱賰賱丕賲 賱賷爻 賲賳 亘丕亘 廿胤賱丕賯 丕賱賳毓賵鬲 丕賱賮丕乇睾 賲賳 丕賱賲囟賲賵賳 貙 賮賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷氐賱丨 兀賳 賷賰賵賳 賲丕賳賮爻鬲賵 賱賱鬲睾賷賷乇 賵賱賱孬賵乇丞 貙 賵賴賵 亘丨賯 鬲丕乇賷禺 賲囟丕丿 .
"賷賳鬲噩 卮毓亘 丕賱亘賷乇賵 丿賯賷賯 爻賲賰 貙 睾賳賷丕 噩丿丕 亘丕賱亘乇賵鬲賷賳丕鬲 貙 賲賳 丕噩賱 兀亘賯丕乇 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 賵兀賵乇賵亘丕 貙 賱賰賳 丕賱亘乇賵鬲賷賳丕鬲 睾丕卅亘丞 毓賳 賲賵丕卅丿 兀睾賱亘 丕賱亘賷乇賵賮賷賷賳 貙 賮賷賲丕 賷毓賲賱 賮乇毓 賮賵賱賰爻 賮丕噩賳 丕賱爻賵賷爻乇賷 毓賱賶 夭乇丕毓丞 卮噩乇丞 賲賯丕亘賱丞 賰賱 爻賷丕乇丞 賷賳鬲噩賴丕 賷賯賵賲 丕賱賮乇毓 丕賱亘乇丕夭賷賱賷 賱賱卮乇賰丞 亘廿丨乇丕賯 毓卮乇丕鬲 丕賱賴賰鬲丕乇丕鬲 賲賳 丕賱睾丕亘丕鬲 賮賷 丕賱亘乇丕夭賷賱 "
賴匕丕 賴賵 丨丕賱 丕賱毓丕賱賲 貙 丕賱馗賱賲 賵丕賱賯賴乇 賱丕 夭丕賱 賲爻鬲賲乇丕 賰賲丕 賰丕賳 貙 賱賰賳賴 賯丿 賷睾賷乇 賯賳丕毓賴 亘賷賳 丕賱賮賷賳丞 賵丕賱兀禺乇賶 貙 賮氐丨賷丨 " 丕賳 爻賮賳 丕賱毓亘賷丿 賱賲 鬲毓丿 鬲賳賯賱 丕賱毓亘賷丿 賲賳 兀賮乇賷賯賷丕 貙 賱賰賳 鬲噩丕乇丞 丕賱毓亘賷丿 賱丕 夭丕賱鬲 賲爻鬲賲乇丞 貙 賵賴賷 鬲丿丕乇 賲賳 賯亘賱 賵夭丕乇丞 丕賱毓賲賱 丕賱丌賳 貙 賮丕賱兀噩賵乇兀賮乇賷賯賷丞 貙 賵丕賱兀爻毓丕乇 兀賵乇賵亘賷丞 "
賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 氐丿乇鬲 胤亘毓鬲賴 丕賱兀賵賱賶 賮賷 賳賴丕賷丞 丕賱毓丕賲 1970 賵丕賱丌賳 賵亘毓丿 孬賱丕孬丞 賵兀乇亘毓賷賳 毓丕賲丕 賲丕 丕賱匕賷 鬲睾賷賾乇 責 賵賴賱 鬲睾賷賾乇 卮賷亍 兀氐賱丕 亘賷賳 丕賱兀賷丕賲 丕賱兀賵賱賶 " 賱賮鬲丨 " 賰賵賱賵賲亘賵爻 賱賱賯丕乇丞 丕賱鬲毓賷爻丞 貙 賵亘賷賳 丕賱兀賷丕賲 丕賱鬲賷 鬲睾夭賵 賮賷賴丕 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 賲鬲毓丿丿丞 丕賱賯賵賲賷丕鬲 賱賱賯丕乇丞 丕賱鬲毓賷爻丞 匕丕鬲賴丕責
賷賳胤賱賯 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賳 毓丿丞 賲賯賵賱丕鬲 爻丕丨丕賵賱 鬲賱禺賷氐賴丕 賮賷 丕賱爻胤賵乇 丕賱鬲丕賱賷丞 賲丕 丕爻鬲胤毓鬲 廿賱賶 匕賱賰 爻亘賷賱丕:
兀賵賱丕 : 賰賱賲丕 丨亘鬲 丕賱胤亘賷毓丞 丕賱兀乇囟 亘賲夭賷丿 賲賳 丕賱孬乇賵丕鬲 貙 賰賱賲丕 賲賳丨賴丕 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賱毓賳鬲賴
賵賴匕丕 丕賱賰賱丕賲 賱丕 賷賳胤亘賯 賮賯胤 毓賱賶 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 貙 賮兀賷 賳丕馗乇 賱賱毓丕賱賲 丕賱毓乇亘賷 爻賷乇賶 賴匕賴 丕賱丨賯賷賯丞 氐丕乇禺丞 貙 賵賴賱 賰丕賳 丕賰鬲卮丕賮 丌亘丕乇 丕賱賳賮胤 賮賷 丕賱氐丨乇丕亍 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 廿賱賾丕 賱毓賳丞 毓賱賶 賲賳 卮丕亍鬲 丕賱兀賯丿丕乇 賱賴賲 賴匕賴 丕賱賵乇胤丞 責
孬丕賳賷丕 : 丕賱丕爻鬲賯賱丕賱 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 丿賵賳 丕爻鬲賯賱丕賱 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷 賴賵 賲噩乇丿 賲夭丨丞 爻賲噩丞 貙 賲丕 丕賱賮丕卅丿丞 賲賳 毓賱賲 賷乇賮乇賮 毓賱賶 爻丕乇賷丞 賲賳 丨丿賷丿 貙 廿賳 賰丕賳 丕賱毓賱賲 賲爻鬲賵乇丿丕賸 賵丕賱爻丕乇賷丞 賲爻鬲賵乇丿丞賸 賵乇亘賲丕 賰賱賲丕鬲 丕賱賳卮賷丿 丕賱賵胤賳賷 賲爻鬲賵乇丿丞 兀賷囟丕賸
孬丕賱孬丕 :賰丕賳 " 賳卮乇 丕賱丿賷賳" 賴賵 丕賱卮賲丕毓丞 丕賱鬲賷 毓賱賯 毓賱賷賴丕 賲賱賰丕 丕爻亘丕賳賷丕 胤賲毓賴賲 賮賷 兀乇丕囟 鬲賳亘鬲 兀卮噩丕乇賴丕 丕賱匕賴亘 貙 賴匕丕 賰丕賳 賯亘賱 禺賲爻丞 賯乇賵賳 貙 賵賴匕賴 丕賱丨噩丞鬲賲 丕爻鬲亘丿丕賱賴丕 賮賷 賵賯鬲 鬲兀賱賷賮 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘賲丨丕乇亘丞 丕賱卮賷賵毓賷丞 貙 賵賷鬲賲 丕爻鬲亘丿丕賱賴丕 丕賱賷賵賲 亘卮賲丕毓丞 賳卮乇 丕賱丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷丞.
乇丕亘毓丕 : 賷賯賵賱 賱賷賳賷賳 : 丕賱廿賲亘乇賷丕賱賷丞 賴賷 兀毓賱賶 賲乇丕丨賱 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞" 賴匕丕 賲丕 賷賯賵賱賴 鬲丕乇賷禺 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賵賴賰匕丕 賷賲賰賳 兀賳 賳賮賴賲 噩夭亍丕 賱丕 亘兀爻 亘賴 賲賳 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺.
