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Downfall: Putin, Prigozhin, and the fight for the future of Russia
‘Absolutely gripping, deeply authoritative, hugely important and lethally lurid�
Simon Sebag Montefiore, Sunday Times bestselling author of The A Family History
Yevgeny Prigozhin emerged as one of the most dangerous warlords in the world and as one of Vladimir Putin's chief rivals in Russia's tumultuous political climate, exiled after leading Wagner's attempted coup and killed in a mysterious plane crash. But what is the truth about this enigmatic figure, his role in the war with Ukraine, and the chaos unleashed across Russia by his turn against Putin? And, in the aftermath of his death, what is next for Russia in the new stage of late Putinism that Prigozhin's life forged?
Drawing on years of research, this book traces the rise of Russia's most prominent non-state actor and examines the political climate that propelled a convicted gangster with no government office to the formidable role he came to occupy. An essential story of Russia's recent history, Downfall is also a compelling insight into its likely future.
Simon Sebag Montefiore, Sunday Times bestselling author of The A Family History
Yevgeny Prigozhin emerged as one of the most dangerous warlords in the world and as one of Vladimir Putin's chief rivals in Russia's tumultuous political climate, exiled after leading Wagner's attempted coup and killed in a mysterious plane crash. But what is the truth about this enigmatic figure, his role in the war with Ukraine, and the chaos unleashed across Russia by his turn against Putin? And, in the aftermath of his death, what is next for Russia in the new stage of late Putinism that Prigozhin's life forged?
Drawing on years of research, this book traces the rise of Russia's most prominent non-state actor and examines the political climate that propelled a convicted gangster with no government office to the formidable role he came to occupy. An essential story of Russia's recent history, Downfall is also a compelling insight into its likely future.
262 pages, Kindle Edition
Published June 13, 2024
26 people are currently reading
303 people want to read
About the author
Anna Arutunyan
10books9followersAnna Arutunyan is a Russian-American journalist and the author of The Putin Mystique. She is currently a fellow at the Kennan Institute in Washington.
Anna Arutunyan’s work has appeared in USA Today, The Christian Science Monitor, The Nation, Foreign Policy in Focus, and The Moscow News, where she is an editor and senior correspondent. She is author of The Media in Russia (McGraw- Hill, 2009), and is the co-author (with Vladimir Shlapentokh) of Freedom, Repression and Private Property in Russia (Cambridge University Press, 2013). She has lectured on Russian power, politics and media at Tampere University in Finland and at Michigan State University.
A bilingual Russian-American, she was born in the Soviet Union in 1980 but grew up and received her education in the United States. In 2002 she returned to Moscow to write about Russia.
Anna Arutunyan’s work has appeared in USA Today, The Christian Science Monitor, The Nation, Foreign Policy in Focus, and The Moscow News, where she is an editor and senior correspondent. She is author of The Media in Russia (McGraw- Hill, 2009), and is the co-author (with Vladimir Shlapentokh) of Freedom, Repression and Private Property in Russia (Cambridge University Press, 2013). She has lectured on Russian power, politics and media at Tampere University in Finland and at Michigan State University.
A bilingual Russian-American, she was born in the Soviet Union in 1980 but grew up and received her education in the United States. In 2002 she returned to Moscow to write about Russia.
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Displaying 1 - 27 of 27 reviews
September 9, 2024
It's hard to write about modern Russia without access to internal documents and/or people directly connected to the regime and ready to disclose classified information. The narrative inevitably deviates into the field of assumption rather than fact; borders between hypothetical and real become obsolete. To complicate the matter, events of the ground and, thus, our broader perspective constantly shift by an hour. When Mark Galeotti and Anna Arutunyan started to work on DOWNFALL: PRIGOZHIN, PUTIN AND THE NEW FIGHT FOR THE FUTURE OF RUSSIA, they couldn't have predicted that the very object of their research, Yevgeny Prigozhin, would be assassinated soon after.
My last sentence arouses yet another question with no answer: was he assassinated or died in an accident?
In the first, chronologically organized part of DOWNFALL, Mark Galeotti and Anna Arutunyan trace the origins and formative years of Yevgeny Prigozhin, who was sometimes called Putin's henchman and who dared to challenge the regime, though in a very awkward way. Growing up poor and getting his final education in prison, Prigozhin learned to survive by any means possible. One of the ways was to establish a network of useful contacts of the powerful ones. He played roles everybody expected of him: an accommodating restaurant owner, a silent yes-man, a real estate owner, and a film producer. Later - in life and in the second part of this book - he became a condottiere and a father figure for his illegal-legal bandits. Contrary to popular belief in the West, he has never extorted much influence over Putin. He was a servant who went astray in an attempt to get his master's attention and paid dearly for his mistake.
Despite the somewhat chaotic retelling of events starting from the 2000s, DOWNFALL illuminates interesting aspects of Putin's policy rarely talked about. For me, the part about Russia's intervention in African affairs was a kind of new viewpoint that expanded my understanding of current Russian politics. As per the prevailing position on Putin's standing, he is a cold-blooded dictator who calculates his every step to make Russia great again. Mark Galeotti and Anna Arutunyan propose a different perspective, of a gambler who takes all opportunities at once. Not restrained by money and public opinion at home, he can allow himself to wait for a lucky combination of events that will eventually destabilize the West.
My last sentence arouses yet another question with no answer: was he assassinated or died in an accident?
In the first, chronologically organized part of DOWNFALL, Mark Galeotti and Anna Arutunyan trace the origins and formative years of Yevgeny Prigozhin, who was sometimes called Putin's henchman and who dared to challenge the regime, though in a very awkward way. Growing up poor and getting his final education in prison, Prigozhin learned to survive by any means possible. One of the ways was to establish a network of useful contacts of the powerful ones. He played roles everybody expected of him: an accommodating restaurant owner, a silent yes-man, a real estate owner, and a film producer. Later - in life and in the second part of this book - he became a condottiere and a father figure for his illegal-legal bandits. Contrary to popular belief in the West, he has never extorted much influence over Putin. He was a servant who went astray in an attempt to get his master's attention and paid dearly for his mistake.
