Jean Baudrillard was a French sociologist, philosopher and poet, with interest in cultural studies. He is best known for his analyses of media, contemporary culture, and technological communication, as well as his formulation of concepts such as hyperreality. Baudrillard wrote about diverse subjects, including consumerism, critique of economy, social history, aesthetics, Western foreign policy, and popular culture. Among his most well-known works are Seduction (1978), Simulacra and Simulation (1981), America (1986), and The Gulf War Did Not Take Place (1991). His work is frequently associated with postmodernism and specifically post-structuralism. Nevertheless, Baudrillard had also opposed post-structuralism, and had distanced himself from postmodernism.
This guy is perhaps best known for having said that the Gulf War never happened or having one of his books read by Neo in the first Matrix film. I鈥檝e finished the bit of that book I wanted to read too 鈥� and will probably review it soon as well. But this one was a bit of a surprise to me. I was expecting it to be, well, you know, a bit nutty. And it is anything but.
This is a slamming together 鈥� or perhaps a 鈥榯alking back to鈥� a range of sociologists, economists and philosophers. Firstly, Marx, but also Galbraith, Riesman, Saussure and Freud. This book covers a lot of ground 鈥� but its main message is relatively simple.
Let鈥檚 start with Marx. To Marx commodities have two attributes that he wants to distinguish immediately 鈥� their use-value and their exchange-value. In the life and death stakes of existence bread has more use-value than gold in virtually all circumstances. Some people can go their whole life without ever having touched gold, whereas doing without bread is much less likely. That said, there are very few occasions when bread has a higher exchange-value than gold. Marx鈥檚 explanation for this discrepancy is related to his theory of value 鈥� not that gold is 鈥榬arer鈥� than bread, which would just mean the problem is one of demand and supply, but rather that more human labour needs to go into retrieving a certain quantity of gold compared to a certain quantity of bread, and it is the quantity of labour contained within the commodity that determines its value.
This distinction between use-value and exchange-value is focused on throughout this book. This is the main criticism that is levelled against Galbraith, particularly Galbraith鈥檚 Affluent Society. Baudrillard wants to argue that there is no such thing as an affluent society 鈥� that such a thing is impossible when a society is based on commodity production. And this is mostly because commodities are not 鈥榰se-values鈥� but rather symbols that enter into exchanges and gain their 鈥榲alue鈥� by their relative rarity 鈥� that is, precisely the opposite of what Marx claimed. Nevertheless, what is interesting here is that both Marx and Baurdrillard are focused on 鈥榚xchange-value鈥� and not use-value. Galbraith sought to define capitalism as an affluent society by focusing on use-values. If Capitalism could meet all of the 鈥榥eeds鈥� of humans 鈥� and in terms of absolute poverty, capitalist society has certainly done this in spades 鈥� then if people would simply moderate their desires, as a society, capitalism can provide abundance.
But Baudrillard attacks this argument at exactly this point. Capitalism doesn鈥檛 remove needs, it creates them. Capitalism can only exist on the basis of accelerating growth 鈥� but growth is only possible if capitalism generates desires and wants. In doing so it does not create abundance or affluence, but rather penury, and this, ironically enough, in the midst of abundance. It is impossible that capitalism could ever provide a truly affluent society, its only means of continued existence, and this is definitional, is to endlessly provide discontentment. There can be no point when people say, under capitalism, 鈥榚nough鈥�. Growth is the defining motive force of capitalism and 鈥榚nough鈥� would kill growth.
And this is where Saussure comes in. For Saussure there can be no true synonyms in a language. Language is a system of differences. Words get their meanings from their not being other words. It is because cat is different to dog that we need both words and both words only have meaning because they slice off part of the world from that which is sliced off by the other word. If this were not the case we would have no need for both words, but to understand any words we need to understand how all words relate to one another 鈥� even the ones that have not been used in a particular sentence, as why we choose one word over another is equally important.
What has that got to do with commodities and the consumer society? Well, for Baudrillard commodities are also in a very similar relationship as words are to each other in that large system of meaning we call language. Commodities are not defined by their use-value, but rather their exchange-value 鈥� and that exchange is a kind of symbolic exchange. He doesn鈥檛 quite want to say that we are defined by the commodities we choose 鈥� he actually wants to say much, much more than this 鈥� it wants to say that this is actually a very dialectical process, one in which we are both defined by the commodities that we choose, but also that we are almost forced by these commodities to choose them. We are not the entirely free agents that capitalism presents us as 鈥� but rather, we are also what Galbraith says of us, encouraged endlessly to buy the latest thing so as to become what we truly are. This idea from advertising that we need to buy things to become what we have always already been is played with throughout this book and is such a constant in advertising that it is a wonder how we seem to constantly fall for this particular three-card trick. To be ourselves we need to change and the means to the change that makes us finally truly ourselves is the commodity which seeks to sell our true selves to ourselves.