禺丕賲爻丕 : 丕賱賲爻鬲亘丿\ 丕賱賲丨鬲賱 賷禺賱賯 兀卮亘丕賴賴 貙 賵禺賲爻賲卅丞 毓丕賲 賲賳 丕賱賯鬲賱 賵丕賱賯賲毓 丕賳噩亘丕 丕賳馗賲丞 丿賷賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丞 毓賱丕賯鬲賴丕 亘丕賱卮毓亘 鬲賲丕賲丕 賰毓賱丕賯丞 丕賱賲丨鬲賱 亘丕賱賲丨鬲賱 . 賵賱匕丕 乇兀賷賳丕 丕賱亘乇丕夭賷賱 賵丕賱兀乇噩賵丕賷 賵丕賱兀乇噩賳鬲賷賳 鬲睾夭賵 噩丕乇鬲賴賲 賵卮乇賷賰鬲賴賲 賮賷 丕賱廿囟胤賴丕丿 丕賱亘丕乇丕噩賵丕賷 貙 賮賯胤 賲賳 兀噩賱 賰爻乇 賳賲賵匕噩 賱丕 賷乇丕丿 賱賴 兀賳 賷毓賲賲. 丨賷孬 賰丕賳鬲 丕賱亘丕乇丕噩賵丕賷 賮賷 鬲賱賰 丕賱賮鬲乇丞 鬲毓鬲亘乇 兀賮囟賱 丿賵賱 丕賱賯丕乇丞 賲賳 丨賷孬 丕賱丕爻鬲賯賱丕賱賷丞 貙 賵賰丕賳鬲 賯丿 鬲賲賰賳鬲 賲賳 丕賱賯囟丕亍 毓賱賶 丕賱兀賲賷丞 亘卮賰賱 丨丕爻賲 貙 賱賰賳 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱亘乇賷胤丕賳賷丞 賱賲 賷賰賳 賴匕丕 賱賷乇賵賯賴丕 貙 賵賱賲 賷爻乇賴丕 丕賱丨賲丕賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賯賵賲 亘賴丕 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱氐睾賷乇丞 賱氐賳丕毓丕鬲賴丕 丕賱賳丕卮卅丞 .
賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 :
丕賱乇丕丨賱 賴賵睾賵 鬲卮丕賮賷夭 賵禺賱丕賱 丕噩鬲賲丕毓 囟賲 乇丐爻丕亍 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱噩賳賵亘賷丞 賵丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷 亘丕乇丕賰 兀賵亘丕賲丕 , 賯丕賲 丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱賮賳夭賵賷賱賷 亘廿賴丿丕亍 賳爻禺丞 賲賳 賰鬲丕亘 丕賱卮乇丕賷賷賳 丕賱賲賮鬲賵丨丞 賱兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賱兀賵亘丕賲丕 , 賵亘賷賳 賱賷賱丞 賵囟丨丕賴丕 亘丕鬲 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賳 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱丕賰孬乇 賲亘賷毓丕 賮賷 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 亘賱 賵乇亘賲丕 丨賵賱 丕賱毓丕賱賲 貙 賲毓 丕賱毓賱賲 亘兀賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 鬲賲 鬲兀賱賷賮賴 賮賷 丕賱毓丕賲 1971.
丕賱賯乇丕亍 丕賱兀毓夭丕亍 : 賱丕 兀匕賰乇 兀賳賳賷 賯乇丕鬲 賰鬲丕亘丕 賮賷 賷賵賲 賲賳 丕賱兀賷丕賲 賰丕賳 賱賴 賴匕賴 丕賱賯丿乇丞 毓賱賶 鬲睾賷賷乇賷 貙 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賰丕賳 丨丕爻賲丕 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 賱賷 毓賱賶 賲爻鬲賵賷賷賳 貙 毓賱賶 丕賱賲爻鬲賵賶 丕賱毓丕胤賮賷 貙 賮賰賲賷丞 丕賱睾囟亘 賵丕賱賰乇丕賴賷丞 賵丕賱丨賯丿 丕賱鬲賷 賷丿賮毓賰 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱鬲亘賳賷賴丕 賲乇毓亘丞 貙 賵毓賱賶 丕賱賲爻鬲賵賶 丕賱孬賯丕賮賷 爻賷丿賮毓賳賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 廿賱賶 丕賳 兀睾賷乇 賳賲胤 丕賱賯乇丕亍丞 丕賱匕賷 賰賳鬲 兀爻賷乇 毓賱賷賴 賵丕賳賵賷賴 賲賳匕 亘丿丕賷丞 丕賱毓丕賲 .
丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 :
賮賷 賯乇丕亍丞 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賵丿乇丕爻鬲賴 毓丿丞 賲卮賰賱丕鬲 賲賳 亘賷賳賴丕 賲丕 賯丕賱賴 賴賷噩賱 : 丕賱丕賲乇 丕賱賵丨賷丿 丕賱匕賷 賲賳 丕賱賲賲賰賳 賱賳丕 丕賳 賳鬲毓賱賲賴 賲賳 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賴賵 兀賳 丕丨丿丕 賱丕 賷鬲毓賱賲 賲賳 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 貙 賵賷賯賵賱 賲丕乇賰爻 毓賳丿賲丕 賷賰乇乇 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賳賮爻賴 賮賷 丕賱賲乇賾丞 丕賱兀賵賱賶 鬲賰賵賳 丕賱賲兀爻丕丞 賵賮賷 丕賱賲乇賾丞 丕賱孬丕賳賷丞 鬲賰賵賳 丕賱賲賱賴丕丞 .
賵孬丕賳賷 賲卮丕賰賱 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賴賵 丕賳賴 毓氐賷 毓賱賶 丕賱丨賮馗 貙
賵賱賰賳 丕賱賲卮賰賱丞 丕賱兀賴賲 賵丕賱兀賰孬乇 鬲噩匕乇丕 賮賷 " 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 " 賴賷 丕賳 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賷賰鬲亘賴 丕賱賲賳鬲氐乇賵賳 貙 賵賱匕丕 賰丕賳 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲禺鬲賱賮丕 貙 賱丕賳賴 鬲丕乇賷禺 賷賰鬲亘賴 囟丨賷鬲賴 貙 鬲丕乇賷禺 睾丕囟亘 賳丕賯賲 賵賴賵 兀亘毓丿 賲丕 賷賰賵賳 毓賳 丕賱賲賵囟賵毓賷丞 丕賵 "丕賱丨賷丕丿" 丕賱亘匕賷亍 .
賰賷賮 丨賱賾鬲 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 鬲賳丕賯囟丕鬲賴丕 賲毓 丕賱毓賲丕賱 賮賷 兀賵乇賵亘丕責 賰賷賮 賳賴囟鬲 兀賵乇賵亘丕責 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 爻賷禺亘乇賰 賰賷賮 .
賱賵 卮卅鬲 丕賳 兀賯亘鬲爻 賲賳 賴匕丕丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賮賯乇丞 賵丕丨丿丞 賱丕禺鬲乇鬲 賴匕賴:
賴丕賷賷鬲賷 賴賷 兀賮賯乇 亘賱丿丕賳 丕賱賳氐賮 丕賱睾乇亘賷 貙 賵賮賷賴丕 睾丕爻賱賵 兀賯丿丕賲 兀賰孬乇 賲賳 賲丕爻丨賷 丕賱兀丨匕賷丞 貙 賵睾丕爻賱賵 丕賱兀賯丿丕賲 賴賲 兀胤賮丕賱 賷睾爻賱賵賳 賱賯丕亍 賯胤毓丞 毓賲賱丞 兀賯丿丕賲 丕賱夭亘丕卅賳 丕賱丨賮丕丞 貙 丕賱匕賷賳 賱賷爻 賱丿賷賴賲 丕丨匕賷丞 賷賱賲毓賵賳賴丕 . 賵賲鬲賵爻胤 丕毓賲丕乇 丕賱賴丕賷鬲賷賷賳 兀賰孬乇 賯賱賷賱丕 賲賳 孬賱丕孬賷賳 爻賳丞 貙 賵鬲爻毓丞 賲賳 賰賱 毓卮乇丞 賴丕賷鬲賷賷賳 賱丕 賷毓乇賮賵賳 丕賱賯乇丕亍丞 賵丕賱賰鬲丕亘丞 貙 賵賲賳 丕噩賱 丕賱丕爻鬲賴賱丕賰 丕賱丿丕禺賱賷 賷夭乇毓賵賳 丨賵丕賮 丕賱噩亘丕賱 丕賱賯丕丨賱丞 貙 賵賲賳 丕噩賱 丕賱鬲氐丿賷乇 賷夭乇毓賵賳 丕賱爻賴賵賱 丕賱禺氐亘丞 貙 兀賮囟賱 丕賱兀乇丕囟賷 鬲禺氐氐 賱賱亘賳 賵丕賱爻賰乇 賵丕賱賰丕賰丕賵 貙 賵丕賱賲賳鬲噩丕鬲 丕賱兀禺乇賶 丕賱鬲賷 鬲鬲胤賱亘賴丕 丕賱爻賵賯 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 丕賱卮賲丕賱賷丞 . 賵賱賷爻 賴賳丕賰 賲賳 賷賱毓亘 丕賱亘賷爻亘賵賱 賮賷 賴丕賷賷鬲賷 賱賰賳 賴丕賷賷鬲賷 賴賷 丕賱賲賳鬲噩 丕賱毓丕賱賲賷 丕賱兀賵賱 賱賰乇丕鬲 丕賱亘賷爻亘賵賱 貙 賵賮賷 丕賱亘賱丕丿 賲氐丕賳毓 賷毓賲賱 賮賷賴丕 丕賱兀胤賮丕賱 賲賯丕亘賱 丿賵賱丕乇 賵丕丨丿 賮賷 丕賱賷賵賲 賮賷 鬲乇賰賷亘 兀噩賴夭丞 丕賱賰丕爻賷鬲 賵丕賱賯胤毓 丕賱廿賱賰鬲乇賵賳賷丞 賵賴賷 亘丕賱胤亘毓 賲賳鬲噩丕鬲 賱賱鬲氐丿賷乇 貙 賵亘丕賱胤亘毓 鬲氐丿賾乇 丕賱兀乇亘丕丨 兀賷囟丕.