Despite the somewhat chaotic retelling of events starting from the 2000s, DOWNFALL illuminates interesting aspects of Putin's policy rarely talked about. For me, the part about Russia's intervention in African affairs was a kind of new viewpoint that expanded my understanding of current Russian politics. As per the prevailing position on Putin's standing, he is a cold-blooded dictator who calculates his every step to make Russia great again. Mark Galeotti and Anna Arutunyan propose a different perspective, of a gambler who takes all opportunities at once. Not restrained by money and public opinion at home, he can allow himself to wait for a lucky combination of events that will eventually destabilize the West.
August 20, 2024
(The English review is placed beneath the Russian one)
Ярость в глазах
Мир идет нахуй
Хочу лишь смотреть, как он умирает
Анархия плоха, да, но мать не выбирают!
Воспитание в огне и ген насилия во мне
Я родился в этой тьме и дали имя Люцифер
И ты почувствуешь мой гнев, словно насилие в семье
Эй! Я ненавижу вас всех, ненавижу вас всех
Книга предназначена для среднестатистического читателя, которому всё же интересно узнать кто такой Пригожин. В отличие от официальных лиц РФ, Пригожин выделяется в качестве единственного человека, которые имел огромные полномочия (власть) и очень странные задачи, которые, очевидно, он получил от высшего руководства России. Если подумать, то действительно только Пригожин обладал своей собственной армии и при этом не имел никакого официального статуса (должности). Так же имя Пригожина появлялось чаще всего в иностранных СМИ (помимо имени Навального и Путина) в связи с действиями России в Африке, а позже и в Украине. Плюс к этому Пригожин стал известен за пределами России, когда произошло вмешательство в выборы США, в которых победил Дональд Трамп (в помощи которому обвиняли фабрику троллей, которая принадлежала Пригожину). Вот и получается, что Пригожин был единственным гражданином России (помимо Путина и Навального) который был известен зарубежному читателю и единственный которые имел очень странный статус внутри правящей в России группировки.
Книга условно поделена на две неравные части, где в первой половине даётся краткая биография Пригожина, а во второй автор чуть более подробно описывает взаимоотношения Пригожина с путинской властью. В принципе, автор ничего нового, что не было сказано о Пригожине в СМИ, не пишет. Однако безусловным плюсом является небольшой формат книги и отсутствие пустословия, ненужного текста. Так как лично меня жизнь Пригожина не очень интересует (и никогда не интересовала, так как я всегда считал Пригожина Путинской пешкой неспособной на самостоятельные шаги), то мне было не очень интересно читать. Но, не смотря на всё вышесказанное мною, книга всё же не плоха. Так, возвращаясь к книге, меня заинтересовал один момент в книге, одно замечание автора. Мы все знаем, что Пригожин выполнял одни из самых грязных поручений Путина, не занимая в тоже время никаких официальных должностей. В то же самое время Пригожин, в отличие от других друзей Путина, не был очень богатым человеком, т.е. ему было далеко до Путинских друзей-олигархов. И вот это интересно. Почему Пригожин брался за все поручения - фабрика троллей, создание армии наёмников (ЧВК «Вагнер»), участие в африканских кампаниях, участие в военном конфликте в Украине и пр. - при этом, не будучи ни олигархом, ни занимая высокий пост, ни вообще выделяясь чем-либо от других головорезов? Лично я не нашёл ответа в этой книге, так же как в книге отсутствует ответ, что связывало Путина и Пригожина и почему путин так сильно доверял Пригожину и почему так много задач возлагал на него.
The book is intended for the average reader who is curious to know who Prigozhin is (was). In contrast to Russian officials, Prigozhin stands out as the only person who had enormous powers (authority) and very strange tasks, which he received from Russia's top leadership. If you think about it, really only Prigozhin had his own army and yet had no official status (position). Also, Prigozhin's name appeared most often in foreign media (besides Navalny's and Putin's) in connection with Russia's actions in Africa and later in Ukraine. Plus, Prigozhin became famous outside of Russia when there was interference in the U.S. election that Donald Trump won (which Prigozhin's troll factory was accused of helping). It turns out that Prigozhin was the only Russian citizen (besides Putin and Navalny) who was known to foreign readers and the only one who had a very strange status within the ruling faction in Russia.
The book is conventionally divided into two unequal parts, where the first half gives a brief biography of Prigozhin, and, in the second half, the author describes Prigozhin's relationship with Putin's power in a little more detail. In principle, the author does not write anything new that has not been said about Prigozhin in the media. However, an undoubted plus is the small format of the book and the absence of twaddle, unnecessary text. Since I am not very interested in Prigozhin's life (and never have been, as I have always considered Prigozhin a Putin pawn incapable of independent steps), I was not very interested in reading it. But despite all of the above, the book is still not bad. So, coming back to the book, I was interested in one point in the book, one remark of the author. We all know that Prigozhin carried out some of Putin's dirtiest errands without holding any official positions. At the same time, Prigozhin, unlike Putin's other friends, was not a very rich man, i.e., he was far from Putin's oligarch friends. And this is interesting. Why did Prigozhin take on all the assignments - troll factory, creation of an army of mercenaries (PMC “Wagner�), participation in African campaigns, participation in the military conflict in Ukraine, etc.? - while being neither an oligarch, nor occupying a high position, nor in general standing out from other thugs? I didn't find an answer in this book, just as there is no answer in the book as to what connected Putin and Prigozhin, why Putin trusted Prigozhin so much, and why he assigned so many tasks to him.
Ярость в глазах
Мир идет нахуй
Хочу лишь смотреть, как он умирает
Анархия плоха, да, но мать не выбирают!