There are endless paradoxes and contradictions involved in all this. Not least is the lovely French term that is used here, 鈥榬ecycling鈥� 鈥� that is, what has become known as 鈥榣ife-long-learning鈥�. Not only do we need to constantly be on the lookout for the latest iPhone or jacket and shoes that will alert everyone to who we really are, but to truly be ourselves we can only achieve that by constantly upgrading ourselves in all senses 鈥� learn new skills, have a sexier body, buy a faster car, even if the speed limits never allow you to drive at anywhere near the car鈥檚 capabilities. The point isn鈥檛 need, isn鈥檛 use-value, it is status, it is exchange-value, it is symbolic representation and conspicuous display in a society defined by competition.
There is a wonderful part of this where he discusses Riesman鈥檚 idea of 鈥榦ther-direction鈥� from The Lonely Crowd 鈥� but again we are immersed in paradoxes. We are now in a world of 鈥榮ervices鈥� 鈥� where even the most mundane product has been carefully designed with YOU in mind. You are the centre and reason for everything. So much effort has gone into finding out what your real needs are and how the product can strive to meet those needs. Except that you are other directed 鈥� not just in keeping up with the Jones鈥檚, but also in not standing out from the crowd too much. In the grand competition that is finding distinction within society, even that distinction needs to be contained within constraints. It is the top of society who decide fashions, and they do this on the basis of the most exclusive commodities, but once they have set these fashions the rest of us imitate them for some of their distinction to rub off on us. There is a story told here (who knows if it is true) of an employee being sacked because he bought the same model car as his boss. Symbols matter, we are told, and usurping your betters in the symbolic race that is car purchases disturbs that natural order.
There are statistics that are used early in this to show that lower class and upper class people don鈥檛 really spend all that much more than each other on say food. But that this isn鈥檛 true of other 鈥榣uxuries鈥�, such as housing or vacations. We are less interested in 鈥榤eeting our needs鈥� than in 鈥榙isplaying our distinction鈥� and we do this in so many ways. He points out that even our holidays 鈥� when we think we are most free and mostly 鈥榙oing nothing鈥� is actually a form of conspicuous consumption of time. Free time is anything but, and how it is spent is yet another means of asserting distinction.
The thing that really surprised me about this book is that it was first published in 1970. So many of the themes and ideas 鈥� about life-long learning or obesity 鈥� seem so much more recent issues. This book feels much more 鈥榬ecent鈥� than it actually is.
Some quotes:
Strictly speaking, the humans of the age of affluence are surrounded not so much by other human beings, as they are in all previous ages, but by objects. Page 25
We live by object time: by this I mean that we live at the pace of objects, live to the rhythm of their ceaseless succession. Page 25
鈥楢ffluence鈥� is, in effect, merely the accumulation of the signs of happiness. Page 31
So we live, sheltered by signs, in the denial of the real. Page 34
Now, it seems that this 鈥榬edistribution鈥� has little effect on social discrimination at all levels. Page 37
Does the flourishing mineral water industry permit us to speak of a real increase in 鈥榓ffluence鈥� since, to a large extent, it is merely a response to the deficient quality of urban water? Page 39
Tell me what you throw away and I鈥檒l tell you who you are! Page 42
It is generally the same people who maintain the myth of the inevitable coming of affluence who deplore waste Page 43
This is why destruction remains the fundamental alternative to production: consumption is merely an intermediate term between the two. Page 47
Happiness has to be measureable. Page 49
All men are equal before need and before the principle of satisfaction, since all mean are equal before the use-value of objects and goods (whereas they are unequal and divided before exchange-value). Page 50
Equilibrium is the ideal fantasy of economists which is contradicted, if not by the very logic of society as a condition, then at least by all known forms of social organisation. Every society produces differentiation, social discrimination, and that structural organisation is based on the use and distribution of wealth (among other things). Page 53
The view that the system survives on disequilibrium and structural penury, that its logic is totally ambivalent, and that it is so not mere conjuncturally but structurally. The system only sustains itself by producing wealth and poverty, by producing as many dissatisfactions as satisfactions, as much nuisance as 鈥榩rogress鈥�. Page 55