December 16, 2019
Este livro deveria vir junto com a certidao de nascimento de todos os latinos-americanos para que eles tenham no莽ao de onde nasceram e o papel de Calib茫 que eles estao destinados a cumprir. Foi escrito h谩 50 anos e logo censurado pelos militares que (des)governavam na 茅poca. Como nada muda, o livro ainda continua v谩lido e atual para os dias de hoje. Esta leitura me deixou muito triste, revoltada e de maos atadas, por茅m 茅 essencial. Prefiro um choque de realidade a morrer na ignorancia.
鈥淣unca seremos felizes, nunca鈥�, profetizara Sim贸n Bol铆var.
"脡 a Am茅rica Latina, a regi茫o das veias abertas. Do descobrimento aos nossos dias, tudo sempre se transformou em capital europeu ou norte-americano. A terra, seus frutos e suas profundezas ricas em minerais, os recursos naturais e os recursos humanos. O modo de produ莽茫o e a estrutura de classes de cada lugar foram sucessivamente determinados, do exterior, por sua incorpora莽茫o 脿 engrenagem universal do capitalismo.听听
Entrar no mundo: o mundo 茅 o mercado. O mercado mundial, onde se compram pa铆ses. Nada de novo. A Am茅rica Latina nasceu para obedec锚-lo, quando o mercado mundial ainda n茫o se chamava assim, e aos trancos e barrancos continuamos atados ao dever de obedi锚ncia.
Essa triste rotina dos s茅culos come莽ou com o ouro e a prata, e seguiu com o a莽煤car, o tabaco, o guano, o salitre, o cobre, o estanho, a borracha, o cacau, a banana, o caf茅, o petr贸leo... O que nos legaram esses esplendores? Nem heran莽a nem bonan莽a. Jardins transformados em desertos, campos abandonados, montanhas esburacadas, 谩guas estagnadas, longas caravanas de infelizes condenados 脿 morte precoce e pal谩cios vazios onde deambulam os fantasmas.
Agora 茅 a vez da soja transg锚nica, dos falsos bosques da celulose e do novo card谩pio dos autom贸veis, que j谩 n茫o comem apenas petr贸leo ou g谩s, mas tamb茅m milho e cana-de-a莽煤car de imensas planta莽玫es. Dar de comer aos carros 茅 mais importante do que dar de comer 脿s pessoas. E outra vez voltam as gl贸rias ef锚meras, que ao som de suas trombetas nos anunciam grandes desgra莽as.
N贸s nos negamos a escutar as vozes que nos advertem: os sonhos do mercado mundial s茫o os pesadelos dos pa铆ses que se submetem aos seus caprichos. Continuamos aplaudindo o sequestro dos bens naturais com que Deus, ou o Diabo, nos distinguiu, e assim trabalhamos para a nossa perdi莽茫o e contribu铆mos para o exterm铆nio da escassa natureza que nos resta".
April 27, 2017
For the past month I have been collecting my thoughts and writing them out and putting them into paragraphs and shaping those paragraphs into a longer article of some sort. But nothing has yet coalesced into a thing I would call a review, or even a passable reflection. This book has left me with a complicated bundle of thoughts, and they seem to still transcend the pleasant shaping of words and punctuation into sentences, and sentences into paragraphs, and paragraphs into something that communicates an appreciation of some piece of work. But here I go again. Back at the well, feeling somehow obliged to make something good out of this scramble of thoughts.
Part of my problem is that this book has me caught between three worlds that I have a hard time bringing together. The first world is the social democrat and dedicated activist, who is particularly concerned by the wrath of economic inequality in the world and how it is perpetuated by capitalism. The second world is that of the historian, my field and the thing that I call my profession when I am asked what it is (even if I make my money in other ways), the thing which nourishes my understanding of the world, the thing which gets me excited and impassioned about the world. The third world is that of the reader, who hopes that a few nice words put together in the right nice order will produce something greater than the sum of its parts, and that, as a reader, I will be able to recognize and appreciate and, moreover, enjoy the outcome. This world hits all of those points. I have so much to say. But I must, for the sake of time, and for the sake of yours, keep this short. You have already read too much about me.
This book, when it was released, was a firecracker. It was bold in its scope, nearly unthinkably audacious, the sort of work which was hoping to set the world at unease. And it succeeded. In this work, Galeano condemns centuries of pillaging from one of the grand, great, rich continents of the world for the benefit of another, outside continent, and its peoples. He explains how that process was essential for the fundamental advancement of that other continent - how it depended on the natural resources, human resources, and magical resources that were discovered on that new continent to make important technological and financial advancements. In this book Galeano explores how that relationship changed and altered and became more and more possessive, to the point where the entire continent was itself a possession in the great empires of the North. And in this book he was one of the first historians, and perhaps the first to translate his ideas into a work produced for the public, which connected the centuries of pillaging that resulted from European Empire to the contemporary problem of North American Empire in a logical and sensible and horrific progression of time and power. That is over four hundred years of history, covering an entire continent and more of exploitation, tossing in a bit of the history of two other continents as well, and attempting to explain the driving narrative or challenge of millions upon millions of lives - past and contemporary - in the process. And then it also talks about the contemporary issues of his own time. When I said that this book was audacious I meant it. It is unthinkably audacious. And, surprisingly, it does all of this fairly well, if not perfectly, if not seamlessly, it does it well.
That is because Galeano writes like a writer and not like a historian - an, at the time, unique ability and which has been equalled by few other people working in the field of studying and understanding the past. He has a strong opinion about the past, which is undeniable, and refreshing in its way. It is clear that for him, as somebody with a historical mindset, the past - distant and near - explains his life and the lives that he sees around him. And we all have opinions about our lives, of course, and many of us develop opinions about the lives that we see around us as well, be them informed or ignorant. He has just taken the extra step of looking into the past lives which made his life what it was and found something there that informed and reinforced his frustration. He also doesn鈥檛 hide his opinion behind over-written analysis and poorly constructed sentences as so many historians do, and neither does he attempt to make the history any less personal than it has to be - he isn鈥檛, in essence, attempting to be academic in his writing. That said, his research is quite impressive by semi-academic standards, more well-informed, balanced, and deeper than you would expect from most any other history book which is written for the general public. In the end, Galeano鈥檚 contentious presentation is vindicated by his research. To this end, Galeano is known as a historian-poet, or a poet-historian. That鈥檚 a nice little niche that he managed to live in. I think you will understand it when you read the book, when you understand his language and feel the fire-breathing passion that ignited its creation.
When I read this book I discovered and was reminded of a great many things about my life in Canada. The wealth of my country is predicated on the poverty of other regions. These regions have never benefitted from the protection of self-development in quite the way that my own has, and Canada (and Canadian companies) are actively working to ensure that those kinds of economic policies never develop and that the underdeveloped countries of the work remain underdeveloped. And now that I live in Colombia, and have been living here for nearly a year, I can see it and feel it in the air. The consequences of a systematic effort by the powers of the world to strip away the richness of this continent, its cultures, its peoples, in an effort to destabilize them politically, financially, and geographically, and reap all of the benefits. It is obvious everywhere. It is felt everywhere. The English language does not communicate this - or at least my command of the language doesn鈥檛. You have to be here to see it and taste it, the way that blood and exploitation and desperation are built into a continent that is rich beyond all possible imagination, which has had its veins tapped for centuries, and which still finds itself muddied in the pools of underdevelopment. The North, as Galeano calls us fortunate ones, has been a cruel mistress, a wrestling partner who is infinitely stronger, and its weight bears down on this place. The North, rather than this place, wins everyday in everyway possible.
The book isn鈥檛 perfect. But it doesn鈥檛 need to be. It is a leaping-off point for an entire way of understanding the world, a confirmation of things that I have imagined to be true, that I have heard sailing in the air at universities and in the street, and a great searing cry against the dehumanization of a continent because of the unfair distribution of international labour and trade. I have so much more to read, so much more to learn.