Воспитание в огне и ген насилия во мне
Я родился в этой тьме и дали имя Люцифер
И ты почувствуешь мой гнев, словно насилие в семье
Эй! Я ненавижу вас всех, ненавижу вас всех
Книга предназначена для среднестатистического читателя, которому всё же интересно узнать кто такой Пригожин. В отличие от официальных лиц РФ, Пригожин выделяется в качестве единственного человека, которые имел огромные полномочия (власть) и очень странные задачи, которые, очевидно, он получил от высшего руководства России. Если подумать, то действительно только Пригожин обладал своей собственной армии и при этом не имел никакого официального статуса (должности). Так же имя Пригожина появлялось чаще всего в иностранных СМИ (помимо имени Навального и Путина) в связи с действиями России в Африке, а позже и в Украине. Плюс к этому Пригожин стал известен за пределами России, когда произошло вмешательство в выборы США, в которых победил Дональд Трамп (в помощи которому обвиняли фабрику троллей, которая принадлежала Пригожину). Вот и получается, что Пригожин был единственным гражданином России (помимо Путина и Навального) который был известен зарубежному читателю и единственный которые имел очень странный статус внутри правящей в России группировки.
Книга условно поделена на две неравные части, где в первой половине даётся краткая биография Пригожина, а во второй автор чуть более подробно описывает взаимоотношения Пригожина с путинской властью. В принципе, автор ничего нового, что не было сказано о Пригожине в СМИ, не пишет. Однако безусловным плюсом является небольшой формат книги и отсутствие пустословия, ненужного текста. Так как лично меня жизнь Пригожина не очень интересует (и никогда не интересовала, так как я всегда считал Пригожина Путинской пешкой неспособной на самостоятельные шаги), то мне было не очень интересно читать. Но, не смотря на всё вышесказанное мною, книга всё же не плоха. Так, возвращаясь к книге, меня заинтересовал один момент в книге, одно замечание автора. Мы все знаем, что Пригожин выполнял одни из самых грязных поручений Путина, не занимая в тоже время никаких официальных должностей. В то же самое время Пригожин, в отличие от других друзей Путина, не был очень богатым человеком, т.е. ему было далеко до Путинских друзей-олигархов. И вот это интересно. Почему Пригожин брался за все поручения - фабрика троллей, создание армии наёмников (ЧВК «Вагнер»), участие в африканских кампаниях, участие в военном конфликте в Украине и пр. - при этом, не будучи ни олигархом, ни занимая высокий пост, ни вообще выделяясь чем-либо от других головорезов? Лично я не нашёл ответа в этой книге, так же как в книге отсутствует ответ, что связывало Путина и Пригожина и почему путин так сильно доверял Пригожину и почему так много задач возлагал на него.
The book is intended for the average reader who is curious to know who Prigozhin is (was). In contrast to Russian officials, Prigozhin stands out as the only person who had enormous powers (authority) and very strange tasks, which he received from Russia's top leadership. If you think about it, really only Prigozhin had his own army and yet had no official status (position). Also, Prigozhin's name appeared most often in foreign media (besides Navalny's and Putin's) in connection with Russia's actions in Africa and later in Ukraine. Plus, Prigozhin became famous outside of Russia when there was interference in the U.S. election that Donald Trump won (which Prigozhin's troll factory was accused of helping). It turns out that Prigozhin was the only Russian citizen (besides Putin and Navalny) who was known to foreign readers and the only one who had a very strange status within the ruling faction in Russia.
The book is conventionally divided into two unequal parts, where the first half gives a brief biography of Prigozhin, and, in the second half, the author describes Prigozhin's relationship with Putin's power in a little more detail. In principle, the author does not write anything new that has not been said about Prigozhin in the media. However, an undoubted plus is the small format of the book and the absence of twaddle, unnecessary text. Since I am not very interested in Prigozhin's life (and never have been, as I have always considered Prigozhin a Putin pawn incapable of independent steps), I was not very interested in reading it. But despite all of the above, the book is still not bad. So, coming back to the book, I was interested in one point in the book, one remark of the author. We all know that Prigozhin carried out some of Putin's dirtiest errands without holding any official positions. At the same time, Prigozhin, unlike Putin's other friends, was not a very rich man, i.e., he was far from Putin's oligarch friends. And this is interesting. Why did Prigozhin take on all the assignments - troll factory, creation of an army of mercenaries (PMC “Wagner�), participation in African campaigns, participation in the military conflict in Ukraine, etc.? - while being neither an oligarch, nor occupying a high position, nor in general standing out from other thugs? I didn't find an answer in this book, just as there is no answer in the book as to what connected Putin and Prigozhin, why Putin trusted Prigozhin so much, and why he assigned so many tasks to him.
August 5, 2024
This book describes the rise and inevitable fall of "Putin's Chef", the fundamentally odd and brutal figure of Yevgeny Prigozhin. It argues that his model of survival in prison as a younger man basically laid the foundation for his leadership style and political strategizing as he rose from being a restaurateur and importer, to the leader of the most infamous mercenary group on the planet. It charts his rivalry with Defence Minister Shoigu, leading to his eventual death. Although the book is relatively brief, it does an interesting job of describing his rise to power - although feels quite limited in that it draws mostly from what is publicly known about Prighozin, with little 'behind the scenes' or from insiders.
June 15, 2024
De opkomst en neergang van Prigozjin, de man die dacht meer te zijn dan een lijfeigene van Poetin. Helaas. Zijn laatste gok bleek hem fataal.
Interessant zoals altijd omdat Galeotti goeie bronnen rond het Kremlin heeft.
Interessant zoals altijd omdat Galeotti goeie bronnen rond het Kremlin heeft.
August 2, 2024
Exciting and interesting.
