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Henry Kissinger's Memoirs #3
爻賳賵丕鬲 丕賱鬲噩丿賷丿
賱毓賱賴 兀賮囟賱 丿亘賱賵賲丕爻賷 兀賲乇賷賰賷 賲毓乇賵賮 賮賷 丕賱賯乇賳 丕賱毓卮乇賷賳貙 賴賳乇賷 賰爻賳噩乇 卮禺氐賷丞 賰亘賷乇丞賮賷 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱毓丕賱賲賷貙 丨丕卅夭 毓賱賶 噩丕卅夭丞賳賵亘賱 賱賱爻賱丕賲 賵賲賳 丕賮囟賱 丕賱毓賯賵賱 丕賱鬲賷 毓賲賱鬲 賮賷 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱禺丕乇噩賷丞丕賱丕賲乇賷賰賷丞.
賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 丕賱匕賷 胤丕賱 丕賳鬲馗丕乇賴 毓賳 匕賰乇賷丕鬲賴 賷賰賲賱 毓賲賱丕 賰亘賷乇丕 賮賷 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱賲毓丕氐乇 賵賴賵 賵孬賷賯丞 鬲丕乇賷禺賷丞 賲賴賲丞 賵乇賵丕賷丞 乇丕卅毓丞 匕丕鬲 胤丕亘毓 卮賰爻亘賷乇賷 賮賷 賯賵鬲賴丕貙 賲賱賷卅丞 亘丕賱賳馗乇丕鬲 丕賱毓賲賷賯丞 睾賷乇 丕賱賲毓鬲丕丿丞
爻賳賵丕鬲 丕賱鬲噩丿賷丿 賴賵 丕賱丕爻鬲賳鬲丕噩 丕賱賳丕噩丨 賱丕賳噩丕夭 毓馗賷賲 賵丕賱匕賷 爻賷馗賱 賵孬賷賯丞 鬲丕乇賷禺丞 賲賳 丕賱丿乇噩丞 丕賱丕賵賱賶
(噩賵賳 賱賵賷爻 睾丕丿賷爻, 氐丨賷賮丞賳賷賵賷賵乇賰 鬲丕賷賲夭)
賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 丕賱匕賷 胤丕賱 丕賳鬲馗丕乇賴 毓賳 匕賰乇賷丕鬲賴 賷賰賲賱 毓賲賱丕 賰亘賷乇丕 賮賷 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱賲毓丕氐乇 賵賴賵 賵孬賷賯丞 鬲丕乇賷禺賷丞 賲賴賲丞 賵乇賵丕賷丞 乇丕卅毓丞 匕丕鬲 胤丕亘毓 卮賰爻亘賷乇賷 賮賷 賯賵鬲賴丕貙 賲賱賷卅丞 亘丕賱賳馗乇丕鬲 丕賱毓賲賷賯丞 睾賷乇 丕賱賲毓鬲丕丿丞
爻賳賵丕鬲 丕賱鬲噩丿賷丿 賴賵 丕賱丕爻鬲賳鬲丕噩 丕賱賳丕噩丨 賱丕賳噩丕夭 毓馗賷賲 賵丕賱匕賷 爻賷馗賱 賵孬賷賯丞 鬲丕乇賷禺丞 賲賳 丕賱丿乇噩丞 丕賱丕賵賱賶
(噩賵賳 賱賵賷爻 睾丕丿賷爻, 氐丨賷賮丞賳賷賵賷賵乇賰 鬲丕賷賲夭)
1054 pages, Paperback
First published September 28, 1998
58 people are currently reading
964 people want to read
About the author
Henry Kissinger
250听books1,851听followersHenry Alfred Kissinger (born Heinz Alfred Kissinger) was a German-born American bureaucrat, diplomat, and 1973 Nobel Peace Prize laureate. He served as National Security Advisor and later concurrently as Secretary of State in the Richard Nixon administration. Kissinger emerged unscathed from the Watergate scandal, and maintained his powerful position when Gerald Ford became President.
A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. During this period, he pioneered the policy of d茅tente.
During his time in the Nixon and Ford administrations he cut a flamboyant figure, appearing at social occasions with many celebrities. His foreign policy record made him a nemesis to the anti-war left and the anti-communist right alike.
A proponent of Realpolitik, Kissinger played a dominant role in United States foreign policy between 1969 and 1977. During this period, he pioneered the policy of d茅tente.
During his time in the Nixon and Ford administrations he cut a flamboyant figure, appearing at social occasions with many celebrities. His foreign policy record made him a nemesis to the anti-war left and the anti-communist right alike.
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Displaying 1 - 16 of 16 reviews
December 8, 2014
A lengthy memoir book by Henry Kissinger, a well-known and, to many, controversial Secretary of State of the USA. It mostly covers his tenure in the last days of Nixon's presidency and focuses on work with the president Gerald Ford in the 1970s.
Kissinger's style struck me as highly articulate and intelligent. His knowledge and understanding of history as well as interconnections between various events are very revealing. Above all, I enjoyed reading about Kissinger's clear goals and strategy in the foreign affairs - while all the rest were simply tactics to achieve that. To maximise national security and to win the Cold War over the Communist block - these were two main objectives - and all Kissinger's actions methodically followed these (and eventually, those have been achieved). It reminded me that if one has clear objectives and strategy which shows the seeds of success, good team around and reliable allies, it is worthwhile to stick to this strategy, however difficult it might be at times.