As a side note, on the afternoon that I finished reading this book I contacted a friend of mine in Canada. The two of us did our graduate programs together. I told him about the book, told him to urgently read it when he finished his thesis, told him how it changed my way of understanding Latin America and the place of underdeveloped regions in the world, how it challenged some of the few remaining liberal lies that I had gestating in my brain. I said to him, also, that this book convinced me, more than ever, that free trade is a horrifying economic policy and must be fought. In this book I read about the horrid past of an entire continent and saw the future of my country. It should be read by everybody. It is urgent and necessary.
Part of my problem is that this book has me caught between three worlds that I have a hard time bringing together. The first world is the social democrat and dedicated activist, who is particularly concerned by the wrath of economic inequality in the world and how it is perpetuated by capitalism. The second world is that of the historian, my field and the thing that I call my profession when I am asked what it is (even if I make my money in other ways), the thing which nourishes my understanding of the world, the thing which gets me excited and impassioned about the world. The third world is that of the reader, who hopes that a few nice words put together in the right nice order will produce something greater than the sum of its parts, and that, as a reader, I will be able to recognize and appreciate and, moreover, enjoy the outcome. This world hits all of those points. I have so much to say. But I must, for the sake of time, and for the sake of yours, keep this short. You have already read too much about me.
This book, when it was released, was a firecracker. It was bold in its scope, nearly unthinkably audacious, the sort of work which was hoping to set the world at unease. And it succeeded. In this work, Galeano condemns centuries of pillaging from one of the grand, great, rich continents of the world for the benefit of another, outside continent, and its peoples. He explains how that process was essential for the fundamental advancement of that other continent - how it depended on the natural resources, human resources, and magical resources that were discovered on that new continent to make important technological and financial advancements. In this book Galeano explores how that relationship changed and altered and became more and more possessive, to the point where the entire continent was itself a possession in the great empires of the North. And in this book he was one of the first historians, and perhaps the first to translate his ideas into a work produced for the public, which connected the centuries of pillaging that resulted from European Empire to the contemporary problem of North American Empire in a logical and sensible and horrific progression of time and power. That is over four hundred years of history, covering an entire continent and more of exploitation, tossing in a bit of the history of two other continents as well, and attempting to explain the driving narrative or challenge of millions upon millions of lives - past and contemporary - in the process. And then it also talks about the contemporary issues of his own time. When I said that this book was audacious I meant it. It is unthinkably audacious. And, surprisingly, it does all of this fairly well, if not perfectly, if not seamlessly, it does it well.
That is because Galeano writes like a writer and not like a historian - an, at the time, unique ability and which has been equalled by few other people working in the field of studying and understanding the past. He has a strong opinion about the past, which is undeniable, and refreshing in its way. It is clear that for him, as somebody with a historical mindset, the past - distant and near - explains his life and the lives that he sees around him. And we all have opinions about our lives, of course, and many of us develop opinions about the lives that we see around us as well, be them informed or ignorant. He has just taken the extra step of looking into the past lives which made his life what it was and found something there that informed and reinforced his frustration. He also doesn鈥檛 hide his opinion behind over-written analysis and poorly constructed sentences as so many historians do, and neither does he attempt to make the history any less personal than it has to be - he isn鈥檛, in essence, attempting to be academic in his writing. That said, his research is quite impressive by semi-academic standards, more well-informed, balanced, and deeper than you would expect from most any other history book which is written for the general public. In the end, Galeano鈥檚 contentious presentation is vindicated by his research. To this end, Galeano is known as a historian-poet, or a poet-historian. That鈥檚 a nice little niche that he managed to live in. I think you will understand it when you read the book, when you understand his language and feel the fire-breathing passion that ignited its creation.
When I read this book I discovered and was reminded of a great many things about my life in Canada. The wealth of my country is predicated on the poverty of other regions. These regions have never benefitted from the protection of self-development in quite the way that my own has, and Canada (and Canadian companies) are actively working to ensure that those kinds of economic policies never develop and that the underdeveloped countries of the work remain underdeveloped. And now that I live in Colombia, and have been living here for nearly a year, I can see it and feel it in the air. The consequences of a systematic effort by the powers of the world to strip away the richness of this continent, its cultures, its peoples, in an effort to destabilize them politically, financially, and geographically, and reap all of the benefits. It is obvious everywhere. It is felt everywhere. The English language does not communicate this - or at least my command of the language doesn鈥檛. You have to be here to see it and taste it, the way that blood and exploitation and desperation are built into a continent that is rich beyond all possible imagination, which has had its veins tapped for centuries, and which still finds itself muddied in the pools of underdevelopment. The North, as Galeano calls us fortunate ones, has been a cruel mistress, a wrestling partner who is infinitely stronger, and its weight bears down on this place. The North, rather than this place, wins everyday in everyway possible.
The book isn鈥檛 perfect. But it doesn鈥檛 need to be. It is a leaping-off point for an entire way of understanding the world, a confirmation of things that I have imagined to be true, that I have heard sailing in the air at universities and in the street, and a great searing cry against the dehumanization of a continent because of the unfair distribution of international labour and trade. I have so much more to read, so much more to learn.
As a side note, on the afternoon that I finished reading this book I contacted a friend of mine in Canada. The two of us did our graduate programs together. I told him about the book, told him to urgently read it when he finished his thesis, told him how it changed my way of understanding Latin America and the place of underdeveloped regions in the world, how it challenged some of the few remaining liberal lies that I had gestating in my brain. I said to him, also, that this book convinced me, more than ever, that free trade is a horrifying economic policy and must be fought. In this book I read about the horrid past of an entire continent and saw the future of my country. It should be read by everybody. It is urgent and necessary.
March 10, 2009
Eduardo Galeano passionately recounts the horrific events of the last 7 centuries in Latin America. I am neither a history buff nor Latino insider, so I discovered quite a bit, even as I concurrently traveled and experienced aspects of the region firsthand. It should be noted, however, that the author applies no science or organization to his storytelling. Facts are obviously molded for dramatic appeal (handpicking specific dates, excerpts from JFK speeches, etc.). Footnotes are lacking for a staggering amount of quantitative data, despite their couth and seemingly objective presentation. Even as I read this book with a grain of salt, I still found it powerful. For if only a tenth of what is said were true, it would still be a humanitarian story worth telling. I hope to learn more about these forgotten people of Latin America.
July 7, 2019
Murro. No. Est么mago.
April 9, 2024
Open Veins of Latin America: Five Centuries of the Pillage of a Continent, Eduardo Galeano (1940-2015), 1973 (written 1970, published 1971 in Spanish as Las venas abiertas de Am茅rica Latina; epilog 1978, new foreword by Isabel Allende, 1997), ISBN 0853459916, Dewey 330.98
For high-school age and up. Facts that history as told by conquerors hides or lies about. p. 265. The most favorable reviews came from the military dictatorships who praised the book by banning it.
Galeano's wikipedia entry: He was an Uruguayan journalist.
New foreword by Isabel Allende, 1997:
The U.S. would not allow a leftist experiment to succeed in "its backyard." After coups in many countries, half the continent's population was living in terror. (Salvador Allende was president of Chile when Galeano wrote this book. p. 130. Dec. 20, 1970 he announced plans to nationalize Chile's copper mines--from which Anaconda Copper and Kennecott Copper, U.S. firms, had extracted $4 billion. p. 144. Allende would die during a CIA-sponsored coup in 1973.)
Introduction:
The division of labor among nations is that some specialize in winning and others in losing.
Part I: Mankind's Poverty as a consequence of the wealth of the land
1: Lust for Gold, Lust for Silver
1513 Balboa sees the Pacific
1522 Magellan's 18 surviving circumnavigators return to Spain.
1533 Pizarro seizes the heart of the Inca empire. p. 16.
1800 at least half of Mexican land & capital belonged to the Church. p. 31.
A staggering fraction of the population was worked to death in the mines. Mercury poisoning killed miners within 4 years, if nothing else yet had. Today's (1971) Bolivian miners die of lung diseases at age 35. pp. 46-47. The gold mines of Ouro Preto in Brazil had an insatiable appetite for slaves: they died in short order, only in rare cases enduring the seven years of continuous labor. p. 54. Even now (1971) Bolivians die with rotted lungs so the world may consume cheap tin. p. 149.
Wealth extracted from land and labor was squandered in opulence.