January 12, 2025
Yevgeny Prigozhin's life is tracked from his days as a criminal to becoming a hotdog vendor, caterer to the Russian elite, real estate mogul and eventually founder and leader of the mercenary army known as the Wagner Group. There is a wealth of information on his early years, then the book drops off and gets a bit muddy. There is some discussion of his activities in African and the Ukraine, but this is glossed over quickly and the book concentrates on the hurt feelings of Prigozhin and the power of Vladimir Putin. Although far from conclusive based on the information in the book, it appears he was assassinated.
Not a bad book. But a bit of a murky slog.
Not a bad book. But a bit of a murky slog.
December 25, 2024
I really enjoy Mark Galeotti's style of writing and this book is no different. The book gives an insight into the life of Prigozhin, with just the right amount of anecdotes and background info without making it boring or repetitive.
Of course it doesn't reveal any groundbreaking information, giving the nature of his business and how recent his demise was, but it puts all the information into a narrative and gives it a perspective.
Of course it doesn't reveal any groundbreaking information, giving the nature of his business and how recent his demise was, but it puts all the information into a narrative and gives it a perspective.
July 17, 2024
Hmm a strange tale of Russian politics that contains everything from caviar to allegations of prison sodomy. I found this a little difficult to dig through at first and (if you're a non Russian speaker like me) to keep track of the names. Get past that and the story of Prigozhin and his changing relationship with power is a fascinating and disturbing one. What repercussions will show up in the future?
July 27, 2024
An excellent overview of Prigozhin‘s and Putin‘s complicated history together, and so far the only English-language biography on the matter. While I would have appreciated more details on Wagner‘s operations and their commanders (on Utkin in particular), it is nonetheless a balanced overview of what we know and don‘t know about their lives, and I can wholeheartedly recommend this to anyone interested in the topic.
October 26, 2024
Great read! This book provides insight into Yevgeny Prigozhin, his Wagner Group of mercenaries, the Putin regime and its actions in Ukraine. The reader discovers how a thug and convict achieves international renown and becomes the leader of an historic Russian insurrection.
Mark Galeotti (a British historian, lecturer and writer on transnational crime and Russian security affairs) has written a number of books, blogs and journalistic pieces on Russia (for which he has received Russian sanctions). Galeotti wrote this book with Anna Arutunyan (a Russia-American journalist, analyst and author, who was born in Moscow, raised and educated in the US, who has worked as a journalist in both the US and Russia). Galeotti & Arutunyan have collaborated on several projects.
After finishing the book and reading more on Prigozhin, I read that the greatest contribution of Downfall is that it “right–sizes Russia through the fascinating rise and violent fall of one of the country’s more interesting recent actors, offering a key truth about the country: It is neither 10 feet tall nor a teetering facade, but vastly more complex and interesting than either extreme.� I couldn’t have said it better.
After reading a book like this I like to summarize it, myself, to distill and absorb what I took away as nd gor my own future reference. What follows is that detailed summary, and it contains spoilers.
Prigozhin was an entrepreneur-extraordinaire. In early post–Soviet Union days, which created countless oligarchs (and less wealthy minigarchs), Prigozhin seized opportunities and created others, such as:
- His infamous hot dog stands that led to the opening of more expensive restaurants, including New Island: a popular barge restaurant on the Neva River that Putin enjoyed visiting for his own celebrations and for entertaining dignitaries. These restaurants led to Prigozhin’s establishment of the “Concord� catering company, which was contracted to supply food to the Kremlin, earning him the nickname "Putin's chef", despite never working as a chef himself. Political connections won Concord lucrative catering contracts from the military and state-run schools.
- Prigozhin’s movie studio,
- The Internet Research Agency ("troll farms") - initially created by Prigozhin as a vehicle to attack his opponents in the media, but maturing into a useful tool by the Kremlin to create discord in the US, most notably meddling in the 2016 US presidential election. And,
- Prigozhin’s notoriously vicious mercenary group “The Wagner Group�. When the Wagner Group was nearly bankrupted by the Ministry of Defense taking credit for the company’s successes in Syria, Prigozhin struck deals in Africa, exchanging security services for mineral and energy resources. The Kremlin quickly jumped back on board to capitalize (by proxy) on the Wagner Group’s expanding influence, allowing it to become a de-facto extension of Russian foreign policy.
According to the authors, private interests leveraging Putin’s favor has led Russia to become an “adhocracy� where policy is created and implemented by fragmented interests being adopted (by proxy) by the state and creating a “tail wagging the dog� effect (and unimaginable personal profit).
Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2014 was the opportunity that proved that Prigozhin was no ordinary businessman. A shadowy private military company (“The Wagner Group�) was first reported to be fighting Ukrainian forces in the eastern Donbas region. Private military companies were technically illegal in Russia, but as long as they served a useful purpose, the law not enforced, and Putin gained benefit while retaining a shield of deniability.
Russia’s expanded invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 was both Prigozhin’s claim to fame and his breaking point. Following the Russian army’s embarrassing string of defeats by the Ukraine army, Prigozhin fulfilled Putin’s September 21, 2022 mobilization dictate by recruiting enlistees from Russia’s prisons. Prigozhin promised the convicts release from their sentences in exchange for six months of combat duty with Wagner. Prior to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Wagner had a professional force of approximately 5,000 fighters, but Prigozhin’s recruiting efforts turned Wagner into a convict army numbering approximately 50,000 by the end of 2022. As Russia’s reliance on Wagner mercenaries increased, so did Prigozhin’s status. By October Wagner had opened a lavish headquarters in St. Petersburg.