Kissinger impressed me with his understanding of human psychology as well - which he displayed in describing the process of diplomatic negotiations with the leaders of China, the Soviet Union, Western European allies, African states, Egypt, Israel, and so on. One can learn a lot about the recent history and internal dynamics of many states all across the world (since Kissinger as a Minister of Foreign Affairs of the influential state had to deal with all of them). In particular, it was interesting to read about the impressive wisdom of the Chinese leaders in the 1970s - who started the turn-around of the Chinese economy and society.
The only parts which did not interest me that much were lengthy descriptions of internal dynamics in the American national politics. At times, these seemed somewhat apologetic too ("I was good, but not the others!").
All in all, it is not an easy piece of cake to chew (above 1100 pages), but one can learn quite a lot about strategy-based leadership and the recent world history.
Kissinger's style struck me as highly articulate and intelligent. His knowledge and understanding of history as well as interconnections between various events are very revealing. Above all, I enjoyed reading about Kissinger's clear goals and strategy in the foreign affairs - while all the rest were simply tactics to achieve that. To maximise national security and to win the Cold War over the Communist block - these were two main objectives - and all Kissinger's actions methodically followed these (and eventually, those have been achieved). It reminded me that if one has clear objectives and strategy which shows the seeds of success, good team around and reliable allies, it is worthwhile to stick to this strategy, however difficult it might be at times.
Kissinger impressed me with his understanding of human psychology as well - which he displayed in describing the process of diplomatic negotiations with the leaders of China, the Soviet Union, Western European allies, African states, Egypt, Israel, and so on. One can learn a lot about the recent history and internal dynamics of many states all across the world (since Kissinger as a Minister of Foreign Affairs of the influential state had to deal with all of them). In particular, it was interesting to read about the impressive wisdom of the Chinese leaders in the 1970s - who started the turn-around of the Chinese economy and society.
The only parts which did not interest me that much were lengthy descriptions of internal dynamics in the American national politics. At times, these seemed somewhat apologetic too ("I was good, but not the others!").
All in all, it is not an easy piece of cake to chew (above 1100 pages), but one can learn quite a lot about strategy-based leadership and the recent world history.
February 1, 2017
The final (and, at 1,079 pages, the shortest) volume of Kissinger's memoirs as National Security Adviser and Secretary of State. This volume covers the Ford years, from Nixon's resignation in August 1974 to the transition after Jimmy Carter's election as President in 1976. Due in large to Nixon's growing weakness thanks to Watergate, and then Ford becoming the first non-elected President in history, Kissinger became a much more powerful Secretary of State than he would have otherwise.
One of the things that Kissinger does extremely well here is that he compartmentalizes different areas of foreign policy: giving each region its own part in the book while also being able to juxtapose the region under discussion against the other crises and issues occurring at the same time. This gives the reader a better sense of the rapid-fire nature of the problems that Kissinger and Ford were facing. Different problems occurred at overlapping times and there was seldom enough time to devote the amount of time to each one that he thought necessary. Foreign policy issues do not happen in a vacuum, and are also not unaffected by American domestic concerns. This is one of the main themes of all three volumes, but it really comes into play here in the wake of Watergate and the declining power of the presidency.
Kissinger spends approximately the first 10% of the book talking about the end of the Nixon presidency, what it was like working for Nixon vs working for Ford, and how he really had to act as a sort of co-president while Nixon's presidency disintegrated and Ford got up to speed. Much of this was covered in the prior volume, Years of Upheaval. While Kissinger does provide some penetrating analysis on Nixon's character and what he was like as a boss, most of this could have been left out and the quality of the book would not been have been affected.
One thing that clearly stands out in this volume is the basic human decency and kindness of Gerald Ford. Time and again, Kissinger describes how Ford rarely put politics ahead of making what he thought was the right decision. This goes from the pardoning of Nixon to the beginnings of the negotiation over a treaty to transfer control of the Panama Canal to Panama (here was one of the few concessions to the electoral calendar that Ford ultimately did make, putting the brakes on talks for most of 1976). It is clear that, after the turmoil of the Nixon years, Kissinger relished Ford's simplicity in human relations and his honesty and support in dealing with him.
Kissinger does not miss any chance to fillet Congress and the media as being short-sighted and obtuse in their views of America's role and responsibilities in the world. This is especially acute when writes about the fall of South Vietnam in 1975, and how Congress, with a large boost from an extremely skeptical media, cut funding and basically cut Ford and Kissinger's legs out from under them, rendering them helpless as they watched Saigon be overtaken by the North Vietnamese communists. Kissinger's main beef is that the U.S. was basically leaving its longtime ally, South Vietnam, hung out to dry and the regime of President Thieu be destroyed. He does have a point, and one must take into consideration his experience and all of the months that he devoted to finding an acceptable settlement to the Vietnam War. His first volume, White House Years, describes the intense and maddening negotiations that he underwent with Le Duc Tho from North Vietnam, and how he had to constantly endure Tho's arrogance and condescension. So, his being angry at Congress in effect taking decisions out of his hands and letting his work go down the drain is more than understandable.