Knowledge and power are, or are going to become, the two great scarce commodities of our affluent societies. Page 57
Objects are less important today that space and the social marking of space. Page 57
The difference in expenditure between workers and senior managers on essential goods is 100:135, but it is 100:245 on household equipment, 100:305 on transport and 100:390 on leisure. Page 58
The 鈥榬ight to clean air鈥� signifies the loss of clean air as a natural good, its transition to commodity status and its inegalitarian social redistribution. Page 58
It is their constellation, their configuration, the relation to these objects and their overall social 鈥榩erspective鈥� which alone have a meaning. And that meaning is always a distinctive one. Page 59
The consumer experiences his distinctive behaviours as freedom, as aspiration, as choice. His experiences is not one of being forced to be different, of obeying a code. Page 61
It is within the upper echelons of society, as a reaction against the loss of earlier distinctive markers, that innovation takes place, in order to restore social distance. Page 63
One of the contradictions of growth is that it produces goods and needs at the same time. Page 63
The industrial system itself, which presupposes the growth of needs, also presupposes a perpetual excess of needs over the supply of goods. Page64
The strategic value of advertising 鈥� and also its trick 鈥� is precisely this: that it targets everyone in their relation to others, in their hankerings after reified social prestige. Page 64
All this defines the growth society as the opposite of an affluent society. Page 65
It is our social logic which condemns us to luxurious and spectacular penury. Page 68
Or, to put it sociologically, a particular individual is a member of a particular group because he consumes particular goods, and he consumes particular goods because he is a member of a particular group. Page 70
Man only became an object of science for man when automobiles became harder to sell than to manufacture. Page 72
The consumer is sovereign in a jungle of ugliness where freedom of choice has been forced upon him. Page 72
The circulation, purchase, sale, appropriation and differentiated good and signs/objects today constitute our language, our code, the code by which the entire society communicates and converses. Pages 79-80
Consumerist man (I鈥檋omme-consommateur) regards enjoyment as an obligation. Page 80
It is important to grasp that this personalization, this pursuit of status and social standing, are all based on signs. Page 90
Kitsch is the equivalent of the 鈥榗lich茅鈥� in speech. Page110
The machine was the emblem of industrial society. The gadget is the emblem of post-industrial society. Page 111
Advertising is based on a different kind of verification, that of the self-fulfilling prophecy. Page 127
The body is a cultural fact. Page 129
The female body as privileged vehicle of Beauty, Sexuality and managed Narcissism. Page 136
(half of the money spent on medicines is on non-prescription items, and this goes even for those covered by the welfare system). What prompts such behaviour other than the deep-seated belief that it has to cost you something (and it is enough that it costs you something) for health to be yours in exchange? This is ritual, sacrificial consumption rather than medication. Page 140
Much more than in hygiene, it is in the ascetic practice of 鈥榙ieting鈥� that the aggressive drive against the body is to be seen, a drive 鈥榣iberated鈥� at the same time as the body itself. Page 142
An American study has shown that 300 adolescent girls out of 446 are on a diet. Page 142
It is estimated that 30 million Americans either are, or believe themselves to be, obese. Page 143
Everything offered for consumption has a sexual coefficient. Page 144
Thus, the whole of advertising and modern erotics are made up of signs, not of meaning. Page 148
Leisure is a collective vocation. Page 156
Objects no long serve a purpose; first and foremost they serve you. Page159
This huge system of solicitude is based on a total contradiction. Not only can it not mask the iron law of market society, the objective truth of social relations, which is competition. Page 162
The tired pupil is the one who passively goes along with what the teacher says. The tired worker or bureaucrat is the one who has had all responsibility taken from him in his work. Political 鈥榠ndifference鈥�, that catatonia of the modern citizen, is the indifference of the individual deprived of any decision-making powers and left only with the sop of universal suffrage. Page 183
Fatigue is an activity, a latent, endemic revolt, unconscious of itself. Page 183
tam ad谋yla t眉ketim toplumu s枚ylenceleri ve yap谋lar谋 olarak dilimize ayr谋nt谋 yay谋nlar谋 taraf谋ndan kazand谋r谋lan la societe de consommation; milenyuma ve kapitalizmin geldi臒i noktaya dair ger莽ek莽i bir bak谋艧 sunuyor.