The Wagner Group played a key role in capturing the eastern stronghold of Bakhmut in May 2023. In addition to press about battlefield victories, Wagner Group gained Western notoriety as the media advanced reports of sledgehammer execution to its defectors. As Prigozhin’s notoriety rose in the West, so did his status to Putin. However, as the West began to funnel military aid to Ukraine in 2023, Russia's invasion began to falter, and Prigozhin became more and more outspoken in criticizing Russia's military leadership. For months in 2023, Prigozhin complained about Russia’s military denying him necessary ammunition. He blasted Defense Minister Shoigu and others in profane rants on social media, blaming them for military setbacks, accusing them of corruption, criticizing Russia’s elites� pampered existence when his soldiers were fighting and dying, and labeling Putin “grandpa�. The defense ministry’s response: Prigozhin was barred from recruiting additional prisoners and was commanded to sign contracts with the regular military - depriving him of a powerbase.
On June 23 2022 Prigozhin accused Russia's military of attacking a Wagner base in Ukraine, which Moscow denied, but which prompted The Wagner Group’s extraordinary rebellion of June 23-24. Wagner fighters crossed from occupied Ukrainian territory into Russia, seizing key military sites in southern Russia, faced with minimal Russian opposition. However, hours into what looked like a march by Wagner fighters toward Moscow to remove the military leadership, the armed insurrection ended as abruptly as it started, with the Kremlin announcing that Prigozhin had agreed to leave Russia for Belarus in a deal brokered by Brlarus leader, Alexander Lukashenko.
Putin (characteristically) waffled. He denounced the treason, but then he hosted the traitors for tea after the agreement of exile to Belarus. Then, two months to the day after the insurrection, Prigozhin’s plane, which had been mysteriously delayed on takeoff, exploded in midair, killing all aboard.
Prigozhin turned himself into a populist figure, but not a patriot - rather, one motivated by greed and self–interest. His rebellion was not a coup; it was a mutiny, “the march on Moscow may have been impressive in its speed and striking for the lack of serious resistance, but it was essentially theatrical.�
Throughout Prigozhin’s career, constantly competing Russian factions and individuals struggled for the most important currency of them all: Putin’s favor. Unfortunately for Prigozhin, he never achieved the status of Putin’s oligarch circle - he was always the struggling minigarch on the outside seeking opportunity through approval. Contrary to what some believe, the authors assert that he and Putin were not close. The authors of Downfall observed: “Prigozhin’s career had been driven by resentment, a stubborn unwillingness to give in. He couldn’t let go, but rather had to make one last throw of the dice. And he lost.�
Galeotti and Arutunyan conclude that Prigozhin never really posed a direct threat to Putin and his regime. Instead, the worldwide value of Prigozhin’s failed insurrection is that it put Putin’s fallibility on worldwide display, exposing fault lines and vulnerabilities.
Mark Galeotti (a British historian, lecturer and writer on transnational crime and Russian security affairs) has written a number of books, blogs and journalistic pieces on Russia (for which he has received Russian sanctions). Galeotti wrote this book with Anna Arutunyan (a Russia-American journalist, analyst and author, who was born in Moscow, raised and educated in the US, who has worked as a journalist in both the US and Russia). Galeotti & Arutunyan have collaborated on several projects.
After finishing the book and reading more on Prigozhin, I read that the greatest contribution of Downfall is that it “right–sizes Russia through the fascinating rise and violent fall of one of the country’s more interesting recent actors, offering a key truth about the country: It is neither 10 feet tall nor a teetering facade, but vastly more complex and interesting than either extreme.� I couldn’t have said it better.
After reading a book like this I like to summarize it, myself, to distill and absorb what I took away as nd gor my own future reference. What follows is that detailed summary, and it contains spoilers.
Prigozhin was an entrepreneur-extraordinaire. In early post–Soviet Union days, which created countless oligarchs (and less wealthy minigarchs), Prigozhin seized opportunities and created others, such as:
- His infamous hot dog stands that led to the opening of more expensive restaurants, including New Island: a popular barge restaurant on the Neva River that Putin enjoyed visiting for his own celebrations and for entertaining dignitaries. These restaurants led to Prigozhin’s establishment of the “Concord� catering company, which was contracted to supply food to the Kremlin, earning him the nickname "Putin's chef", despite never working as a chef himself. Political connections won Concord lucrative catering contracts from the military and state-run schools.
- Prigozhin’s movie studio,
- The Internet Research Agency ("troll farms") - initially created by Prigozhin as a vehicle to attack his opponents in the media, but maturing into a useful tool by the Kremlin to create discord in the US, most notably meddling in the 2016 US presidential election. And,
- Prigozhin’s notoriously vicious mercenary group “The Wagner Group�. When the Wagner Group was nearly bankrupted by the Ministry of Defense taking credit for the company’s successes in Syria, Prigozhin struck deals in Africa, exchanging security services for mineral and energy resources. The Kremlin quickly jumped back on board to capitalize (by proxy) on the Wagner Group’s expanding influence, allowing it to become a de-facto extension of Russian foreign policy.
According to the authors, private interests leveraging Putin’s favor has led Russia to become an “adhocracy� where policy is created and implemented by fragmented interests being adopted (by proxy) by the state and creating a “tail wagging the dog� effect (and unimaginable personal profit).
Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2014 was the opportunity that proved that Prigozhin was no ordinary businessman. A shadowy private military company (“The Wagner Group�) was first reported to be fighting Ukrainian forces in the eastern Donbas region. Private military companies were technically illegal in Russia, but as long as they served a useful purpose, the law not enforced, and Putin gained benefit while retaining a shield of deniability.
Russia’s expanded invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 was both Prigozhin’s claim to fame and his breaking point. Following the Russian army’s embarrassing string of defeats by the Ukraine army, Prigozhin fulfilled Putin’s September 21, 2022 mobilization dictate by recruiting enlistees from Russia’s prisons. Prigozhin promised the convicts release from their sentences in exchange for six months of combat duty with Wagner. Prior to the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Wagner had a professional force of approximately 5,000 fighters, but Prigozhin’s recruiting efforts turned Wagner into a convict army numbering approximately 50,000 by the end of 2022. As Russia’s reliance on Wagner mercenaries increased, so did Prigozhin’s status. By October Wagner had opened a lavish headquarters in St. Petersburg.