However, when would the U.S. have completely gotten out of South Vietnam? Did Kissinger really think that, after all of the upheaval of the late 1960s, and all of the protests, and all of the troops who died there, that the American public would accept a return of armed forces to South Vietnam? Did he think that Congress, in the wake of Watergate, in the wake of the lies told by Johnson and Nixon, with the economy turning sour due to inflation and the energy crisis, would recommit America to once again defending a weak regime in South Vietnam? North Vietnam had one distinct advantage over the United States (and France before it), and that was that - at some point - the U.S. would go home. Troops would not be kept there indefinitely. Kissinger does not discuss the impact that these aspects had on Congress' decision to end all funding to Vietnam.
Later in the book, Kissinger discusses Latin America. This was an area of the world where he admitted that he had little expertise in - as his primary interest and background was in Cold War diplomacy, and a focus on American relationships with Western Europe. Kissinger also admits that he knew that Latin America was important, and that he wished he had had more time to devote to the region, but other priorities and crises usually intervened and served to divert his attention elsewhere. When looking at what was going on in the world while Kissinger was in office, this is definitely an accurate description of U.S.-Latin American affairs. However, Kissinger once again goes out of his way to distance himself - and the CIA - from the bloody coup that took place in Chile in 1973. There are many sources that one can read that show that Kissinger was far more involved than he admits in removing Salvador Allende and thus paving the way for Augusto Pinochet.
Towards the end of the book, Kissinger devotes significant time to discussing issues with majority rule in southern Africa. Any discussion of African politics was completely absent from the first two volumes, and after slogging through chapter after chapter about arms control negotiations with the Soviet Union, it was a pleasure to read about a completely different area of the world for a change. Kissinger's work in this area came late in his tenure, and was once again hampered by a recalcitrant Congress determined to prevent any type of military or financial endeavors in a distant part of the globe. This causes Kissinger to somewhat contradict himself here as on page 999 he talks about warning Rhodesian "Prime Minister" Ian Smith (Smith was basically self-appointed to that position, but Kissinger recognized him as such anyways to help smooth negotiations) that he needs to follow the American and British plans for majority rule, but then two pages later he is forced to admit the considerable limits placed on the U.S. by Congress if Kissinger advocated for any economic aid, let alone military assistance.
Despite his proclivity to write in such detail, there are some things that Kissinger is somewhat tight-lipped about (including the Chile coup as previously mentioned): Ford's decision to remove him as National Security Adviser in late 1975, the removal of Nelson Rockefeller from the 1976 Republican ticket, and the machinations of a young Donald Rumsfeld first as Chief of Staff and then as Secretary of Defense. Kissinger includes almost no personal references in these volumes, other than occasional references to his emigrating to the U.S. from Germany as a boy. Indeed, on only the second to last page does he mention that he has a brother! He also plays somewhat coy about wanting to stay on in office. Early in the book, he quotes directly from Ford that Ford planned to retain as Secretary of State had he been elected in 1976. Yet, during the African portion of the memoir, he writes that he planned to resign even if Ford had been reelected.
Overall, this volume is a satisfying conclusion to Kissinger's many travels and adventures over eight years of significant change in American history. For anyone interested in American diplomatic history, the opening to China, U.S.-Russian Cold War relations, or the Nixon and/or Ford presidencies, these books are highly valuable. But, for the general or casual reader, you might wish to look elsewhere unless you would like to devote a few months' worth of reading time to these massive tomes.
Grade: B-
One of the things that Kissinger does extremely well here is that he compartmentalizes different areas of foreign policy: giving each region its own part in the book while also being able to juxtapose the region under discussion against the other crises and issues occurring at the same time. This gives the reader a better sense of the rapid-fire nature of the problems that Kissinger and Ford were facing. Different problems occurred at overlapping times and there was seldom enough time to devote the amount of time to each one that he thought necessary. Foreign policy issues do not happen in a vacuum, and are also not unaffected by American domestic concerns. This is one of the main themes of all three volumes, but it really comes into play here in the wake of Watergate and the declining power of the presidency.
Kissinger spends approximately the first 10% of the book talking about the end of the Nixon presidency, what it was like working for Nixon vs working for Ford, and how he really had to act as a sort of co-president while Nixon's presidency disintegrated and Ford got up to speed. Much of this was covered in the prior volume, Years of Upheaval. While Kissinger does provide some penetrating analysis on Nixon's character and what he was like as a boss, most of this could have been left out and the quality of the book would not been have been affected.
One thing that clearly stands out in this volume is the basic human decency and kindness of Gerald Ford. Time and again, Kissinger describes how Ford rarely put politics ahead of making what he thought was the right decision. This goes from the pardoning of Nixon to the beginnings of the negotiation over a treaty to transfer control of the Panama Canal to Panama (here was one of the few concessions to the electoral calendar that Ford ultimately did make, putting the brakes on talks for most of 1976). It is clear that, after the turmoil of the Nixon years, Kissinger relished Ford's simplicity in human relations and his honesty and support in dealing with him.