kitap dostoyevski鈥檔in 艧u s枚zleriyle ba艧l谋yor:
b眉t眉n maddi tatminleri sa臒lay谋n ona, 枚yle ki uyumak, 莽枚rek yemek ve d眉nya tarihini s眉rd眉rmeyi dert edinmekten ba艧ka yapacak bir 艧eyi kalmas谋n: yery眉z眉n眉n t眉m mallar谋na bo臒un ve sa莽 diplerine kadar mutlulu臒a g枚m眉n: bu mutlulu臒un y眉zeyine k眉莽眉k kabarc谋klar 莽谋kacakt谋r, suyun 眉zerinde oldu臒u gibi. (dostoyevski, yeralt谋ndan notlar)
莽a臒da艧 sosyolojiye 莽ok 枚nemli katk谋lar sunan bu kitap, bat谋 toplumunu inceliyor. t眉ketimin obje 眉zerindeki tek y枚nl眉 bi莽iminin giderek 莽ift y枚nl眉 bir ba臒谋ml谋l谋臒a d枚n眉艧t眉臒眉 en temel vurgusu.
onun 鈥渂olluk toplumu鈥� olarak tan谋mlad谋臒谋 g眉n眉m眉z toplumu sadece kendisine vaat edileni almak 眉zere programlanm谋艧 ve her zaman daha fazla t眉ketmeye 莽al谋艧an robotlara d枚n眉艧m眉艧ler. marx鈥櫮眓 鈥溍紃etim ara莽lar谋 m眉lkiyetine sahip olan鈥� kavram谋yla kast etti臒i kapitalist y枚netim; baudrillard鈥檃 g枚re de臒i艧ime u臒rad谋. art谋k 枚nemli bir m眉lkiyet daha var: t眉ketim ara莽lar谋 m眉lkiyeti.
鈥渁ma bu, bir g枚stergeler g眉d眉mlenmesi d眉zeni olan bir t眉ketim d眉zeninin 眉retim d眉zenine kar谋艧t谋臒谋n谋 s枚ylemektir鈥︹€� (sf. 25)
kitapta 莽ok sert bir s枚ylem var: 鈥渒itle ileti艧imin bize verdi臒i ger莽eklik de臒il, ger莽ekli臒in ba艧 d枚nd眉r眉c眉l眉臒眉d眉r.鈥� (sf. 27)
ger莽eklik ve sim眉lasyon ikilemi baudrillard鈥櫮眓 眉zerinde 莽ok fazla 莽al谋艧t谋臒谋 bir konu asl谋nda. 枚zellikle sim眉lasyon ve sim眉lakr kitab谋nda oldu臒u gibi bunda da yeniden yarat谋lan ger莽eklikten bahsediyor. ona g枚re, medyayla, ileti艧im ara莽lar谋yla ger莽eklik defalarca yarat谋l谋yor. i莽ine reklamlar, subliminal mesajlar ve 莽e艧itli komutlar da kar谋艧t谋r谋larak bireye ula艧t谋臒谋nda bireye para verdi臒i ve kar艧谋l谋臒谋nda tatmin ald谋臒谋 bir tablo 莽iziyor. birey para veriyor, tatmin al谋yor. ancak bu giderek geli艧iyor, bireyin belli bir kal谋ba uymas谋 da dahil olmak 眉zere kendi 眉zerindeki d眉艧眉nceleri de y枚nlendiriliyor. bireye a莽 oldu臒u direktifi verilerek g谋da sat谋l谋yor, 莽irkin oldu臒u direktifi verilerek g眉zellik.
baudrillard, bolluk toplumu i莽in israf谋n zorunlulu臒undan bahsediyor. ona g枚re her ne kadar enflasyonist bask谋 olu艧tursa da, toplumda ger莽ek manada bolluktan s枚zedebilmemiz i莽in israf谋n olmas谋 gerekti臒ini s枚yl眉yor. ne kadar t眉ketim o kadar refah de臒ildir. ne kadar israf varsa o kadar refah vard谋r.