The Wagner Group played a key role in capturing the eastern stronghold of Bakhmut in May 2023. In addition to press about battlefield victories, Wagner Group gained Western notoriety as the media advanced reports of sledgehammer execution to its defectors. As Prigozhin’s notoriety rose in the West, so did his status to Putin. However, as the West began to funnel military aid to Ukraine in 2023, Russia's invasion began to falter, and Prigozhin became more and more outspoken in criticizing Russia's military leadership. For months in 2023, Prigozhin complained about Russia’s military denying him necessary ammunition. He blasted Defense Minister Shoigu and others in profane rants on social media, blaming them for military setbacks, accusing them of corruption, criticizing Russia’s elites� pampered existence when his soldiers were fighting and dying, and labeling Putin “grandpa�. The defense ministry’s response: Prigozhin was barred from recruiting additional prisoners and was commanded to sign contracts with the regular military - depriving him of a powerbase.
On June 23 2022 Prigozhin accused Russia's military of attacking a Wagner base in Ukraine, which Moscow denied, but which prompted The Wagner Group’s extraordinary rebellion of June 23-24. Wagner fighters crossed from occupied Ukrainian territory into Russia, seizing key military sites in southern Russia, faced with minimal Russian opposition. However, hours into what looked like a march by Wagner fighters toward Moscow to remove the military leadership, the armed insurrection ended as abruptly as it started, with the Kremlin announcing that Prigozhin had agreed to leave Russia for Belarus in a deal brokered by Brlarus leader, Alexander Lukashenko.
Putin (characteristically) waffled. He denounced the treason, but then he hosted the traitors for tea after the agreement of exile to Belarus. Then, two months to the day after the insurrection, Prigozhin’s plane, which had been mysteriously delayed on takeoff, exploded in midair, killing all aboard.
Prigozhin turned himself into a populist figure, but not a patriot - rather, one motivated by greed and self–interest. His rebellion was not a coup; it was a mutiny, “the march on Moscow may have been impressive in its speed and striking for the lack of serious resistance, but it was essentially theatrical.�
Throughout Prigozhin’s career, constantly competing Russian factions and individuals struggled for the most important currency of them all: Putin’s favor. Unfortunately for Prigozhin, he never achieved the status of Putin’s oligarch circle - he was always the struggling minigarch on the outside seeking opportunity through approval. Contrary to what some believe, the authors assert that he and Putin were not close. The authors of Downfall observed: “Prigozhin’s career had been driven by resentment, a stubborn unwillingness to give in. He couldn’t let go, but rather had to make one last throw of the dice. And he lost.�
Galeotti and Arutunyan conclude that Prigozhin never really posed a direct threat to Putin and his regime. Instead, the worldwide value of Prigozhin’s failed insurrection is that it put Putin’s fallibility on worldwide display, exposing fault lines and vulnerabilities.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
August 26, 2024
Macro outline of the rise and fall of Prigozhin - as opposed to specificity on the Wagner Group.
Brushed over Syria and African operations�.
Disappointing - must be much better books to read on the Wagner Group�
Brushed over Syria and African operations�.
Disappointing - must be much better books to read on the Wagner Group�
September 24, 2024
Prigozhin, as portrayed in Downfall by Galeotti and Arutunyan, is not just a warlord but above all a modern-day serf, always bound to the whims and needs of his master Putin. Despite Prigozhin's apparent power and influence, his fate was tied to the Kremlin's calculations � a disposable tool in a larger game. This underscores the feudal dynamics of Russia's political system, where unwavering loyalty and service to the “tsar� are what matters in the end.
Galeotti and Arutunyan explore Prigozhin's journey through ten chapters, each capturing a different part of character and shifting role in Russia's power structures:
Thug � Prigozhin was born into doctor’s family, and fell into crime during the chaotic post-Soviet years. A ruthless and opportunistic nature starts.
Entrepreneur � After serving time in prison, Prigozhin re-emerges as a businessman. This chapter covers his ventures into the catering industry.
Chef � Prigozhin's ascent to power begins as he becomes the go-to caterer for Kremlin events, using his proximity to Putin to forge alliances that would set the stage for his later activities.
Minigarch � Moving beyond catering, Prigozhin ventures into lucrative state contracts, becoming a “minigarch� � but not an oligarch � who skillfully navigates Russia’s corrupt business environment.
Trollmaster � Prigozhin’s orchestration of disinformation campaigns, both domestically and internationally. His early experiments with online propaganda, from targeting anti-government protesters to meddling in the U.S. elections—not to support Trump per se, but to sow chaos. (It also makes Putin look more powerful than he actually is, a point nicely referenced later by the authors in relation to the children's book he wrote.)
Condottiere � Prigozhin’s transformation into a warlord begins as he partners with Dmitry Utkin to establish the Wagner Group. The chapter outlines Wagner’s covert operations in Ukraine and Syria, highlighting Prigozhin’s role in providing the Kremlin with a deniable yet effective military force.
Scavenger � With Wagner’s operations extending into Africa, this chapter explores Prigozhin’s ventures in countries like Sudan and the Central African Republic, trading military and security support for mining concessions. It shows how his operations in Africa were both a financial necessity and an attempt to gain respect that eluded him in Russia.
Warlord � As Wagner becomes more openly involved in Russia’s war in Ukraine, Prigozhin embraces his role as a military leader. This chapter details Wagner’s brutal tactics and his open confrontation with the Russian military establishment, leading to increasing tensions with Defense Minister Shoigu.
Rebel � Prigozhin’s frustration with the Kremlin boils over. His rebellion against the military leadership and his direct challenge to Putin’s authority mark a dramatic shift from loyal servant to outspoken critic, setting the stage for his eventual downfall.
