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108 pages, Paperback
First published June 1, 1981
Colin Ward, who has died aged 85, lived with the title of Britain's most famous anarchist for nearly half a 卢century, bemused by this ambivalent soubriquet. In Anarchy in Action (1973), he set out his belief that an anarchist society was not an end goal. Following Alexander Herzen, the writer and thinker known as the "father of -Russian socialism", Colin saw all distant goals as a form of tyranny and believed that anarchist principles could be 卢discerned in everyday human relations and impulses. Within this perspective, politics was about strengthening 卢co-operative 卢relations and supporting human ingenuity in its myriad vernacular and everyday forms.
鈥� their rejection of external authority, whether that of the state, the employer, of the hierarchies of administration and of established institutions like the school and the church. The same is true of more recently emerging varieties of anarchist propaganda, green anarchism and anarcha-feminism.
Every European, North American, Latin American, and Asian society has had its anarchist publicists, journals, circles of adherents, imprisoned activists, and martyrs. Whenever an authoritarian and repressive political regime collapses, the anarchists are there, a minority urging their fellow citizens to absorb the lessons of the sheer horror and irresponsibility of government.In concluding the chapter, Ward covers anarchist ideas and proponents in Japan, China, Korea, India and Africa.
(beginning) For a century, anarchists have used the word 鈥榣ibertarian鈥� as a synonym for 鈥榓narchist鈥�, both as a noun and as an adjective 鈥� However, much more recently the word has been appropriated [he could have said 鈥渦surped鈥漖 by various American free marker philosophers 鈥� so it is necessary to examine the modern individualist 鈥榣ibertarian鈥� response from the standpoint of the anarchist tradition.Well, yes, that's good as far as it goes. He鈥檚 talking about academic economists, not a political movement. But in the U.S. the Libertarian world view has gone much farther than that. Let鈥檚 not mention Ayn Rand, or the elevation of personal greed and utter selfishness into not only admirable qualities, but almost (for true believers) moral imperatives. Well, Ward didn鈥檛 go there, and 鈥渘either will I鈥�, he says veering away.
o o o
(at the end) The American 鈥榣ibertarians鈥� of the 20th century are academics rather than social activists, and their inventiveness seems to be limited to providing an ideology for untrammeled market capitalism.
In the great tide of nationalism in the 19th century there was a handful of prophetic and dissenting voices, urging the alternative of federalism. It is interesting, at least, that those whose names survive were the three best-known anarchist thinkers of that century 鈥�Finally, he concludes
[and, several pages later]
After every kind of disastrous experience in the 20th century, the rulers of the nation states of Europe have directed policy towards several kinds of supranational entities. The crucial issue that faces them is whether to conceive of a Europe of States or a Europe of Regions.
A resolution has been adopted by the council of Europe, calling for national governments to adopt its Charter for Local Self-Government, 鈥榯o formalize commitment to the principle that government functions should be carried out at the lowest level possible and only transferred to higher government by consent.鈥�
This precept is an extraordinary tribute to Proudhon, Bakunin, and Kropotkin and the ideas that they were alone in voicing (apart from some interesting Spanish thinkers like Pi y Margall or Joaquin Costa).
A comforting thought for anarchists is the reflection that a society advanced enough to accept the environmental imperatives of the 21st century will be obliged to reinvent anarchism as a response to them.(See )
For a very strong case has been made by such authors as Murray and Bookchin and Alan Carter that anarchism is the only political ideology capable of addressing the challenges posed by our new green consciousness to the accepted range of political ideas. Anarchism becomes more and more relevant for the new century.
賷胤賲丨 丕賱賳丕爻 廿賱賶 禺丿賲丕鬲 賵乇丕丨丞 兀賰亘乇貙 賵賲爻丕丨丞 禺氐賵氐賷丞 兀賰亘乇貙 賵爻賴賵賱丞 賮賷 丕賱鬲賳賯賱貙 賵廿丨爻丕爻 亘丕丨鬲賲丕賱丕鬲 兀賵爻毓. 賴匕丕 賴賵 丕賱賲卮乇賵毓 丕賱丕爻鬲賴賱丕賰賷 丕賱毓氐乇賷貙 賵賴賵 噩賵賴乇 丕賱賲噩鬲賲毓丕鬲 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞. 廿賳賴丕 爻賲丞 賲丨賵乇賷丞 賮賷 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 賵丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿 丕賱爻丕卅丿賷賳 兀賱丕 鬲鬲毓乇囟 丕賱胤賲賵丨丕鬲 丕賱丕爻鬲賴賱丕賰賷丞 賱賴噩賵賲 噩丕丿. 亘賱 毓賱賶 丕賱毓賰爻貙 賮丕賱乇爻丕賱丞 丕賱乇爻賲賷丞 丕賱賲賮賴賵賲丞 囟賲賳丕 賴賷:芦丕氐賲丿賵丕 賲賰丕賳賰賲: 爻賳賱亘賽賾賷 乇睾亘丕鬲賰賲.禄 廿賳 丕賱卮毓丕乇 丕賱兀爻丕爻賷 亘爻賷胤 廿賱賶 丿乇噩丞 賲賮噩毓丞:芦丕賱賲夭賷丿!禄
The word 鈥榓narchy鈥� comes from the Greek anarkhia, meaning contrary to authority or without a ruler, and was used in a derogatory sense until 1840, when it was adopted by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon to describe his political and social ideology.This is a powerful, paradigm-shifting concept. We have been brought up to believe in the sanctity of the nation-state and the government, that we are unable to think of an alternative reality without one - not even as a "what-if" scenario. But is the state something which is so sacrosanct? For the majority of its existence, human civilisation has lived without the nation-state; even now, national borders are continuously in flux. We cannot rule out a future in which it may disappear altogether. That is the anarchist dream.
***
For anarchists the state itself is the enemy, and they have applied the same interpretation to the outcome of every revolution of the 19th and 20th centuries. This is not merely because every state
keeps a watchful and sometimes punitive eye on its dissidents, but because every state protects the privileges of the powerful.
The mainstream of anarchist propaganda for more than a century has been anarchist-communism, which argues that property in land, natural resources, and the means of production should be held in mutual control by local communities, federating for innumerable joint purposes with other communes. It differs from state socialism in opposing the concept of any central authority.Also part and parcel of anarchism is pacifism - you don't need to go to war with your neighbour if there are no fictitious boundaries to protect: environmentalism - when one lives in a commune, one has to live in harmony with nature, and there is no need for "development"; liberating work from the assembly line; decriminalisation of the populace by replacing punishment with a therapeutic approach to crime; free liberal education instead of state-run schools teaching a common curriculum etc. If one looks at this closely, this resembles the communist utopia without the "proletarian dictatorship" - something Bakunin warned Marx against as it could give rise to totalitarian regimes, a prophecy which was frighteningly fulfilled in all communist countries.