What do you think?
Rate this book
袙褋褟 泻褉械屑谢械胁褋泻邪褟 褉邪褌褜: 袣褉邪褌泻邪褟 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟 褋芯胁褉械屑械薪薪芯泄 袪芯褋褋懈懈
协褌邪 泻薪懈谐邪 褉邪褋褋泻邪蟹褘胁邪械褌 芯斜 懈褋褌芯褉懈懈 袪芯褋褋懈懈 薪邪 胁褋械屑 锌褉芯褌褟卸械薪懈懈 锌褉邪胁谢械薪懈褟 袙谢邪写懈屑懈褉邪 袩褍褌懈薪邪, 褋 2000 锌芯 2015 谐芯写. 袙 芯褋薪芯胁褍 泻薪懈谐懈 谢械谐谢懈 写芯泻褍屑械薪褌褘, 芯褌泻褉褘褌褘械 懈褋褌芯褔薪懈泻懈 懈 写械褋褟褌泻懈 褍薪懈泻邪谢褜薪褘褏 谢懈褔薪褘褏 懈薪褌械褉胁褜褞, 泻芯褌芯褉褘械 邪胁褌芯褉 胁蟹褟谢 褍 写械泄褋褌胁褍褞褖懈褏 谢懈褑 懈蟹 斜谢懈卸邪泄褕械谐芯 芯泻褉褍卸械薪懈褟 袙谢邪写懈屑懈褉邪 袩褍褌懈薪邪. 小芯斜褉邪薪薪褘械 胁芯械写懈薪芯, 褎邪泻褌褘, 褋芯斜褘褌懈褟, 懈薪褌褉懈谐懈 懈 屑薪械薪懈褟 谐械褉芯械胁 褋芯褋褌邪胁谢褟褞褌 锌芯谢薪褍褞 泻邪褉褌懈薪褍 卸懈蟹薪懈 袣褉械屑谢褟, 懈蟹 泻芯褌芯褉芯泄 胁锌械褉胁褘械 褋褌邪薪芯胁懈褌褋褟 锌芯薪褟褌薪邪 谢芯谐懈泻邪 屑械褌邪屑芯褉褎芯蟹褘 袙谢邪写懈屑懈褉邪 袩褍褌懈薪邪: 泻邪泻 懈 锌芯褔械屑褍 懈蟹 谢懈斜械褉邪谢褜薪芯谐芯 锌褉芯蟹邪锌邪写薪芯谐芯 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌邪 薪邪褔邪谢邪 2000-褏 芯薪 锌褉械胁褉邪褌懈谢褋褟 胁 邪胁褌芯褉懈褌邪褉薪芯谐芯 锌褉邪胁懈褌械谢褟 懈 芯写薪芯谐芯 懈蟹 褋邪屑褘褏 褟褉褘褏 锌褉芯褌懈胁薪懈泻芯胁 袟邪锌邪写邪.
408 pages, Hardcover
First published October 8, 2015
669 people are currently reading
7590 people want to read
About the author
Mikhail Zygar
14听books102听followersMikhail Zygar (袦懈褏邪懈谢 袟褘谐邪褉褜) is a writer, journalist, filmmaker.
He worked for Newsweek Russia and the business daily Kommersant, covering the conflicts in Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq, Serbia, and Kosovo before becoming founding editor-in-chief of Russia鈥檚 only independent news TV channel, Dozhd (TVRain), which provided an alternative to Kremlin-controlled federal TV channels and gave a platform to opposition voices. Zygar won the International Press Freedom Award in 2014.
He is the author of All the Kremlin鈥檚 Men, a #1 bestseller in Russia that has been translated into over twenty languages and was called one of 鈥�9 books that can help you understand Russia right now鈥� by Time magazine, and The Empire Must Die, a Kirkus Reviews Best Nonfiction Book of the Year.
Mikhail Zygar has openly protested against the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Now he lives in Berlin and writes a weekly column for Der Spiegel.
His new book War and Punishment, tells the story of how the Russian Empire has oppressed Ukraine since the 17th century. Zygar is trying to dismantle Putin鈥檚 traditional imperial narrative and to start de-imperialization of Russian history.
He worked for Newsweek Russia and the business daily Kommersant, covering the conflicts in Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq, Serbia, and Kosovo before becoming founding editor-in-chief of Russia鈥檚 only independent news TV channel, Dozhd (TVRain), which provided an alternative to Kremlin-controlled federal TV channels and gave a platform to opposition voices. Zygar won the International Press Freedom Award in 2014.
