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408 pages, Kindle Edition
First published October 14, 2021
"To see the world in this way requires not just the physical subjugation of people and territory, but also a specific idea of conquest, as a process of extraction.�
“The project of terraforming enframes the world in much the same way that the Banda Islands came to be seen by their conquerors: this is the frame as world-as-resource, in which landscapes (or planets) come to be regarded as factories and “Nature� is seen as subdued and cheap.�
"As we watch the environmental and biological disasters that are now unfolding across the Earth, it is becoming even harder to hold on to the belief that the planet is an inert body that exists merely in order to provide humans with resources."
The Dutch East India Company was pre-capitalist […] an extractive merchant circuit that the East India Company had created. The East India Company was a combination of a joint-stock company and an imperialist state that had 200,000 soldiers that did all the looting on [their] behalf. I don’t think this is a good example of capitalism […], it’s a good example of how British imperialism and Dutch imperialism and European imperialism started.b) Anti-imperialism:
[…] you made a point about monopoly capital. East India Company is not a good example of that, but my Westinghouse, Ford and Edison trio [Second Industrial Revolution] are a good example […]
The science-fictional concept of terraforming is thus an extrapolation from colonial history, except that it extends the project of creating neo-Europes into one of creating neo-Earths. Consequently, narratives of terraforming draw heavily on the rhetoric and imagery of empire, envisioning space as a 'frontier' to be 'conquered' and 'colonised'. The concept's deep roots in the settler-colonial experience may explain why it has such a wide appeal in the English-speaking world, not just among fans of science fiction, but also among tech billionaires, entrepreneurs, engineers, and so on. It suggests an almost poignant yearning to repeat an ancestral experience of colonising and subjugating not just other humans, but also planetary environments.
Ecological interventions were not just an incidental effect of European settlement in the Americas; they were central to the project, the explicit aim of which was to turn territories that were perceived to be wastelands into terrain that fitted a European conception of productive land. Indeed, the settlers' very claims to the territories were based on an idea that was essentially ecological: the notion that the land was 'savage', 'wild', and vacant, because it was neither tilled nor divided into property.
Capitalism was never endogenous to the West: Europe's colonial conquests and the mass enslavement of Amerindians and Africans were essential to its formation. Nor was it based mostly on free labour - not even in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, when many of the raw materials required by Western factories were produced by non-White workers in conditions of coercion, if not outright slavery. In the final analysis, it was the military and geopolitical dominance of the Western empires that made it possible for small minorities to exercise power over vast multitudes of people: over their bodies, their labour, their beliefs, and (not least) their environments. In that sense it was capitalism that was a secondary effect of empire, as is so clearly visible in the VOC's remaking of the Banda Islands.
The predicament of the US Department of Defense is a refraction of the quandary that now confronts the world's status quo powers: how do you reduce your dependence on the very 'resources' on which your geopolitical power is founded? How do you reduce the fossil-fuel consumption of a gargantuan military machine that exists largely to serve as a 'delivery service' for hydrocarbons?
The direction taken by the Covid-19 pandemic also suggests that future events may take some unexpected turns. Before 2020, respected experts placed the US and UK at the very top of a list of 'Countries best prepared to deal with the pandemic'. China was relegated to fifty-first place and a cluster of African countries were lumped together at the bottom. In the event, the assessment could not have been more misleading - the actual outcomes were startlingly at odds with the predictions.
[...]
Underlying all of this is another disquieting long-term trend, toward a form of governance that the anthropologist Joseph Masco has described as 'suicidal' because it 'privileges images of catastrophic future events' while being unable to respond to immediate challenges. [...] Military and security assessments of climate change fit this pattern perfectly in the sense that they project images of catastrophe into the future in a fashion that negates the possibility of confronting climate change in the present day.
Indeed, common lands existed everywhere in the world, with no tragic consequences, until Europeans, armed with guns and the ideas of John Locke and his ilk, began to forcefully impose draconian regimes of private property. An accurate title for the history of common lands would therefore be 'The Tragedy of Enclosure'.
All this conforms to what appears to be a consistent pattern in the relationship between vitalist ideas and politics: almost always, beliefs in the Earth's sacredness and the vitality of trees, rivers, and mountains are signs of an authentic commitment to the defence of nonhumans when they are associated with what Ramachandra Guha calls 'livelihood environmentalism' - that is to say, movements that are initiated and led by people who are intimately connected with the specificities of particular landscapes. By the same token, such ideas must always be distrusted and discounted when they are espoused by elite conservationists, avaricious gurus and godmen, right-wing cults, and most of all political parties: in each of these manifestations they are likely to be signs of exactly the kind of 'mysticism' that lends itself to co-optation by exclusivist right-wingers and fascists.