The exploited workers under colonial rule remained exploited workers after independence: the landed aristocrats under colonial rule were still landed aristocrats after independence. pp. 46, 116.
2. King Sugar and Other Agricultural Monarchs
Where opulence is most opulent, misery is most miserable. p. 64.
Allen Dulles was a director of the Francisco Sugar Company in Cuba. p. 74.
Police in Brazil arrested peasants and sold them as slaves, to wealthy landowners, in 1970. p. 87.
Countries dependent on banana, coffee, cacao exports, subject to competition & price reductions, leave people poor and underfed. p. 94.
"Dumping" of U.S.-Government-subsidized cotton, rice, wheat, corn, and other agricultural commodities destroys farmers' livelihoods worldwide. p. 95. Latin American agricultural workers receive hunger wages or are serfs. Salvadorans, who supply cotton to Japanese textile industries, consume fewer calories and proteins than the hungry peasants of India. 25% of Salvadorans die of vitamin deficiency. p. 98.
U.S. companies take the profit from Latin American bananas, coffee, and cotton. Latin Americans are the victims. p. 100.
Colombia erupted in peasant revolt, savagely crushed by the forces of wealth, 1948-1957. 80 percent were undernourished. p. 104.
Early 1800s, the red cochineal bug and blue indigo plant were Central American exports to the British textile industry. 1850, German chemists supplanted them with synthetics. p. 105.
1880: coffee. Local elite grabbed the land and labor, with government help. p. 106. U.S. Marine Corps General Smedley Butler was "a high-class muscle man for Big Business" for 33 years. p. 108.
United Fruit (now Chiquita) essentially owned Guatemala. It used only 8% of the land it held. The Arbenz government bought some of the unused land and began distributing it to peasants. The Eisenhower administration trained and equipped Colonel Armas' thugs to overthrow Guatemala's government in 1954 and install Armas as military dictator. "We had to get rid of a Communist government," said Eisenhower. p. 113. CIA director Allen Dulles had been on United Fruit's board of directors. His brother John Foster Dulles was a lawyer who had worked for United Fruit. This began a [40]-year reign of terror. The slaughter that is greater but more hidden--the daily genocide of poverty--also continues.
In Mexico, Emiliano Zapata and his followers fought the landowners and their governments, 1910 to 1919, when they killed him. pp. 120-126.
1.5% of agricultural landlords own half of all cultivable land.
Latin America from the start was used for plunder of its land and labor, which continues. The New England colonies by contrast yielded no mineral or tropical-crop plunder: England permitted them to develop factories, and use the land for homesteading pioneers. pp. 130-133.
3. The Invisible Sources of Power
The U.S. depends on foreign sources for most of the minerals it needs to maintain its ability to wage war. p. 137.
Part II: Development Is a Voyage with More Shipwrecks than Navigators
4. Tales of Premature Death
After World War II, the International Monetary Fund and World Bank denied underdeveloped countries the right to protect their industries. p. 204.
5. The Contemporary Structure of Plunder
Imperialism spreads poverty widely and concentrates wealth narrowly. p. 207.
Latin-American dictatorships hawk their countries to foreign capitalists as a pimp offers a woman. p. 217.
IMF requirements further opened the gates to foreign conquerors. p. 220.
"Aid" works like the philanthropist who put a wooden leg on his piglet because he was eating it bit by bit. p. 227.
The World Bank responds to the United States like thunder to lightning. p. 234.
Part III: Seven Years After
Chilean dictator Pinochet gave foreign monopolists the businesses Allende had nationalized. Business free as never before; people in jail as never before. Free market? The price of milk has not been controlled in Chile since 1975. Two firms dominate the market. The price of milk for consumers went up 40%, while for the producers it went down by 22%. p. 271.
The abyss in Latin America between the well-being of the few and the misery of the many is infinitely greater than in Europe or the United States. p. 271. Hence more ruthlessness in maintaining it. In Uruguay, the function of one fifth of the active population is to watch, trail, and punish the others.
Dictators keep their boots on the necks of their people to supply cheap labor to an international market that demands cheap products. p. 275.
April 30, 2025
I think books like these should be required reading. It is essential that we know how colonisalism still impacts us today.
April 4, 2017
A fundamental book for understand the ,social, economic,cultural,scientific and politic condition of Latin America.
A absolutely must to read for everybody, in special all Latin America inhabitants.
Perhaps somebody in a near future will write : "The Open Veins of Africa : Two Centuries of the Pillage of a Continent"
A absolutely must to read for everybody, in special all Latin America inhabitants.
Perhaps somebody in a near future will write : "The Open Veins of Africa : Two Centuries of the Pillage of a Continent"
October 9, 2018
The Good:
--How the world works is built on the international division of labor. Galeano illustrates the contours, revealing the systemic underdevelopment (or rather, over-exploitation) of periphery regions (in this case, Latin America) from colonial capitalism to modern 鈥渓iberal鈥� capitalism (this book was written in 鈥�71). An important reminder that capitalism's playground is global, thus our struggles, solidarity, and change must also be global.
--As many reviews note, poetic humanism that brings history to life; social scholars should also take the time to engage with the general public.
--I found the first half (colonial capitalism) to be the most helpful, as an overview.
The Bad, or rather suggestions:
--Perhaps because I鈥檝e read more on modern liberal capitalism, but I found the second half to lack structure. It does not seem to have the same chronology-of-history backbone as the first half (thus, not the optimal history overview). While it detours into economic examples, it seems to lack organized economic concepts.
--In terms of further readings, it now seems tame to suggest given his liberal biases (although he is quite useful in presenting certain Development Economics theories for the general public). It seems logical to explore the Marxists and World-Systems scholars that Galeano sites, like and . My personal favorite at the moment is () and the fabulous (, also fantastic lectures online).
Galeano's concluding remarks:
--How the world works is built on the international division of labor. Galeano illustrates the contours, revealing the systemic underdevelopment (or rather, over-exploitation) of periphery regions (in this case, Latin America) from colonial capitalism to modern 鈥渓iberal鈥� capitalism (this book was written in 鈥�71). An important reminder that capitalism's playground is global, thus our struggles, solidarity, and change must also be global.
--As many reviews note, poetic humanism that brings history to life; social scholars should also take the time to engage with the general public.
--I found the first half (colonial capitalism) to be the most helpful, as an overview.
The Bad, or rather suggestions:
--Perhaps because I鈥檝e read more on modern liberal capitalism, but I found the second half to lack structure. It does not seem to have the same chronology-of-history backbone as the first half (thus, not the optimal history overview). While it detours into economic examples, it seems to lack organized economic concepts.
--In terms of further readings, it now seems tame to suggest given his liberal biases (although he is quite useful in presenting certain Development Economics theories for the general public). It seems logical to explore the Marxists and World-Systems scholars that Galeano sites, like and . My personal favorite at the moment is () and the fabulous (, also fantastic lectures online).
Galeano's concluding remarks:
In these lands we are not experiencing the primitive infancy of capitalism but its vicious senility. Underdevelopment isn't a stage of development, but its consequence. Latin America's underdevelopment arises from external development, and continues to feed it. A system made impotent by its function of international servitude, and moribund since birth, has feet of clay. It pretends to be destiny and would like to be thought eternal. All memory is subversive, because it is different, and likewise any program for the future. The zombie is made to eat without salt: salt is dangerous, it could awaken him. The system has its paradigm in the immutable society of ants. For that reason it accords ill with the history of humankind, because that is always changing. And because in the history of humankind every act of destruction meets its response, sooner or later, in an act of creation.
January 18, 2022
Derli toplu bir kapitalist sistem ele艧tirisi. Her ne kadar Latin Amerika kapsam谋nda s枚m眉r眉n眉n, k枚leli臒in, ya臒man谋n, barbarl谋臒谋n tarihi ve ara莽lar谋 anlat谋lm谋艧 olsa da yaz谋lanlar g眉n眉m眉ze de uyarlanabilecek durumda. Ekonomiyi, siyaseti, tarihi perspektifi b眉y眉k bir ustal谋kla kavram谋艧 bir yazar anlat谋s谋. Anlat谋m dili sade ve ak谋c谋. Yap谋lan at谋flarda da g枚r眉lece臒i 眉zere 枚zenli bir ara艧t谋rman谋n 眉r眉n眉 bu kitap.
Hem b枚l眉mlerin kendi i莽indeki ba臒lant谋n谋n hem de kitab谋n b眉t眉n眉nde fikri takibin biraz daha sistematik olmas谋n谋 tercih ederdim. Tek tek 眉lkeler 眉zerinden gidilseydi daha 莽ok sevebilirdim. Fakat bu haliyle de olduk莽a ba艧ar谋l谋 bir eser.