He is the author of All the Kremlin鈥檚 Men, a #1 bestseller in Russia that has been translated into over twenty languages and was called one of 鈥�9 books that can help you understand Russia right now鈥� by Time magazine, and The Empire Must Die, a Kirkus Reviews Best Nonfiction Book of the Year.
Mikhail Zygar has openly protested against the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Now he lives in Berlin and writes a weekly column for Der Spiegel.
His new book War and Punishment, tells the story of how the Russian Empire has oppressed Ukraine since the 17th century. Zygar is trying to dismantle Putin鈥檚 traditional imperial narrative and to start de-imperialization of Russian history.
Ratings & Reviews
Friends & Following
Create a free account to discover what your friends think of this book!
Community Reviews
Displaying 1 - 30 of 498 reviews
January 7, 2020
賰鬲丕亘 丕賱毓丕賲 亘賱丕 賲賳丕夭毓
乇賷賮賷賵 賲乇卅賷 賱賱賰鬲丕亘:
乇賷賮賷賵 賲乇卅賷 賱賱賰鬲丕亘:
May 31, 2020
Zygar reports on Putin as Russia鈥檚 leader detailing his relationships with the men around him. We see how Putin is seemingly accidentally thrust into the presidency and how he takes charge with his own entourage. We witness the changes in Putin as he consolidates power to become the Putin we recognize today. The book is very detailed introducing this reader to many new people: Oligarchs, politicians, administrators, dissidents, and Putin鈥檚 old friends. We see how Putin influences them and how in turn they influence Putin to shape him. We also get revealing insights into Putin鈥檚 interactions with foreign leaders. Zygar is the founder of Russia鈥檚 only independent TV station which presents alternative views to those of the Kremlin. He is a journalist and this book is based on extensive interviews of people with personal knowledge of Putin, thus we get many anecdotes. This is a great read for those interested enough to sort through all the details. What follows are notes of items that captured my interest.
As the end of Boris Yeltsin鈥檚 second term approached, he suddenly resigned on December 31, 1999 and appointed Vladimir Putin as his successor. Putin immediately granted Yeltsin immunity from any crimes he may have committed. Yeltsin鈥檚 close relations were known as the Family. They maintained outsized influence along with oligarchs and politicians close to them. The Family had selected Putin, the director of the FSB, believing he would help them retain their influence. He did for a few years.
Putin had his clique, the siloviki, composed of military and security officials who would turn the Prosecutor General鈥檚 Office into a Putin weapon, and another loyal group known as the 鈥淧etersburgers鈥�. Putin, a former intelligence officer, maintained close ties with former KGB and current FSB officials and he brought along many associates from his days as Deputy Mayor of St. Petersburg. He won the election for president in 2000 with political and financial help from the Family and powerful friends including oligarchs. They and the public favored Putin because he was anti-communist, pro-business and espoused democracy. Putin found his new job and its perks to his liking. It would take several years for him to cement power, destroying opposition parties and taking down troublesome oligarchs and replacing them with those who understood who was in charge.
Putin set out to woo the West. He formed a close relationship with Tony Blair and his first meeting with George W. Bush showed just how cagey Putin is. Putin used his career honed skills sizing Bush up knowing that Bush had sworn off alcohol and turned religious. Putin told Bush a story saying he had owned a dacha that was destroyed in a fire but thankfully no one was injured. And by some miracle the only object to survive was a crucifix his mother had given to him. Because of that he said he believed in miracles. Putin was convincing. Bush was taken with the story saying later, 鈥淚 looked the man in the eye. I found him to be very straightforward and trustworthy and we had a very good dialogue. I was able to get a sense of his soul.鈥� Bush now believed Russia under Putin would become just like Western European countries.
Putin became incensed over the U. S. invasion of Iraq and it permanently changed his attitude towards the U. S. Russia was much closer to and had a much better understanding of Saddam Hussein and his circle than the U. S. But the U. S. did not consult with Russia before deciding to invade Iraq. Putin was already irritated by the constant lecturing from the U. S. on how Russia should behave. Putin was also upset with Blair who went along with Bush. He would write off his friendship with Blair when Britain gave political asylum to two of his Russian enemies. Blair claimed he couldn鈥檛 intervene with the courts, which made no sense to Putin.