Kissinger does not miss any chance to fillet Congress and the media as being short-sighted and obtuse in their views of America's role and responsibilities in the world. This is especially acute when writes about the fall of South Vietnam in 1975, and how Congress, with a large boost from an extremely skeptical media, cut funding and basically cut Ford and Kissinger's legs out from under them, rendering them helpless as they watched Saigon be overtaken by the North Vietnamese communists. Kissinger's main beef is that the U.S. was basically leaving its longtime ally, South Vietnam, hung out to dry and the regime of President Thieu be destroyed. He does have a point, and one must take into consideration his experience and all of the months that he devoted to finding an acceptable settlement to the Vietnam War. His first volume, White House Years, describes the intense and maddening negotiations that he underwent with Le Duc Tho from North Vietnam, and how he had to constantly endure Tho's arrogance and condescension. So, his being angry at Congress in effect taking decisions out of his hands and letting his work go down the drain is more than understandable.
However, when would the U.S. have completely gotten out of South Vietnam? Did Kissinger really think that, after all of the upheaval of the late 1960s, and all of the protests, and all of the troops who died there, that the American public would accept a return of armed forces to South Vietnam? Did he think that Congress, in the wake of Watergate, in the wake of the lies told by Johnson and Nixon, with the economy turning sour due to inflation and the energy crisis, would recommit America to once again defending a weak regime in South Vietnam? North Vietnam had one distinct advantage over the United States (and France before it), and that was that - at some point - the U.S. would go home. Troops would not be kept there indefinitely. Kissinger does not discuss the impact that these aspects had on Congress' decision to end all funding to Vietnam.
Later in the book, Kissinger discusses Latin America. This was an area of the world where he admitted that he had little expertise in - as his primary interest and background was in Cold War diplomacy, and a focus on American relationships with Western Europe. Kissinger also admits that he knew that Latin America was important, and that he wished he had had more time to devote to the region, but other priorities and crises usually intervened and served to divert his attention elsewhere. When looking at what was going on in the world while Kissinger was in office, this is definitely an accurate description of U.S.-Latin American affairs. However, Kissinger once again goes out of his way to distance himself - and the CIA - from the bloody coup that took place in Chile in 1973. There are many sources that one can read that show that Kissinger was far more involved than he admits in removing Salvador Allende and thus paving the way for Augusto Pinochet.
Towards the end of the book, Kissinger devotes significant time to discussing issues with majority rule in southern Africa. Any discussion of African politics was completely absent from the first two volumes, and after slogging through chapter after chapter about arms control negotiations with the Soviet Union, it was a pleasure to read about a completely different area of the world for a change. Kissinger's work in this area came late in his tenure, and was once again hampered by a recalcitrant Congress determined to prevent any type of military or financial endeavors in a distant part of the globe. This causes Kissinger to somewhat contradict himself here as on page 999 he talks about warning Rhodesian "Prime Minister" Ian Smith (Smith was basically self-appointed to that position, but Kissinger recognized him as such anyways to help smooth negotiations) that he needs to follow the American and British plans for majority rule, but then two pages later he is forced to admit the considerable limits placed on the U.S. by Congress if Kissinger advocated for any economic aid, let alone military assistance.
Despite his proclivity to write in such detail, there are some things that Kissinger is somewhat tight-lipped about (including the Chile coup as previously mentioned): Ford's decision to remove him as National Security Adviser in late 1975, the removal of Nelson Rockefeller from the 1976 Republican ticket, and the machinations of a young Donald Rumsfeld first as Chief of Staff and then as Secretary of Defense. Kissinger includes almost no personal references in these volumes, other than occasional references to his emigrating to the U.S. from Germany as a boy. Indeed, on only the second to last page does he mention that he has a brother! He also plays somewhat coy about wanting to stay on in office. Early in the book, he quotes directly from Ford that Ford planned to retain as Secretary of State had he been elected in 1976. Yet, during the African portion of the memoir, he writes that he planned to resign even if Ford had been reelected.
Overall, this volume is a satisfying conclusion to Kissinger's many travels and adventures over eight years of significant change in American history. For anyone interested in American diplomatic history, the opening to China, U.S.-Russian Cold War relations, or the Nixon and/or Ford presidencies, these books are highly valuable. But, for the general or casual reader, you might wish to look elsewhere unless you would like to devote a few months' worth of reading time to these massive tomes.
Grade: B-
March 27, 2017
賳馗乇丕 賱囟禺丕賲丞 丨噩賲 丕賱賰鬲丕亘貙 賵賱賯賱丞 亘囟丕毓鬲賷 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 貙 賮廿賳賷 賱賲 兀鬲丨賲爻 賱賯乇丕亍鬲賴 賰丕賲賱丕 賵賱賰賳賷 兀胤賱毓鬲 毓賱賶 丕賱噩夭亍 丕賱乇丕亘毓 丕賱賲鬲毓賱賯 亘丕賱卮乇賯 丕賱兀賵爻胤.