yine markalar bizim i莽in belli ba艧l谋 sosyal stat眉 ara莽lar谋na d枚n眉艧眉yorlar. t眉ketti臒imiz 艧ey ile kimlik in艧a ediyoruz. ne kadar kaliteli 眉r眉n t眉ketirsek, o kadar y眉ksek stat眉ye sahip oluyoruz. bu, paran谋n yaratt谋臒谋 stat眉d眉r ve paran谋n bize temelde verdi臒i yapay mutluluktur. a艧k, tv ile 艧ekillendirilir. ideal a艧k, ideal evlilik ve ideal ya艧am i莽in ev, araba, kaliteli bir parf眉m 艧artt谋r. mutluluk yine 艧ekillendirilir, mutlu olmak istiyorsan谋z tatile ihtiyac谋n谋z vard谋r tatil i莽inde filanca oteli 艧artt谋r. bu 艧ekilde en temel insani g眉d眉lerimiz, ihtiya莽lar谋m谋z t眉ketim amac谋yla 艧ekillendirilir.
bu korkun莽 tablonun en k枚t眉 sonucu bireyin kendi kendini tahrip etmesidir. baudrillard bunu 艧枚yle bir 枚rnekle 枚zetler: 鈥渮encilerin isyan ettiklerinde ilk kendi mahallelerini yakmalar谋 gibi, birey de bu bask谋ya kar艧谋 ilk kendini tahrip eder ve bu da depresyondur.鈥� modern zaman hastal谋klar谋ndan olan depresyon, bireyin kaybetti臒i mutluluk, g眉zellik gibi anlamlar谋n karga艧as谋d谋r. birey, ileti艧im ara莽lar谋yla bize sunulan mutluluk ile kendi aray谋艧lar谋 aras谋nda yiter. sonunda a艧谋r谋 yorgunluk, a艧谋r谋 stres ve bilgi bombard谋man谋 bireyi korkun莽 bir bo艧lu臒a s眉r眉kler. o art谋k t眉ketim toplumunun 莽枚p眉d眉r.
鈥減arayla mutluluk olmaz鈥� mutluluk paran谋n sat谋n ald谋臒谋 艧eylerdedir t眉ketim toplumuna g枚re. ve iyi bir viski i莽iyorsan, stat眉n y眉ksektir. kaliteli bir cep telefonu kullan谋yorsan 枚zg眉venin y眉kselir. i艧te bu, bireylerin 枚zel m眉lkiyet ile ili艧kisini de臒i艧tirmi艧tir. bir anlamda, art谋k 枚zel m眉lkiyet鈥檌n m眉lk alan谋 haline gelir birey.
First, let me confess that this is the first philosophy book I've finished, and that this is my first Baudrillard. Yes, the prose is at times quite dense and Baudrillard will come across as cynical at times--well, because he somewhat is. He does take quite a few jabs at economists and advertising. The book attempts at diagnosing the problems with the consumer culture, and does not provide many solutions--if a book like this should.
But beyond all the jabs and dense prose and cynicism, when you read stuff like:
"Happiness has to be measurable; it has to be a 'well-being' in terms of objects and signs. Happiness as (on the ideology and myth of happiness) total or inner enjoyment --that happiness independent of the signs which could manifest it to others and to those around us, the happiness which has no need of evidence--is therefore excluded from the outset of the customer ideal in which happiness must always signify with 'regard' to visible criteria"
"You never consume the object in itself (in its use-value); you are always manipulating object (in the broadest sense) as signs which distinguish you either by affiliating you to your own group taken as an ideal reference or by marking you off from your group by reference to a group of higher status."
Or things like:
"The consumerist man sees to it that all his potentialities , all his customer capacities are mobilized. And if he forgets to do so, he will be gently and persistently reminded that he has no right not to be happy. It is not, then, that he is passive. He is engaged in--has to engage in--continual activity. If not, he would run the risk of being content with what he has and becoming asocial."
"You have to try 'everything,' for the consumerist man is haunted by the fear of 'missing' something, some form of enjoyment or other. You never know whether a particular encounter, a particular experience will not elicit some 'sensation.' It is no longer desire or even 'taste,' or a specific inclination that are at stake, but a generalized curiosity, driven by a vague sense of unease--that it is the 'fun morality' or the imperative to enjoy oneself, to exploit to the full one's potential for thrills, pleasure or gratification."
Baudrillard's book is precise and mind-bogglingly relevant 45 years later.
Being a millennial and belonging to a generation that's annoyingly hubristic about its ostensible affluence and smugness, its hegemony over previous generations, and its notions of happiness . . . I can't help but relate to Baudrillard and love him, if he's a little cynical.
The Consumer Society also perfectly nails part of why I read books; why--regardless of all the distractions and "cool" things around--I think books are gems can't be paralleled.