Putin publicly revealed his dark side in 2001 when he cracked down on a popular TV station that opposed his policies. He had his Prosecutor General file charges against the media mogul owner who was imprisoned. Putin removed others involved with the station and put his own team in place. Putin made sure everyone understood how he would govern in 2003 charging and then in 2005 imprisoning one of the richest men in Russia, the owner of Yukos Oil, oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky, who was opposing Putin policies. With this show of strength the balance of power changed. The Family was through. After the 2004 election, the Petersburgers were ready to take control. Putin鈥檚 silviki was busily collecting compromising data on the rich and powerful. The oligarchs had come into being in the mid-nineties as state owned properties were privatized. It was part of an election strategy and self-enrichment by Yeltsin and the Family to win the 1996 election. Powerful people loyal to the Family became billionaires.
Putin began replacing the remaining Family oligarchs and ministers with his own. As one of Putin鈥檚 aides told the prime minister who 鈥渟uddenly resigned鈥�, 鈥淭hank you for showing us how to run the country. Now we can do it for ourselves.鈥� Putin made an obscure choice for his new prime minister, one who would pose no threat and be loyal and readily agreed to impossible goals. As an insider noted 鈥淣o one gets fired for poor performance 鈥� They get fired for disloyalty.鈥�
Putin fervently believed that Ukraine belonged to Russia and took every opportunity to ensure it did not stray to the West. When in the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election, despite Putin鈥檚 personal involvement and massive support, his candidate Viktor Yanukovych lost, Putin was furious. He blamed the West for its interference. The U. S. and other countries had sent observers who made their opinions known. Pro West Ukrainians took to the streets in the Orange Revolution. So called 鈥淐olor鈥� revolutions also took place in other former Soviet republics, most notably Georgia. Putin and his aides became paranoid seeing the hand of the U. S. everywhere. Bush sat beside Putin in Moscow at the 60th anniversary of Victory Day parade and as always was respectful to Putin. But then Bush skipped the gala dinner and went to Georgia where he lauded the 鈥淩ose鈥� revolution speaking to 150,000 American Flag waving Georgians. Putin was surer than ever he could never trust the Americans.
In 2005 Putin decided to center his foreign policy on business, specifically as a gas supplier to Europe. Under the guise of energy security he tried to strike deals to build Russian gas pipelines to Western Europe. At first the European leaders were enthusiastic. But again Ukraine was the fly in the ointment. Ukraine, already buying Russian gas, was negotiating a new deal with Putin. Putin structured a shady scheme through a secretive middle company with Russian mafia connections. Ukraine balked at the sky high price. Putin showed his cards suddenly sharply cutting the amount of gas Russia was supplying until Ukraine accepted Putin鈥檚 compromise. At the same time he cut service to other customers in East European countries and to Austria. Needless to say West European leaders quickly saw the Russian pipelines as a trap.
After Hurricane Katrina decimated New Orleans in 2005, Bush鈥檚 approval declined sharply as he badly mishandled the situation. Putin now saw Bush as weak, a lame duck. He decided to go on the offensive and challenge U. S. dominance in the world. In a blistering speech at the 2007 Munich Security Conference he accused the U. S. of destabilizing the world with its missile programs and foreign interventions. When Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice visited Putin in Moscow in 2006, he humiliated her by making her wait hours in a hotel lobby while he sat drinking with friends in a bar. She was then invited to the bar where Putin鈥檚 group sat with drinks and snacks. Rice asked Putin to talk separately. She started in about the situation in Georgia which quickly turned into a screaming match. Interestingly, in 2008 at a NATO meeting Rice and Angela Merkel got into a heated argument over admitting Georgia and Ukraine, yelling at each other in Russian which they both spoke fluently. Putin went to the meeting the last day and flew into a rage at Bush for trying to admit Ukraine and Georgia to NATO. Putin followed up by sending troops into Georgia showing the U. S. just who was in control.