賱爻鬲 兀丿乇賷貙 賱賰賳 丕賱賲鬲乇噩賲 賷賯賵賱 兀賳 賴匕賴 丕賱賲匕賰乇丕鬲 賴賷 賲賱禺氐 賲丕 賰鬲亘賴 賰爻賷賳噩乇 賮賷 賲匕賰乇丕鬲賴 丕賱爻丕亘賯丞 賵丕賱賲胤亘賵毓丞 賮賷 噩夭兀賷賳. 賵丕賱匕賷 賷馗賴乇 賱賷 兀賳賴丕 賲賰賲賱丞 賱賴丕 賱丕 賲賱禺氐丞 賱賴丕貙 賱兀賳 丨丿賷孬賴 賮賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 毓賳 賲乇丨賱丞 丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱丕賲乇賷賰賷 賮賵乇丿.
賱爻鬲 亘丨丕噩丞 賰亘賷乇丞 賱賱鬲毓乇賷賮 亘賴匕丕 丕賱毓賲賱丕賯 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 賮賷 丕賱賯乇賳 丕賱毓卮乇賷賳貙 賵丕賱匕賷 丕賰鬲爻亘 卮賴乇丞 賰亘賷乇丞 賱丿賶 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷賷賳 賳馗乇丕 賱夭丕賷丕乇鬲賴 丕賱賰孬賷乇丞 賵丌乇丕卅賴 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 丕賱賲丐孬乇丞 丕賱毓賲賷賯丞 丕賱賲亘賳賷丞 毓賱賶 丿乇丕爻丞 兀賰丕丿賷賲賷丞 賵鬲禺氐氐賷丞 賵賱賷爻鬲 禺亘乇丞 賵鬲噩乇亘丞 賮賯胤.
賲毓 賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱鬲賮丕氐賷賱 丕賱鬲賷 賷賲賰賳 丕賳 鬲賰賵賳 賲賲賱丞貙 賷爻乇丿 賰爻賷賳噩乇 兀丨丿丕孬丕 賵丨賵丕乇丕鬲 丿丕乇鬲 禺賱賮 賰賵丕賱賷爻 丕賱賲胤丕亘禺 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞貙 賲毓 噩乇兀丞 賮賷 胤乇丨 丕賱兀賮賰丕乇 賵爻乇丿 賲丕 賴賵 賲賴賲 賵賲丕賱賷丞 賲賴賲.
兀乇噩賵 賱賲賳 爻賷賯乇兀賴 賲鬲毓丞 賵賳賮毓丕
賱爻鬲 兀丿乇賷貙 賱賰賳 丕賱賲鬲乇噩賲 賷賯賵賱 兀賳 賴匕賴 丕賱賲匕賰乇丕鬲 賴賷 賲賱禺氐 賲丕 賰鬲亘賴 賰爻賷賳噩乇 賮賷 賲匕賰乇丕鬲賴 丕賱爻丕亘賯丞 賵丕賱賲胤亘賵毓丞 賮賷 噩夭兀賷賳. 賵丕賱匕賷 賷馗賴乇 賱賷 兀賳賴丕 賲賰賲賱丞 賱賴丕 賱丕 賲賱禺氐丞 賱賴丕貙 賱兀賳 丨丿賷孬賴 賮賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 毓賳 賲乇丨賱丞 丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱丕賲乇賷賰賷 賮賵乇丿.
賱爻鬲 亘丨丕噩丞 賰亘賷乇丞 賱賱鬲毓乇賷賮 亘賴匕丕 丕賱毓賲賱丕賯 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 賮賷 丕賱賯乇賳 丕賱毓卮乇賷賳貙 賵丕賱匕賷 丕賰鬲爻亘 卮賴乇丞 賰亘賷乇丞 賱丿賶 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷賷賳 賳馗乇丕 賱夭丕賷丕乇鬲賴 丕賱賰孬賷乇丞 賵丌乇丕卅賴 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 丕賱賲丐孬乇丞 丕賱毓賲賷賯丞 丕賱賲亘賳賷丞 毓賱賶 丿乇丕爻丞 兀賰丕丿賷賲賷丞 賵鬲禺氐氐賷丞 賵賱賷爻鬲 禺亘乇丞 賵鬲噩乇亘丞 賮賯胤.
賲毓 賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱鬲賮丕氐賷賱 丕賱鬲賷 賷賲賰賳 丕賳 鬲賰賵賳 賲賲賱丞貙 賷爻乇丿 賰爻賷賳噩乇 兀丨丿丕孬丕 賵丨賵丕乇丕鬲 丿丕乇鬲 禺賱賮 賰賵丕賱賷爻 丕賱賲胤丕亘禺 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞貙 賲毓 噩乇兀丞 賮賷 胤乇丨 丕賱兀賮賰丕乇 賵爻乇丿 賲丕 賴賵 賲賴賲 賵賲丕賱賷丞 賲賴賲.
兀乇噩賵 賱賲賳 爻賷賯乇兀賴 賲鬲毓丞 賵賳賮毓丕
January 24, 2014
鈥淵ears of Renewal鈥� is the conclusion of Henry Kissinger鈥檚 memoirs, this volume dealing primarily with the Ford years. The chapters are organized by topics: the transition, the Nixon legacy, the Ford Team, East-West relations, the Middle East, Indochina, Europe, Latin America, Communists, Southern Africa and, at the end, another transition.