Kitaptan bana kalan 艧u oldu: kapitalist sistemde ekonomik olarak refah ve mutluluk i莽inde ya艧amak i莽in di臒er 眉lkeleri s枚m眉rmekten ba艧ka yol yok.
Hem b枚l眉mlerin kendi i莽indeki ba臒lant谋n谋n hem de kitab谋n b眉t眉n眉nde fikri takibin biraz daha sistematik olmas谋n谋 tercih ederdim. Tek tek 眉lkeler 眉zerinden gidilseydi daha 莽ok sevebilirdim. Fakat bu haliyle de olduk莽a ba艧ar谋l谋 bir eser.
Kitaptan bana kalan 艧u oldu: kapitalist sistemde ekonomik olarak refah ve mutluluk i莽inde ya艧amak i莽in di臒er 眉lkeleri s枚m眉rmekten ba艧ka yol yok.
April 5, 2022
Eduard Galeano (1940-2015) was a Uruguayan journalist, writer and novelist and known as one of the literary giants of the Latin-American left. Understandable, because this book is a complaint against every government, whether Latin-American or imperialist, company and any other business man. Written in 1977, its sympathy lies with miners, farmers and labourers. Cuba is dealt with favorably and Fidel Castro is a good man. I can go on, but alas reality has proven Eduardo wrong. If you want to know how leftist dreamers saw the future of Latin-America in 1977 this is your book. If you want to know why Latin-America is in the state it is today, don't bother.
June 3, 2015
Me tom贸 m谩s tiempo del que pens茅 en leer el libro porque tuve que consultar art铆culos de muchos de los eventos hist贸ricos que describen aqu铆 lo que me pareci贸 en cierto modo entretenido, el ensayo me parece interesante cuando narra los hechos que sucedieron a partir de la explotaci贸n colona en 脕merica luego se convierte en una cr铆tica m谩s agresiva a los problemas socioecon贸micos que ocurren en latinoamerica, que seg煤n Galeano, todos por culpa de los intereses Gringos e Ingleses, aunque no critica sino m谩s bien alaba al r茅gimen cubano que posee casi comportamientos similares contra su propio pueblo ni a las pol铆ticas aplicadas en los propios gobiernos latinoamericanos (apenas algo en la Guerra de la Triple Alianza pero le termina echando la culpa a los Ingleses) aparte de no ofrecer soluciones concretas sino acumular odio, resentimiento e incluso algo de xenofobia (generaliza el pueblo con los gobernantes) con el pasar de las p谩ginas.
Actualizaci贸n al 04-12-2014:
Luego de haberme documentado m谩s al respecto, sobretodo en temas de sistemas econ贸micos a lo largo de la historia me doy cuenta de que esta cr铆tica es una completa falacia, Galeano no ve que la ra铆z del problema social y econ贸mico en latinoam茅rica no se trata de la explotaci贸n de recursos que ocurri贸 en el pasado, o "el capitalismo" sino en las medidas estatistas que terminan corrompiendo a la sociedad haciendo a los individuos que la conforman incapaces de funcionar independientemente, es decir, debido a las medidas que imponen los gobiernos en busca de un bienestar com煤n se crea una sociedad dependiente que impide el desarrollo de los individuos, la verdadera cr铆tica es hacia el estado, no indagar en hechos hist贸ricos que no llevan a una soluci贸n.
Actualizaci贸n al 04-12-2014:
Luego de haberme documentado m谩s al respecto, sobretodo en temas de sistemas econ贸micos a lo largo de la historia me doy cuenta de que esta cr铆tica es una completa falacia, Galeano no ve que la ra铆z del problema social y econ贸mico en latinoam茅rica no se trata de la explotaci贸n de recursos que ocurri贸 en el pasado, o "el capitalismo" sino en las medidas estatistas que terminan corrompiendo a la sociedad haciendo a los individuos que la conforman incapaces de funcionar independientemente, es decir, debido a las medidas que imponen los gobiernos en busca de un bienestar com煤n se crea una sociedad dependiente que impide el desarrollo de los individuos, la verdadera cr铆tica es hacia el estado, no indagar en hechos hist贸ricos que no llevan a una soluci贸n.
July 2, 2012
I have to write this in English, in hope that everyone will pick up this book (which has been translated into many languages) and read it. No, this isn't just a book about Latin America. This is a book about the world, our world, and how it came to be. You don't live in Latin America? You don't speak Spanish? In fact, you live in, say, Iceland? Doesn't matter- you will find a link between what Galeano writes, and you. You are a product, or better stated- a victim, of what he postulates in this book.
If you think about what you're reading, you will be enraged, upset, depressed and left with a feeling of either utter hopelessness for the world, or a burning desire to start your own revolution and change the world.
Maybe you are a history buff, like me, and maybe you love everything related to Latin America. You will find things in this book you didn't know.
But perhaps most importantly, you will understand why capitalism is not the "best thing since sliced bread" and why it is going to be the ultimate destruction of human species, as we know it. The most flawed system of them all...
And then, you'll understand just how great the injustice is in this world. Yes, you knew this before, I'm sure. But trust me, you will be awed by the details, names, years, dates....you'll understand why the IMF, World Bank and other "good-doing" organizations are the most criminal institutions ever known to man...
Galeano deserves a freaking medal for this. If for nothing else, then for the vast, meticulous research he conducted to bring this book to fruition.
Oh, and by the way- this book was written in 1970. Yes, 1970. But, as I read the news today, I found so many articles and I shouted "this is exactly what I read about in Galeano's book". Yes, indeed,history does repeat itself. And our history is sad, filled with bloodshed, greed and injustice which keep perpetuating the vicious cycle the world finds itself in.
Just read it. I used to say that Howard Zinn's "people's history of the United States" is the only history book you ever need to read. Now, I must say that aside from Zinn's, this is another one you absolutely must read.
If you think about what you're reading, you will be enraged, upset, depressed and left with a feeling of either utter hopelessness for the world, or a burning desire to start your own revolution and change the world.
Maybe you are a history buff, like me, and maybe you love everything related to Latin America. You will find things in this book you didn't know.
But perhaps most importantly, you will understand why capitalism is not the "best thing since sliced bread" and why it is going to be the ultimate destruction of human species, as we know it. The most flawed system of them all...
And then, you'll understand just how great the injustice is in this world. Yes, you knew this before, I'm sure. But trust me, you will be awed by the details, names, years, dates....you'll understand why the IMF, World Bank and other "good-doing" organizations are the most criminal institutions ever known to man...
Galeano deserves a freaking medal for this. If for nothing else, then for the vast, meticulous research he conducted to bring this book to fruition.
Oh, and by the way- this book was written in 1970. Yes, 1970. But, as I read the news today, I found so many articles and I shouted "this is exactly what I read about in Galeano's book". Yes, indeed,history does repeat itself. And our history is sad, filled with bloodshed, greed and injustice which keep perpetuating the vicious cycle the world finds itself in.
Just read it. I used to say that Howard Zinn's "people's history of the United States" is the only history book you ever need to read. Now, I must say that aside from Zinn's, this is another one you absolutely must read.
June 5, 2018
毓賳丿賲丕 夭丕乇 丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱賮賳夭賵賷賱賷 丕賱乇丕丨賱 賴賵睾賵 鬲卮丕賮賷夭 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 毓丕賲 佗贍贍侃貙 丕禺鬲丕乇 兀賳 賷賴丿賷 賳爻禺丞 賲賳 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷 兀賵亘丕賲丕 兀賲丕賲 毓丿爻丕鬲 丕賱賰丕賲賷乇丕鬲 丕賱鬲賷 爻噩賱鬲 丕賱丨乇噩 丕賱亘丕賱睾 賵丕賱鬲賵鬲乇 丕賱匕賷 兀氐丕亘 兀賵亘丕賲丕 賵賴賵 賷鬲賱賯賶 賴丿賷丞 囟賷賮賴. 賮賷 丕賱賷賵賲 丕賱鬲丕賱賷貙 賯賮夭鬲 賲亘賷毓丕鬲 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賮賷 賲賵賯毓 兀賲丕夭賵賳 丕賱賶 丕賱賲乇鬲亘丞 丕賱孬丕賳賷丞 囟賲賳 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱兀賰孬乇 賲亘賷毓丕賸.