Ghost � The final chapter deals with the aftermath of Prigozhin’s failed rebellion and mysterious death in a plane crash. It reflects on his legacy and what his life—and death—mean for the future of Russia in the uncertain era of late Putinism.
While the authors provide a comprehensive overview, certain areas, such as Wagner’s inner workings and operations in Africa, feel under explored to me. But that could just be because I am particularly interested in how the Wagner Group operated. There’s little on Mali or how they built an air force in both Libya and Ukraine.
Nevertheless, Downfall is a great read for understanding Prigozhin’s life and his impact on Russian power dynamics. Even the most striking figures are as disposable as the lowest serfs, the authors convincingly argue � in this case, likely by planting a bomb on their private jet.
Galeotti and Arutunyan explore Prigozhin's journey through ten chapters, each capturing a different part of character and shifting role in Russia's power structures:
Thug � Prigozhin was born into doctor’s family, and fell into crime during the chaotic post-Soviet years. A ruthless and opportunistic nature starts.
Entrepreneur � After serving time in prison, Prigozhin re-emerges as a businessman. This chapter covers his ventures into the catering industry.
Chef � Prigozhin's ascent to power begins as he becomes the go-to caterer for Kremlin events, using his proximity to Putin to forge alliances that would set the stage for his later activities.
Minigarch � Moving beyond catering, Prigozhin ventures into lucrative state contracts, becoming a “minigarch� � but not an oligarch � who skillfully navigates Russia’s corrupt business environment.
Trollmaster � Prigozhin’s orchestration of disinformation campaigns, both domestically and internationally. His early experiments with online propaganda, from targeting anti-government protesters to meddling in the U.S. elections—not to support Trump per se, but to sow chaos. (It also makes Putin look more powerful than he actually is, a point nicely referenced later by the authors in relation to the children's book he wrote.)
Condottiere � Prigozhin’s transformation into a warlord begins as he partners with Dmitry Utkin to establish the Wagner Group. The chapter outlines Wagner’s covert operations in Ukraine and Syria, highlighting Prigozhin’s role in providing the Kremlin with a deniable yet effective military force.
Scavenger � With Wagner’s operations extending into Africa, this chapter explores Prigozhin’s ventures in countries like Sudan and the Central African Republic, trading military and security support for mining concessions. It shows how his operations in Africa were both a financial necessity and an attempt to gain respect that eluded him in Russia.
Warlord � As Wagner becomes more openly involved in Russia’s war in Ukraine, Prigozhin embraces his role as a military leader. This chapter details Wagner’s brutal tactics and his open confrontation with the Russian military establishment, leading to increasing tensions with Defense Minister Shoigu.
Rebel � Prigozhin’s frustration with the Kremlin boils over. His rebellion against the military leadership and his direct challenge to Putin’s authority mark a dramatic shift from loyal servant to outspoken critic, setting the stage for his eventual downfall.
Ghost � The final chapter deals with the aftermath of Prigozhin’s failed rebellion and mysterious death in a plane crash. It reflects on his legacy and what his life—and death—mean for the future of Russia in the uncertain era of late Putinism.
While the authors provide a comprehensive overview, certain areas, such as Wagner’s inner workings and operations in Africa, feel under explored to me. But that could just be because I am particularly interested in how the Wagner Group operated. There’s little on Mali or how they built an air force in both Libya and Ukraine.
Nevertheless, Downfall is a great read for understanding Prigozhin’s life and his impact on Russian power dynamics. Even the most striking figures are as disposable as the lowest serfs, the authors convincingly argue � in this case, likely by planting a bomb on their private jet.
September 20, 2024
Downfall is a good overview of Yevgeni Prigozhin’s career and the history of the Wagner group. First and foremost it is a biography, through which the authors illustrate the current political system of a Russia. It also works well as an overview of the history of Wagner for those not well versed in the topic. Seasoned Wagner-watchers will not find much they don’t already know but that isn’t really the point of this book.
The main offering is the analysis of the political system and that is done from a very personalistic point of view. Decisions are explained very much based on individual, bounded rationality and interpersonal relations. How convincing you find this point of view is a matter of personal preference. In my opinion it is a good way to approach Prigozhin, who after all had a lot of freedom of decision as a free actor without an official role. When the same approach is applied to Putin, I felt it did not always sufficiently consider the institutional limitations a president faces even in an autocratic system. Still, a very well written and informative book, highly recommended.
The main offering is the analysis of the political system and that is done from a very personalistic point of view. Decisions are explained very much based on individual, bounded rationality and interpersonal relations. How convincing you find this point of view is a matter of personal preference. In my opinion it is a good way to approach Prigozhin, who after all had a lot of freedom of decision as a free actor without an official role. When the same approach is applied to Putin, I felt it did not always sufficiently consider the institutional limitations a president faces even in an autocratic system. Still, a very well written and informative book, highly recommended.
November 27, 2024
I am a big fan of Mark Galeotti and have subscribed to his Patreon, as well as having read many of his other books. This book was great as usual. However, it was a bit short and tbh as Prigozhin was still alive when the book was being written, the authors could not include all of the info as some of the details around Prigozhin will take years to come out. I thought the conclusion was good, about state repression targeting far-right activists and former cronies like Prigozhin as well as liberals like Navalny and giving them a reason to be disaffected with his rule. It accords with the research I did when I lived in Russia for my MA. Despite the fact that as this book was written so soon, it couldn't include everything, what it did include was very good. I appreciated the discussions of Wagner's atrocities in Africa as this is often ignored in discussions of the group. I would like to read an updated edition of this book when more archives are declassified (and hopefully when a change of leadership has happened in Russia).