The author makes the point that he assumed duties beyond those of a routine Secretary of State because of Nixon鈥檚 increasing pre-occupation with political problems and Ford鈥檚 inexperience in foreign affairs. As the new president put it: 鈥� Henry, I need you. The country needs you. I want you to stay.鈥�
This book reminds the reader about the rapid fire crises with which Ford and his team had to deal. Without the period between election and inauguration, Ford had to pick up where Nixon left off. He had to build on Nixon鈥檚 relationships with the Soviet Union and China while managing eruptions in Cyprus, perennial turmoil in the Middle East, and an immediate election season that returned a 鈥淢cGovernite鈥� Congress, only two years after McGovern had been soundly defeated.
One of the gravest crises to face Ford was the collapse in Indochina. Kissinger gives an insider鈥檚 view of the analysis and efforts of the administration to obtain approval to restore aid to South Vietnam, as provided for in the Peace Accords, when the North made its final push to unify the country. After Ford conceded that the Vietnam War was over for the United States Cambodia provided a chance for America to send a message when it captured the Mayaguez. Kissinger makes the case that the Helsinki accords, though unpopular at the time, were an important step leading to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Toward the end Kissinger was involved in the breakthroughs leading to majority rule in Rhodesia, Southwest Africa and set in motion the process that brought it to South Africa.
On these pages Kissinger tells his story and defends the administration. It is obvious that he respects Ford and resented the interference from the McGovernite Congress. He specifically highlighted congressional cutting of funds for Vietnam and Angola which left Kissinger with nothing to threaten or offer during his diplomatic negotiations.
The tome is lengthy but the writing is superb. The reader is treated to a detailed journey through the foreign policy challenges of the Ford years. Kissinger provides his impressions of those with whom he worked with and against. Ford is shown as a calm leader under attack from both right and left who, while cognizant of political considerations never sacrificed the national welfare on the altar of political expediency. His impressions are not always flattering but always respectful and bare no secrets. 鈥淵ears of Renewal鈥� is a valuable contribution to the historical record of the Ford administration and should be read by anyone wanting to understand it or just remember the headlines of that era
The author makes the point that he assumed duties beyond those of a routine Secretary of State because of Nixon鈥檚 increasing pre-occupation with political problems and Ford鈥檚 inexperience in foreign affairs. As the new president put it: 鈥� Henry, I need you. The country needs you. I want you to stay.鈥�
This book reminds the reader about the rapid fire crises with which Ford and his team had to deal. Without the period between election and inauguration, Ford had to pick up where Nixon left off. He had to build on Nixon鈥檚 relationships with the Soviet Union and China while managing eruptions in Cyprus, perennial turmoil in the Middle East, and an immediate election season that returned a 鈥淢cGovernite鈥� Congress, only two years after McGovern had been soundly defeated.
One of the gravest crises to face Ford was the collapse in Indochina. Kissinger gives an insider鈥檚 view of the analysis and efforts of the administration to obtain approval to restore aid to South Vietnam, as provided for in the Peace Accords, when the North made its final push to unify the country. After Ford conceded that the Vietnam War was over for the United States Cambodia provided a chance for America to send a message when it captured the Mayaguez. Kissinger makes the case that the Helsinki accords, though unpopular at the time, were an important step leading to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Toward the end Kissinger was involved in the breakthroughs leading to majority rule in Rhodesia, Southwest Africa and set in motion the process that brought it to South Africa.
On these pages Kissinger tells his story and defends the administration. It is obvious that he respects Ford and resented the interference from the McGovernite Congress. He specifically highlighted congressional cutting of funds for Vietnam and Angola which left Kissinger with nothing to threaten or offer during his diplomatic negotiations.
The tome is lengthy but the writing is superb. The reader is treated to a detailed journey through the foreign policy challenges of the Ford years. Kissinger provides his impressions of those with whom he worked with and against. Ford is shown as a calm leader under attack from both right and left who, while cognizant of political considerations never sacrificed the national welfare on the altar of political expediency. His impressions are not always flattering but always respectful and bare no secrets. 鈥淵ears of Renewal鈥� is a valuable contribution to the historical record of the Ford administration and should be read by anyone wanting to understand it or just remember the headlines of that era
December 4, 2022
how were you a nobel peace prize laureate when you murdered millions?