I've seen this mention as some people's least favourite book by Baudrillard with the explanation that it is not very original. If that is the only thing wrong with it, it is very deserving of a five star rating. This is only Baudrillard's second book so the complaint doesn't really hold anyway, the book is a good continuation of his first book (The System of Objects) from which he elaborates more specific phenomena and when it comes to taking ideas from other people, he mentions an overwhelming number of other authors and theorists, it is certainly not plagiarization, but rather interpretation of those authors. If anything that is a positive because it is interesting seeing the influences that shaped early Baudrillard. Even if he is not 100% original, Baudrillard's interpretations are still valuable and not just because they come with rants about commercials, media, culture etc. that one is to expect from him. The book is dense however, if you don't take time to read it properly a lot of it will go over your head. Or even if you do take the time to read it. I can recognise the value in it, but I am sorry that I did not soak it in. This and maybe a couple of small complaints are not enough to detract for it, but it is also certainly not the best book for one to get into Baudrillard, both because of its difficulty and its content, so I wouldn't recommend it to people interested in general Baudrillardian thought, there are better book for that and this is a book for people who are already considering reading it for one reason or another.
Let鈥檚 buy things and activities to signal the happiness and uniqueness we don鈥檛 have! And so we do, because鈥hat else?
鈥淪o we live, sheltered by signs, in the denial of the real.鈥�
After reading this book, I feel disturbed. Disturbed not in a challenging, perspective-changing way. But in a way that makes me think 鈥渙h, so we are doomed-doomed鈥�.
Baudrillard philosophises how society makes us naive consumerists and manipulates us by inducing fear (of missing out on joy, pleasure, sensation). If it sounds radical, it鈥檚 because it is. The author has no time for ifs or maybes. Deceived marionettes we are. No exceptions. Case closed.
鈥淭he successful advertiser is the master of a new art: the art of making things true by saying they are so. He is a devotee of the technique of the self-fulfilling prophecy.鈥�
Why did I take away two stars?
Difficult language. The author tries to sound trustworthy, I guess, so he complicates his wording. It鈥檚 the lamest trick in the book. If you鈥檙e assured of your ideas, you can explain them simply. What鈥檚 there to hide under complex language and long, boresome sentences?
Politically biased. Karl Marx, the father of communism, influenced Baudrillard a lot. So, some of author鈥檚 points, despite being strong, are unthinkingly one-sided. For example, while many of his capitalism's critiques are fair and deserved, his general view on it seems predisposed rather than well-thought-of.
Overall, it鈥檚 worth reading. Despite the flaws, the author offers a deep analysis of the matter.
J'ai malheureusement trouv茅 ce texte mal 茅crit et abscon. Au lieu d'茅clairer son sujet, l'auteur semble prendre plaisir 脿 l'obscurcir d'茅paisses t茅n猫bres en faisant tout 脿 tour r茅f茅rence aux mythes de Barthe (sic), 脿 Freud, 脿 Marx, au structuralisme, 脿 la derni猫re publicit茅 脿 la mode, au dernier film qu'il a vu, sans serrer suffisamment sa r茅flexion. Les anglicismes, barbarismes et r茅p茅titions qui jonchent ce kal茅idoscope indigeste ont achev茅 de me remplir d'amertume, car les quelques id茅es qu'on y trouve r茅compensent insuffisamment la patience qu'elles 茅puisent
Cuando se lee un trabajo de sociolog铆a que se escribi贸 hace m谩s de 50 a帽os, uno tiene todo ese tiempo de ventaja sobre el autor a la hora de valorar la calidad de sus diagn贸sticos, lo trascendente de su teor铆a. El libro presente de Baudrillard no envejece; apenas tres o cuatro p谩ginas con datos sobre el consumo franc茅s de finales de los sesenta quedan obsoletas, el resto dan ganas de pegarse un tiro en las pelotas por su 鈥渁ctualidad鈥�.
Hoy, uno lo visita con el neoc贸rtex amputado y lee que el diagn贸stico del mal estaba hecho hace tiempo. La radiograf铆a perfectamente tomada. El paciente sin intenciones de mejorar. Baudrillard escribe desde el estructuralismo y por m谩s que su prosa pueda resultar farragosa, sus an谩lisis son brillantes y sus conclusiones, para m铆, muy acertadas.