賲賳 賷賯乇兀 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷丿乇賰 丕賱乇爻丕賱丞 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 丕賱賲丨賰賲丞 賵丕賱匕賰賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 賵噩賴賴丕 鬲卮丕賮賷夭 賱兀賵亘丕賲丕 賮賷 賴丿賷鬲賴. 賮丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷爻鬲毓乇囟 賯氐丞 丕爻鬲賳夭丕賮 孬乇賵丕鬲 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賲賳 賯亘賱 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕乇 兀賵賱丕賸 賵丕賱丕賲亘乇賷丕賱賷丞 丕賱亘乇賷胤丕賳賷丞 孬賲 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞貙 丕賱賲亘丕卮乇丞 賵丕賱睾賷乇 賲亘丕卮乇丞貙 鬲丕賱賷丕賸 毓亘乇 賯乇賵賳 賲賳 丕賱毓亘賵丿賷丞 賵丕賱鬲亘毓賷丞. 賵賲丕 賷氐丿賯 毓賱賶 丿賵賱 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賮賷 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷氐丿賯 毓賱賶 睾賷乇賴丕 賲賳 丿賵賱 丕賱毓丕賱賲 丕賱孬丕賱孬.
賱賲 賷賰賳 丕賱爻賰丕賳 丕賱兀氐賱賷賵賳 賮賷 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷鬲賷賳 賲鬲賵丨卮賷賳 賰賲丕 丨丕賵賱鬲 丕賱丌賱丞 丕賱廿毓賱丕賲賷丞 丕賱睾乇亘賷丞 丿丕卅賲丕 鬲氐賵賷乇賴 賵賱賲 賷賳賯氐賴賲 丕賱匕賰丕亍 賵賱丕 賲賯賵賲丕鬲 丕賱丨囟丕乇丞. 賰賱 賲丕 賴賳丕賱賰 兀賳賴賲 賱賲 賷賲鬲賱賰賵丕 丕賱噩卮毓 丕賱匕賷 鬲爻賱胤 毓賱賶 賲爻鬲毓賲乇賷賴賲 丕賱兀賵乇賵亘賷賷賳 賵丿賮毓賴賲 賱丕爻鬲賳夭丕賮 禺賷乇丕鬲 丕賱賯丕乇丞. 亘丿亍丕賸 賲賳 丕賱匕賴亘 賵丕賱賮囟丞貙 賲乇賵乇丕賸 亘丕賱爻賰乇 賵丕賱亘賳 賵丕賱賲胤丕胤 賵丕賱賰丕賰丕賵 賵丕賱賲賵夭 賵丕賱賳鬲乇丕鬲 賵丕賱賲毓丕丿賳 賵丕賱賳賮胤 鬲鬲丕賱鬲 賮氐賵賱 丕賱賯氐丞 賲賰乇乇丞 賳賮爻賴丕 賲乇丞賸 亘毓丿 兀禺乇賶: 丕爻鬲毓亘丕丿 賱兀氐丨丕亘 丕賱兀乇囟 賵丕爻鬲賳夭丕賮 賱賱孬乇賵丕鬲貙 鬲氐丿賷乇 賱賱賲賵丕丿 丕賱禺丕賲 賱賲乇丕賰夭 丕賱鬲氐賳賷毓 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱乇卅賷爻賷丞 賮賷 亘乇賷胤丕賳賷丕 賵兀賲乇賷賰丕貙 賮鬲丨 賱賱兀爻賵丕賯 丕賱賲丨賱賷丞 兀賲丕賲 丕賱鬲噩丕乇丞 丕賱丨乇丞貙 丕賳賴賷丕乇 賱賱氐賳丕毓丞 丕賱賲丨賱賷丞 丕賵 丕亘鬲賱丕毓賴丕 賲賳 丕賱賲丕賰賷賳丞 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞貙 賷鬲亘毓賴 丕禺鬲賱丕賱 賮賷 丕賱賲賷夭丕賳 丕賱鬲噩丕乇賷 賵鬲亘毓賷丞 賰丕賲賱丞 賱賱睾乇亘 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷. 鬲鬲賰丿爻 丕賱孬乇賵丕鬲 賮賷 賷丿 丕賱兀賵賱賷睾丕乇賰賷丕鬲 丕賱鬲丕亘毓丞 賱賱廿賲亘乇賷丕賱賷丞 賵丕賱鬲賷 賱丕 鬲鬲賵丕賳賶 毓賳 鬲亘匕賷乇賴丕 賮賷 賲馗丕賴乇 噩丕賲丨丞 賲賳 丕賱鬲乇賮貙 賵賲賳 賷賮賰乇 賮賷 丕賱孬賵乇丞 毓賱賷賴丕 鬲鬲賰賮賱 亘賴 丕賱丌賱丞 丕賱毓爻賰乇賷丞 丕賱睾乇亘賷丞 亘卮賰賱 賲亘丕卮乇 兀丨賷丕賳丕賸 賵睾丕賱亘丕賸 亘鬲賲賵賷賱 丕賱丕賳賯賱丕亘丕鬲 丕賱毓爻賰乇賷丞. 孬賲 鬲兀鬲賷 "丕賱賲爻丕毓丿丕鬲" 丕賱丿賵賱賷丞 賵丕賱鬲賲賵賷賱丕鬲 丕賱賲丕賱賷丞 賲賳 丕賱亘賳賰 丕賱丿賵賱賷 賵賲丐爻爻丞 丕賱賳賯丿 丕賱丿賵賱賷 賱鬲丨賰賲 丕賱禺賳丕賯 毓賱賶 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿 丕賱賲丨賱賷 賵鬲禺囟毓賴 賱賱睾乇亘 丕賱賶 丕賱兀亘丿.
鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷鬲賷賳 鬲丕乇賷禺 賲賮噩毓 亘丨賯 賵賴賵 賷賱禺氐 賲兀爻丕丞 丕賱亘卮乇賷丞 賮賷 丕賱毓氐乇 丕賱丨丿賷孬. 兀亘丿毓 睾丕賱賷丕賳賵 賮賷 丕爻鬲毓乇丕囟賴 賱賴匕丕 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賵夭丕丿 賲賳 乇賵毓鬲賴 丕賱兀爻賱賵亘 丕賱兀丿亘賷 丕賱噩夭賱 丕賱匕賷 賷賰鬲亘 亘賴.
賴賱 賷丕 鬲乇賶 爻賷兀鬲賷 賲賳 賷鬲丨丿孬 毓賳 廿賲丕乇丕鬲 丕賱賳賮胤 賷賵賲丕賸 賲丕 亘賲孬賱 賲丕 鬲丨丿孬 毓賳賴 睾丕賱賷丕賳賵 賮賷 賰鬲丕亘賴 毓賳 賲丿賳 丕賱匕賴亘 賮賷 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞責 賱丕 兀爻鬲亘毓丿 匕賱賰 賲丕 丿賲賳丕 賳賮鬲賯丿 丕賱乇丐賷丞 丕賱賵丕囟丨丞 賱丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱 孬乇賵丕鬲賳丕 丕賱鬲賷 鬲丨賵賱鬲 廿賱賶 賱毓賳丞. 賵賲賳 賷毓鬲賯丿 兀賳 廿賲丕乇丕鬲 丕賱賳賮胤 爻鬲亘賯賶 毓賱賶 丨丕賱賴丕 亘毓丿 賳囟賵亘賴 賮賴賵 賵丕賴賲 賵賲丕 毓賱賷賴 廿賱丕 兀賳 賷賯乇兀 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱賷鬲兀賰丿 亘賳賮爻賴.
賲賳 賷賯乇兀 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷丿乇賰 丕賱乇爻丕賱丞 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 丕賱賲丨賰賲丞 賵丕賱匕賰賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 賵噩賴賴丕 鬲卮丕賮賷夭 賱兀賵亘丕賲丕 賮賷 賴丿賷鬲賴. 賮丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷爻鬲毓乇囟 賯氐丞 丕爻鬲賳夭丕賮 孬乇賵丕鬲 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賲賳 賯亘賱 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕乇 兀賵賱丕賸 賵丕賱丕賲亘乇賷丕賱賷丞 丕賱亘乇賷胤丕賳賷丞 孬賲 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞貙 丕賱賲亘丕卮乇丞 賵丕賱睾賷乇 賲亘丕卮乇丞貙 鬲丕賱賷丕賸 毓亘乇 賯乇賵賳 賲賳 丕賱毓亘賵丿賷丞 賵丕賱鬲亘毓賷丞. 賵賲丕 賷氐丿賯 毓賱賶 丿賵賱 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賮賷 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷氐丿賯 毓賱賶 睾賷乇賴丕 賲賳 丿賵賱 丕賱毓丕賱賲 丕賱孬丕賱孬.