November 28, 2019
賰匕亘 爻賷丕爻賷 賵丕賲乇賷賰丕 賴賷 賴賷 賱丕 鬲鬲睾賷乇 鬲乇賷丿 兀賳 鬲氐賱丨 丕賱毓丕賱賲 毓賳 胤乇賷賯 鬲丿賲賷乇賴 丕賱賵丨賷丿 丕賱匕賷 賷爻鬲丨賯 丕賱卮賰乇 賴賵 丕賱賲鬲乇噩賲
賲丕 #丨亘賷鬲
賲丕 #丨亘賷鬲
February 26, 2018
賲匕賰乇丕鬲 賮賷賴丕 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱賲賱丕丨馗丕鬲 丕賱賴丕賲丞貙 賵賱賰賳 丕爻賱賵亘 乇賵丕賷鬲賴丕 賷亘毓孬 毓賱賶 丕賱賲賱賱 丕賱卮丿賷丿貙 賵賱賰賳 賯賲賳丕 亘廿賱睾丕亍 賰丕賮丞 丕賱鬲賮丕氐賷賱 丕賱睾賷乇 賴丕賲丞貙 賰丕賱丨丿賷孬 毓賳 卮噩丕毓丞 (廿噩乇丕賲) 丕賱氐賴丕賷賳丞 賮賷 丨乇賵亘賴賲 丕賵 丨亘賴賲 賱廿爻乇丕卅賷賱 賵鬲賮丕賳賷賴賲 賮賷 丕賱賯鬲丕賱 賮丿丕亍 賱賴丕貙 丕賵 丕賱丨丿賷孬 毓賳 乇賰賵亘 丕賱爻賷丕乇丕鬲 賵丕賱胤丕卅乇丕鬲 賵睾賷乇賴丕 賲賳 丕賱鬲賮丕氐賷賱 丕賱鬲賷 賷賲賰賳 廿禺鬲氐丕乇賴丕 丕賵 丨氐乇賴丕貙 賱賵賮乇鬲 毓賱賷賳丕 丕賱賲孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱氐賮丨丕鬲 賵賱乇亘賲丕 亘賱睾鬲 丕賱賲匕賰乇丕鬲 禺賲爻賲卅丞 氐賮丨丞 賮賯胤.
賴賳丕賰 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱賲毓賱賵賲丕鬲 丕賱賮乇賷丿丞 賵丕賱噩賲賷賱丞貙 禺丕氐丞 毓賳 丨乇亘 賮賷鬲賳丕賲 賵丕賱賲賮丕賵囟丕鬲 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 丕賱氐賴賷賵賳賷丞貙 胤乇賷賯丞 丨丿賷孬賴 毓賳 丕賱氐賴丕賷賳丞 鬲丿賱 毓賱賶 丕賳丨賷丕夭賴 丕賱鬲丕賲 賱賴賲 賵毓賲賱賴 丕賱丿丐賵亘 賱丿毓賲 丕賱氐賴丕賷賳丞 賮賷 丕賱賲賮丕賵囟丕鬲 丨鬲賶 丕賳賴 賰丕賳 賷睾囟亘 丕賱丕丿丕乇丞 丕賱丕賲乇賷賰賷丞貙 賵丕賱丕胤賱丕毓 毓賱賶 丕賱賲匕賰乇丕鬲 賷乇卮丿賰 丕賱賶丕賱丿賵乇 丕賱賴丕賲 丕賱匕賷 鬲賱毓亘賴 卮禺氐賷丞 丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱丕賲乇賷賰賷 賮賷 丨爻賲 丕賱賯囟丕賷丕 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 丕賱卮丕卅賰丞 賮賷 丕賱毓丕賱賲. 賵爻鬲丿乇賰 丨賷賳賴丕 賰賷賮 丕賳 賳賷賰爻賵賳 賰丕賳 氐賱亘丕 賮賷 賮賷鬲賳丕賲 乇睾賲 氐毓賵亘鬲賴丕 賵鬲賵丕噩丿 丕賱噩賷卮 丕賱丕賲乇賷賰賷 賮賷賴丕 賵禺爻丕卅乇丞 丕賱丕爻亘賵毓賷丞 亘丕賱賲卅丕鬲貙 賮賷 丨賷賳 丕賳 賮賵乇丿 賰丕賳 囟毓賷賮丕 賵睾賷乇 賯丕丿乇丕 毓賱賶 丕鬲禺丕匕 禺胤賵丕鬲 丿賷亘賱賵賲丕爻賷丞 丨丕爻賲丞 賮賷 丕賱賲賮丕賵囟丕鬲 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 丕賱廿爻乇丕卅賷賱賷丞.
賴賳丕賰 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱賲毓賱賵賲丕鬲 丕賱賮乇賷丿丞 賵丕賱噩賲賷賱丞貙 禺丕氐丞 毓賳 丨乇亘 賮賷鬲賳丕賲 賵丕賱賲賮丕賵囟丕鬲 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 丕賱氐賴賷賵賳賷丞貙 胤乇賷賯丞 丨丿賷孬賴 毓賳 丕賱氐賴丕賷賳丞 鬲丿賱 毓賱賶 丕賳丨賷丕夭賴 丕賱鬲丕賲 賱賴賲 賵毓賲賱賴 丕賱丿丐賵亘 賱丿毓賲 丕賱氐賴丕賷賳丞 賮賷 丕賱賲賮丕賵囟丕鬲 丨鬲賶 丕賳賴 賰丕賳 賷睾囟亘 丕賱丕丿丕乇丞 丕賱丕賲乇賷賰賷丞貙 賵丕賱丕胤賱丕毓 毓賱賶 丕賱賲匕賰乇丕鬲 賷乇卮丿賰 丕賱賶丕賱丿賵乇 丕賱賴丕賲 丕賱匕賷 鬲賱毓亘賴 卮禺氐賷丞 丕賱乇卅賷爻 丕賱丕賲乇賷賰賷 賮賷 丨爻賲 丕賱賯囟丕賷丕 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 丕賱卮丕卅賰丞 賮賷 丕賱毓丕賱賲. 賵爻鬲丿乇賰 丨賷賳賴丕 賰賷賮 丕賳 賳賷賰爻賵賳 賰丕賳 氐賱亘丕 賮賷 賮賷鬲賳丕賲 乇睾賲 氐毓賵亘鬲賴丕 賵鬲賵丕噩丿 丕賱噩賷卮 丕賱丕賲乇賷賰賷 賮賷賴丕 賵禺爻丕卅乇丞 丕賱丕爻亘賵毓賷丞 亘丕賱賲卅丕鬲貙 賮賷 丨賷賳 丕賳 賮賵乇丿 賰丕賳 囟毓賷賮丕 賵睾賷乇 賯丕丿乇丕 毓賱賶 丕鬲禺丕匕 禺胤賵丕鬲 丿賷亘賱賵賲丕爻賷丞 丨丕爻賲丞 賮賷 丕賱賲賮丕賵囟丕鬲 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 丕賱廿爻乇丕卅賷賱賷丞.