Doy cinco estrellas y pongo la etiqueta de 鈥渋mprescindibles鈥� a este tipo de obras de No Ficci贸n que, adem谩s de estar muy bien pensadas, construidas y escritas, las extra帽茅 en mi educaci贸n. Suelo pensar que son herramientas necesarias para poner los pies en la Tierra o para nadar en este oc茅ano de mierda. Para vivir una vida medianamente consciente de lo que se est谩 haciendo con ella.
For Baudrillard, "consumption" does not merely designate the aggregate consumption of material goods, but also society's self-represention of consumption, namely, the myth of consumption and affluence. The field of the social logic of consumption is such that objects in it are wholly and infinitely exchangeable in terms of sign value, and thus in spite of the differences in function and utility (i.e. use value). Moreover, Baudrillard sees this logic as insatiable and the whole of regime of "needs" itself as proactively organized and produced "There are only needs of growth (65)" Baudrillard is at his most analytically rigorous in part 1 and 2. At times it reads as though he's channeling his inner BT Heidegger. While Part 3 feels a bit out of place, the section on "leisure time" could very serve as an extended sociological footnote to Marx's own analysis of abstract labor and time. I don't claim to have read a lot of Baudrillard, but this is definitely one of his more analytical pieces where he doesn't take as much sumptous liberty with the language.
Baudrillard, tek bir 艧eyi asla tek kitab谋yla a莽谋klamayan bir adam o kesin... Onu ve felsefesini okumak t眉m yazd谋klar谋yla ger莽ekle艧ebilir ancak. Ben kendimce kitaplar谋n谋 yaz谋ld谋臒谋 tarih ile s谋raya koydum. Bende olanlar谋n谋 o s谋raya g枚re okumak derdindeyim. T眉ketim toplumu kitab谋 di臒er okumalar谋n谋 yapt谋ktan sonra sonra tekrar okumam gereken bir kitap benim i莽in bunu akl谋m谋n bir k枚艧esine not ederek okudum diyebilirim. Toplumun iktisadi-ekonomik temellerle a莽谋klan谋r yanlar谋na 莽ok a艧ina ve hakim olmamam dolay谋s谋 ile baz谋 k谋s谋mlar谋 anlamakta zorland谋m. T眉ketim hakk谋nda konu艧urken bile t眉keten bir toplum olman谋n 枚tesinde, ka莽谋n谋lmaz t眉ketim nesnesi oldu臒umuz da do臒ruya do臒rudur.
T眉ketim toplumu, ilk versiyonu 1970 y谋l谋nda 莽谋km谋艧 bir kitap. Baudrillard, dilimize 莽evrildi臒inde a臒谋r bir dile d枚n眉艧en anlat谋m谋yla g眉n眉m眉z toplumunu t眉ketim ve b眉y眉me ekseninde anlat谋yor. B眉y眉menin getirdi臒i mal ve ihtiya莽 眉retiminin farkl谋 s谋n谋flardaki farkl谋 yans谋mas谋n谋n (farkl谋la艧ma ihtiyac谋 ve talebi) yaratt谋臒谋 gerginli臒in sistemin devinim g眉c眉 oldu臒u 莽ok iyi tariflenmi艧. Bir k谋s谋r d枚ng眉 gibi. B眉y眉me mal ve ihtiya莽 眉retiyor; bunun etkisi farkl谋 s谋n谋flarda farkl谋 farkl谋 oluyor, farkl谋 farkl谋 枚zlemler ve ihtiya莽lar yarat谋yor, bu t眉ketimi h谋zland谋r谋yor, t眉ketim tekrar b眉y眉meyi diri tutuyor.
陌lgin莽 bir nokta var mesela. Baudrillard diyor ki 鈥渉i莽bir 眉r眉n, hi莽bir ihtiya莽 e臒er zaten 眉st modelin bir par莽as谋 de臒ilse ve mesafenin korunmas谋 i莽in yerine bu 眉st modelde ay谋rt edici ba艧ka bir mal ya da ihtiya莽 ge莽memi艧se kitlesel olarak diziselle艧me ve tatmin edilme 艧ans谋na sahip de臒ildir鈥�. Bu 眉retim ve t眉ketimin ritminin ne kadar farkl谋la艧t谋臒谋n谋 g枚steren bir tespit. 脺retim tamamen sanayisel ve ekonomik bir 眉retkenli臒in sonucuyken; t眉ketim toplumsal farkl谋la艧ma mant谋臒谋n谋n bir i艧levi olarak 枚ne 莽谋k谋yor. Dolay谋s谋yla insanlar kendi konumlar谋n谋 ay谋rt edici 艧ekilde t眉ketmeye e臒ilimli oluyor, bu da adeta bir k枚艧e kapmaca gibi t眉ketimi tetikleyen bir unsur oluyor.