賱賲 賷賰賳 丕賱爻賰丕賳 丕賱兀氐賱賷賵賳 賮賷 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷鬲賷賳 賲鬲賵丨卮賷賳 賰賲丕 丨丕賵賱鬲 丕賱丌賱丞 丕賱廿毓賱丕賲賷丞 丕賱睾乇亘賷丞 丿丕卅賲丕 鬲氐賵賷乇賴 賵賱賲 賷賳賯氐賴賲 丕賱匕賰丕亍 賵賱丕 賲賯賵賲丕鬲 丕賱丨囟丕乇丞. 賰賱 賲丕 賴賳丕賱賰 兀賳賴賲 賱賲 賷賲鬲賱賰賵丕 丕賱噩卮毓 丕賱匕賷 鬲爻賱胤 毓賱賶 賲爻鬲毓賲乇賷賴賲 丕賱兀賵乇賵亘賷賷賳 賵丿賮毓賴賲 賱丕爻鬲賳夭丕賮 禺賷乇丕鬲 丕賱賯丕乇丞. 亘丿亍丕賸 賲賳 丕賱匕賴亘 賵丕賱賮囟丞貙 賲乇賵乇丕賸 亘丕賱爻賰乇 賵丕賱亘賳 賵丕賱賲胤丕胤 賵丕賱賰丕賰丕賵 賵丕賱賲賵夭 賵丕賱賳鬲乇丕鬲 賵丕賱賲毓丕丿賳 賵丕賱賳賮胤 鬲鬲丕賱鬲 賮氐賵賱 丕賱賯氐丞 賲賰乇乇丞 賳賮爻賴丕 賲乇丞賸 亘毓丿 兀禺乇賶: 丕爻鬲毓亘丕丿 賱兀氐丨丕亘 丕賱兀乇囟 賵丕爻鬲賳夭丕賮 賱賱孬乇賵丕鬲貙 鬲氐丿賷乇 賱賱賲賵丕丿 丕賱禺丕賲 賱賲乇丕賰夭 丕賱鬲氐賳賷毓 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱乇卅賷爻賷丞 賮賷 亘乇賷胤丕賳賷丕 賵兀賲乇賷賰丕貙 賮鬲丨 賱賱兀爻賵丕賯 丕賱賲丨賱賷丞 兀賲丕賲 丕賱鬲噩丕乇丞 丕賱丨乇丞貙 丕賳賴賷丕乇 賱賱氐賳丕毓丞 丕賱賲丨賱賷丞 丕賵 丕亘鬲賱丕毓賴丕 賲賳 丕賱賲丕賰賷賳丞 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞貙 賷鬲亘毓賴 丕禺鬲賱丕賱 賮賷 丕賱賲賷夭丕賳 丕賱鬲噩丕乇賷 賵鬲亘毓賷丞 賰丕賲賱丞 賱賱睾乇亘 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷. 鬲鬲賰丿爻 丕賱孬乇賵丕鬲 賮賷 賷丿 丕賱兀賵賱賷睾丕乇賰賷丕鬲 丕賱鬲丕亘毓丞 賱賱廿賲亘乇賷丕賱賷丞 賵丕賱鬲賷 賱丕 鬲鬲賵丕賳賶 毓賳 鬲亘匕賷乇賴丕 賮賷 賲馗丕賴乇 噩丕賲丨丞 賲賳 丕賱鬲乇賮貙 賵賲賳 賷賮賰乇 賮賷 丕賱孬賵乇丞 毓賱賷賴丕 鬲鬲賰賮賱 亘賴 丕賱丌賱丞 丕賱毓爻賰乇賷丞 丕賱睾乇亘賷丞 亘卮賰賱 賲亘丕卮乇 兀丨賷丕賳丕賸 賵睾丕賱亘丕賸 亘鬲賲賵賷賱 丕賱丕賳賯賱丕亘丕鬲 丕賱毓爻賰乇賷丞. 孬賲 鬲兀鬲賷 "丕賱賲爻丕毓丿丕鬲" 丕賱丿賵賱賷丞 賵丕賱鬲賲賵賷賱丕鬲 丕賱賲丕賱賷丞 賲賳 丕賱亘賳賰 丕賱丿賵賱賷 賵賲丐爻爻丞 丕賱賳賯丿 丕賱丿賵賱賷 賱鬲丨賰賲 丕賱禺賳丕賯 毓賱賶 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿 丕賱賲丨賱賷 賵鬲禺囟毓賴 賱賱睾乇亘 丕賱賶 丕賱兀亘丿.
鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷鬲賷賳 鬲丕乇賷禺 賲賮噩毓 亘丨賯 賵賴賵 賷賱禺氐 賲兀爻丕丞 丕賱亘卮乇賷丞 賮賷 丕賱毓氐乇 丕賱丨丿賷孬. 兀亘丿毓 睾丕賱賷丕賳賵 賮賷 丕爻鬲毓乇丕囟賴 賱賴匕丕 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賵夭丕丿 賲賳 乇賵毓鬲賴 丕賱兀爻賱賵亘 丕賱兀丿亘賷 丕賱噩夭賱 丕賱匕賷 賷賰鬲亘 亘賴.
賴賱 賷丕 鬲乇賶 爻賷兀鬲賷 賲賳 賷鬲丨丿孬 毓賳 廿賲丕乇丕鬲 丕賱賳賮胤 賷賵賲丕賸 賲丕 亘賲孬賱 賲丕 鬲丨丿孬 毓賳賴 睾丕賱賷丕賳賵 賮賷 賰鬲丕亘賴 毓賳 賲丿賳 丕賱匕賴亘 賮賷 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞責 賱丕 兀爻鬲亘毓丿 匕賱賰 賲丕 丿賲賳丕 賳賮鬲賯丿 丕賱乇丐賷丞 丕賱賵丕囟丨丞 賱丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱 孬乇賵丕鬲賳丕 丕賱鬲賷 鬲丨賵賱鬲 廿賱賶 賱毓賳丞. 賵賲賳 賷毓鬲賯丿 兀賳 廿賲丕乇丕鬲 丕賱賳賮胤 爻鬲亘賯賶 毓賱賶 丨丕賱賴丕 亘毓丿 賳囟賵亘賴 賮賴賵 賵丕賴賲 賵賲丕 毓賱賷賴 廿賱丕 兀賳 賷賯乇兀 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱賷鬲兀賰丿 亘賳賮爻賴.
August 19, 2015
Este es el libro m谩s triste que he le铆do en mi vida. Galeano no da respiro y muestra desnudos cada uno de los mil cachos demoniacos del ser humano. Cu谩n lejos llega la avaricia y el abuso de poder, como para mutilar a un continente entero por cientos de a帽os. A煤n vivimos en la selva, ahora escondida entre los grandes n煤meros, donde no hay piedad ni arrepentimiento. No se muestra escapatoria ni camino alguno, s贸lo queda llorar resignado.
June 10, 2020
賲賳 兀賮囟賱 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱鬲賷 賯乇兀鬲賴丕 賮賷 丨賷丕鬲賷 毓賱賶 丕賱廿胤賱丕賯.. 賲夭噩 毓亘賯乇賷 亘賷賳 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 賵丕賱氐丨丕賮丞 賵丕賱兀丿亘 賵丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 賵丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿. 賷賲賰賳賳賷 丕賱賯賵賱 廿賳 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賴賵 亘賵丕亘丞 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賱賲賳 賷噩賴賱賴丕.. 賱賱兀爻賮 賱賲 兀毓孬乇 毓賱賶 丕賱鬲乇噩賲丞 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 賱賱兀爻鬲丕匕 兀丨賲丿 丨爻丕賳.. 賵亘丕賱鬲丕賱賷 丕囟胤乇乇鬲 賱賱賯乇丕亍丞 亘丕賱賱睾丞 丕賱兀氐賱賷丞 賵丕爻鬲賱夭賲 匕賱賰 賲賳賷 賵賯鬲丕 兀胤賵賱 賰賷 兀賳賴賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘.. 兀乇卮丨賴 亘賯賵丞 賱賰賱 丕賱兀氐丿賯丕亍 亘毓賷丿丕 毓賳 鬲賯丿賷賲賴 賰賴丿賷丞 賲賳 賯亘賱 卮丕賮賷夭 賱兀賵亘丕賲丕.
February 9, 2022
One of my most cherished books; Eduardo Galeano is the Latin American Gibbon, differing from that most ingenious of historians only by the righteous rage that colors, animates, inspires (and, at times, somewhat distorts), an intensely profound historical interpretation of the tragic arc of Latin American history.
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