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
August 26, 2024
Absorbing, insightful and informative
As a diplomat from a so-called unfriendly country, I was on assignment in Russia from early 2020 to late 2023. I watched this drama unfold, and relied on Mr. Galeotti’s analysis as a credible voice to inform our understanding of Russia, and more specifically Prigozhin. This book provides a backstory and adds so much more detail to what I knew and understood. Mr. Galeotti and Ms. Arutunyan do a superb job of contextualizing Prigozhin and Putin, and drawing out the complex dynamics among key figures in leadership. While never losing sight of the stupidity and brutality of Russia’s war on Ukraine, and its toll on Ukrainians, they are able to shed light on the price that Russians are paying, and point to at least the possibility of a better future.
As a diplomat from a so-called unfriendly country, I was on assignment in Russia from early 2020 to late 2023. I watched this drama unfold, and relied on Mr. Galeotti’s analysis as a credible voice to inform our understanding of Russia, and more specifically Prigozhin. This book provides a backstory and adds so much more detail to what I knew and understood. Mr. Galeotti and Ms. Arutunyan do a superb job of contextualizing Prigozhin and Putin, and drawing out the complex dynamics among key figures in leadership. While never losing sight of the stupidity and brutality of Russia’s war on Ukraine, and its toll on Ukrainians, they are able to shed light on the price that Russians are paying, and point to at least the possibility of a better future.
September 15, 2024
A masterful examination of Yevgeny Prigozhin's life,career and death. The authors trace the improbable rise of Prigozhin from a convict in a Soviet penal colony to a successful buisenesman and millionaire, the creration of the Wagner mercenary goup, its role in African conflicts and the invasion of Ukraine up to Prigozhin's disillusionment with Putin's regime and the war which led to a failed uprising in June 2023 against the Russian state and ultimately to Prigozhin's death, almost certainly at the behest of Putin. Replete with insights into the inner workings of Putin's regime, it is a book that sheds light on the life of an enigmatic-and highly controversial man-and through his biography also on the state of modern Russia. Strongly recommended.
July 26, 2024
Een van de weinige publicaties die Prigozhin en zijn leven beschrijft, en op een goede en toegankelijke manier. Hoewel het voornamelijk over Prigozhin’s achtergrond gaat, wordt hier en daar ook belicht hoe Poetin’s regime tot stand kwam en hoe het regime, wat Galeotti zelf “adhocratie� noemt, precies werkt. Het meest boeiende deel van het boek was het laatste hoofdstuk en de epiloog, waarin wordt gereflecteerd over Poetin en zijn systeem dat Rusland in zijn greep houdt. Prigozhin, hoewel hij zijn eigen belangen en interesses had, geloofde ook oprecht in zijn mars voor gerechtigheid, waarin hij zich keerde tegen dat systeem.
Een aanrader voor iedereen geïnteresseerd in Rusland.
Een aanrader voor iedereen geïnteresseerd in Rusland.
July 28, 2024
Galeotti is super concise and as always has a great turn of phrase, but this book does not offer as much depth as I wished. However, this is because the Kremlinologist is (thankfully) unwilling to waste readers' time with idle speculation & will only work with evidence & his best summation so far.
A good overview of Prigozhin's rise to power, even if you do not know much about Putin's imperialist Russia. I thought there would be more on his coup attempt and the aftermath - they only feature in the final two chapters. The last four minutes of the epilogue provide food for thought on a weakened Putin and his increasingly restive & unnerved supporting elite.
A good overview of Prigozhin's rise to power, even if you do not know much about Putin's imperialist Russia. I thought there would be more on his coup attempt and the aftermath - they only feature in the final two chapters. The last four minutes of the epilogue provide food for thought on a weakened Putin and his increasingly restive & unnerved supporting elite.
October 27, 2024
Somehow a recap of Galeotti's (very excellent and amazing!) podcast content. The overall feeling though is that this history, especially it's most recent and by far the most interesting part (Prigozhin's mutiny of 2023 and it's aftermath) is still too recent and shrouded in mystery to actually make any decent analysis.
So overall, it is pretty much a setting of "context" to have some better understanding on most recent events. However, as time passes, there surely will be some new disclosures that will make this book redundant.
So overall, it is pretty much a setting of "context" to have some better understanding on most recent events. However, as time passes, there surely will be some new disclosures that will make this book redundant.
July 29, 2024
Maybe I've been spoilt in my reading recently where authors are particularly good at narrative non-fiction but for me this was a potentially fascinating topic presented in a flat style.
I was very interested to learn more about the relationship between Putin and Prigozhin which I did, but not in a particularly stimulating way. Also the text at times felt awkward, almost as if it had been translated.
Sorry but not one I'll be recommending to people.
I was very interested to learn more about the relationship between Putin and Prigozhin which I did, but not in a particularly stimulating way. Also the text at times felt awkward, almost as if it had been translated.
Sorry but not one I'll be recommending to people.
December 29, 2024
Fairly short book, part biography of Prigozhin, part summary of his rise and fall within the context of Russia's political system. The problem is that the subject is neither an especially interesting nor complex person, and this is not a really compelling read. Not a bad book, just not ine which is a page turner, but certainly important in terms of being one of the few books on Prigozhin.
January 11, 2025
it's very cool that Spotify now have Penguin audiobooks, I am sorry for ever scorning this form of reading.
the book in one quote:
“Prigozhin may be dead, but his rise, rebellion, and fall demonstrated the fundamental weakness of the Putin regime."
the book in one quote:
“Prigozhin may be dead, but his rise, rebellion, and fall demonstrated the fundamental weakness of the Putin regime."
July 1, 2024
It is worth a read even if you know all the facts and what all the fuss is about, especially so if not.
July 17, 2024
Interesting book. While it focuses on the life of Prigozhin it provides a good understanding of Russian politics and the culture that allowed an ex-convict to become a mini-oligarch and mercenary.
August 29, 2024
In een ruk uitgelezen, wat een verhaal
December 10, 2024
Excellent book as always from this author
February 24, 2025
4.5 stars
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