陌htiyac谋n asla ve asla bir nesneye de臒il de farkl谋l谋k ihtiyac谋na y枚nelik oldu臒u iddias谋 枚nemli. Daha 枚ncesinde Veblen, 眉st s谋n谋flar谋n di臒er s谋n谋flardan farkl谋 olduklar谋n谋 g枚stermek i莽in bariz ve a艧谋r谋 t眉ketim yapma ihtiya莽lar谋n谋 a莽谋klam谋艧t谋. G眉n眉m眉zde ise paradoksal bir bi莽imde 眉st s谋n谋flar kendini g枚steri艧le ve l眉ksle de臒il, sadelik ve 枚l莽眉l眉l眉kle farkl谋la艧t谋rmaya 莽al谋艧谋r hale geliyor. A艧谋r谋 t眉ketimi ve g枚steri艧i reddetme 眉st s谋n谋flar谋n prestij farkl谋la艧mas谋 olarak 枚ne 莽谋k谋yor. Hatta birden zengin olan insanlar谋n abart谋l谋 t眉ketimleri bu s谋n谋flar taraf谋ndan k眉莽眉mseniyor.
G眉n眉n sonunda t眉ketim toplumu, farkl谋la艧ma ihtiyac谋yla t眉ketme, bu farkl谋l谋klar谋n yaratt谋臒谋 gerilim ve enerjiyle b眉y眉me ve t眉m bunlar谋n yan etkisi olarak ortaya 莽谋kan nedensiz 艧iddet, yabanc谋la艧ma ve yorgunlukla bizim toplumumuzdur, modern toplumun kendisidir.
T眉ketim olgusunun bir end眉stri haline d枚n眉艧mesi, b眉y眉lenen toplumlar, eksik bilin莽 ve kendine yabanc谋la艧ma 眉zerine bir ba艧yap谋t. Ad谋n谋 lisans e臒itimim boyunca s谋k s谋k duyup bir t眉rl眉 okuyamad谋臒谋m T眉ketim Toplumu'nda Baudrillard'谋n aynas谋 hi莽 de i莽 a莽谋c谋 艧eyler g枚stermiyor. Nesneden, bilince... Bilin莽ten, bedene... Bedenden, ruha kadar t眉ketim k枚lesi olu艧umuzun kitab谋 bu. 陌莽inde ya艧ad谋臒谋 莽a臒a ve 枚yle ya da b枚yle dahil oldu臒u d眉zene dair bilin莽lenmek isteyen herkesin mutlaka okumas谋 gerekli.
"tell me what you dump into the garbage, and I will tell you who you are..." interesting proposition. this was my first encounter with Jean Baudrillard, will continue for sure
Sosyoloji, ekonomi ve iktisat alan谋nda genelde daha y眉zeysel kitaplar谋 okumu艧 oldu臒um i莽in biraz a臒谋r geldi dili. Belki yaz谋ld谋臒谋 d枚nem ve 莽evirisi de bunda etkili olmu艧tur, bilemedim.
50 sene 枚nce yaz谋lm谋艧 olmas谋na ra臒men yapt谋臒谋 莽谋kar谋mlar ve 枚ng枚r眉lerin neredeyse hepsi halen toplumda a莽谋k bir 艧ekilde g枚r眉lmekte. Reklam olay谋n谋n patlama yapt谋臒谋 y谋llarda yaz谋lm谋艧 oldu臒u i莽in reklama ili艧kin tespitleri ve sim眉lasyon kuram谋 da kitab谋n harika noktalar谋ndan. Kitaptan g眉zel bir al谋nt谋yla puan谋m谋z谋 verip, s谋radaki kitab谋m谋za ge莽iyoruz:
"B眉t眉n toplumlar her zaman zorunlu harcamalar 枚tesinde har vurup harman savurmu艧, harcam谋艧 ve t眉ketmi艧tir, 莽眉nk眉 toplum gibi birey de sadece var olmad谋臒谋n谋, ama ya艧ad谋臒谋n谋 a艧谋r谋, gere臒inden fazla bir t眉ketimde hisseder."
Sokal puts it quite nicely: des impostures intellectuelles. Though, I wouldn't like to be conceded; there is much in there that makes good sense and that is worth remembering.