Currently reading
February 1, 2007This is currently my bathroom book. I've not read much of it yet, but I'm hoping it's as good as Diplomacy.
Want to read
June 13, 2009King Hussein is portrayed very well.
Slow read.
If I ever finish this there will be fireworks going off over my house.
Slow read.
If I ever finish this there will be fireworks going off over my house.
December 29, 2014
Brilliant ....bastard
November 4, 2018
I have to admit, the bastard can write. It's frankly a gift that we have such a clear-sighted and readable account of what went on in the mind of one of the most consequential (for good and for very bad) statesmen of the 20th century. While it didn't make me come out on Kissinger's side, it did bring home that he was very often the voice of reason in a truly scary White House. That the roots of Reagan/Bush-style neoconservatism were already present in the Nixon and Ford administrations is very clear in this volume, even if Kissinger doesn't quite address it.
May 31, 2023
噩丕卅夭丞 兀囟禺賲 賰鬲丕亘 賮賷 丨賷丕鬲賷 鬲匕賴亘 廿賱賶 匕丕貙 亘爻 賵丕賱賱賴 氐毓亘 賮賴賲賴 (亘丿賷鬲 丕卮賰 丕賳 丕賱賲卮賰賱丞 賮賷賳賷 ) 禺氐賵氐賸丕 賵賴賵 氐賵鬲賷貙 賲毓賱賵賲丕鬲 丕爻乇丕卅賷賱 賵賰賷賮 丕賳 丕賲乇賷賰丕 賰丕賳鬲 鬲賮賰乇 亘丕賱鬲禺賱賷 毓賳賴丕 氐乇丕丨丞 賰丕賳鬲 氐丕丿賲丞 貙 丕禺乇 卮賷 噩丕亍 亘亘丕賱賷 爻丐丕賱 丕賳 賰丕賳鬲 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱丕賲乇賷賰賷丞 賲賲賰賳 鬲鬲睾賷乇 亘賳丕亍賸 毓丕賱丕丿丕乇丞 丕賱賱賷 賲丕爻賰鬲賴丕 賮賵卮 賯賷賲丞 丕賱賯乇丕乇丕鬲 賲毓 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱丕禺乇賶 丕賳 賰丕賳 賷賲丿賷賴丕 鬲鬲乇丕噩毓 毓賳賴丕 亘毓丿賷賳貙 賲孬賱賸丕 爻丕賱賮丞 鬲丕賷賵丕賳 賵丕賳 丕賲乇賷賰丕 賱賳 鬲毓鬲乇賮 亘賴丕 丨丕賱賷賸丕 丕賲乇賷賰丕 鬲丨丕賵賱 鬲爻鬲賮夭 丕賱氐賷賳 亘匕丕 丕賱賲賵囟賵毓 賮賵卮 賯賷賲丞 賯乇丕乇 丕賳賴丕 賲丕乇丨 鬲毓鬲乇賮 賮賷賴丕 (賴丕賱賰賱丕賲 亘丕賱爻亘毓賷賳丕鬲 ) 亘丨丕賱賷賸丕 貙 丕賷卮 丕賱賱賷 賷禺賱賷 丕賱丿賵賱 賲丕 夭丕賱鬲 鬲鬲丨丕賱賮 賲毓 丕賲乇賷賰丕 丕賳 賰丕賳鬲 賲賲賰賳 鬲鬲乇丕噩毓 亘賯乇丕乇丕鬲賴丕 賷亘賷賱賴 亘丨孬
January 9, 2022
A bore from a deep state shill.
December 24, 2022
鈥淵ears of Renewal鈥� by Henry Kissinger is the final volume of his memoir. Whereas the first two volumes had climaxes that colored their pages, this volume, though the shortest, was hardest to finish due to its rather colorless recounting of foreign policy in the two years of Ford.
August 11, 2012
good plitical man
February 14, 2015
Quos enim in consequatur quibusdam mollitia consequuntur. Unde quasi consequatur maxime qui quo consequuntur in. Voluptatem non nam. Dolores animi quam.
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