Putin decided not to change the 1993 Russian constitution which limited the president to two successive terms. He selected Dmitri Medvedev to succeed him in 2008. Putin had other loyal associates he could have picked, but he liked Medvedev鈥檚 lack of ambition. Putin became prime minister forming what was known as the 鈥渢andem鈥�. Medvedev instituted some modest liberal reforms, but usually knew where to draw the line. Putin let him know when he crossed it. Medvedev also changed the constitution to extend subsequent presidential terms from four to six years. As the 2012 election approached, Medvedev allowed some small demonstrations by genuine opposition. Putin had always set up fake opposition parties to manipulate the electorate. Putin saw Medvedev as weak but it didn鈥檛 matter, Putin planned to run for President in 2012 and have Medvedev as prime minister, switching their positions, but all the power always remained with Putin. Putin controlled the media, senior government ministers, the security services and the oligarchs. He and his siliviki might loosen the reigns from time to time to allow opponents to reveal themselves, but he always kept control. After the election Putin quickly cleaned house replacing Medvedev鈥檚 ministers and rescinding his reforms. He also cracked down harshly on the demonstrators arresting many and sending leaders to prison.
In 2013 Ukraine was considering signing an association agreement with the EU, strongly supported by many Ukrainians. Putin made clear to the Ukrainian president, Putin鈥檚 man Yanukovych, that Ukraine鈥檚 future was with Russia. Putin offered attractive loans to Ukraine to stay close to Russia, which Yanukovych took, surprising and angering many of his supporters and pro-Western Ukrainians. Protesters headed for the government sector of Kiev where security forces killed 25. The U. S. imposed sanctions and other European countries spoke out against the violence. As the days went on, the protests gained strength eventually toppling Yanukovych who escaped to Russia.
Seeing Ukraine in disarray, Putin made the decision in 2014 to return Crimea to Russia. Crimea had been part of Russia before 1954, when Khrushchev got it transferred to Ukraine. This put a large population of Russians into Ukraine helping tie it to Russia. With Crimea鈥檚 significant Russian population getting local support was easy. Using local activists along with help from Russian troops from a nearby base, the takeover was quick. A Crimean government was formed which then applied for accession to the Russian Federation which was shortly ratified by Russia. Putin had always considered Crimea to be part of Russia. In Eastern Ukraine his strategy was different. It too held many Russians and the same combination of forces successfully battled the Ukrainian army. But Putin did not want to annex Eastern Ukraine. He wanted to hold its future over Ukraine as leverage. He wanted all of Ukraine in Russia鈥檚 orbit.
In response, the U. S. and European allies issued sanctions against Russian officials and oligarchs. Putin now was completely bitter about the U. S. and the West. He believed that he and Russia had never been and would never be treated as equals. Putin also hardened even further on dissidents and officials or businessmen he felt had 鈥渓iberal鈥� ideas. This attitude carried over to Vladimir Yevtushenkov who owned a Russian oil company and wanted to list it on the London stock exchange. For this, Putin had him arrested. This shook the business community, for unlike Khodorkovsky, Yevtushenkov scrupulously avoided politics. The business community already suffering from sanctions due to the war in Ukraine and takeover of Crimea was even more upset by this arrest. After Khodorkovsky鈥檚 arrest they knew to stay out of politics, but now they weren鈥檛 sure what would get them in trouble. Putin associates that attempted to defend Yevtushenkov or point out the economic downside of arresting him lost their influence with Putin.
Putin鈥檚 attitude towards the West was reinforced at the G20 summit in November 2014 in Australia. Putin was treated like a pariah. Nobody engaged with him. He was positioned at the end of the line in the photoshoot and assigned a table to eat essentially alone. He left early the next day. Not only did Putin not intend to be humiliated again, his isolationist attitude was adopted by government officials and businessmen. Getting ahead in Russia depends on one鈥檚 relationship with Putin and his attitudes are quickly emulated. A good example of Putin鈥檚 point of view is the U. S. reaction to his support for Syria鈥檚 Assad. The U. S. criticizes Putin for violating human rights and supporting a ruthless dictator, but to Putin Assad is no worse than the leadership of Saudi Arabia. The U. S. allies with Saudi Arabia which summarily hangs and beheads people. The U. S. even supports it with weapons in its cruel war with Yemen. So Putin sees the U. S. and its Western European allies as sanctimonious hypocrites. There are many more examples in the book, not the least of which is the Iraq war.
Zygar鈥檚 book was published in 2016, so we don鈥檛 get any insight on Putin鈥檚 relationship with Trump. But after reading this it is easy to see why Putin would get along well with Trump. Zygar sees Putin as caught up in all his manipulations, as one who is manipulated as much as he manipulates others. Unfortunately this review leaves out much of the internal politics Zygar outlines that would lend support to this view. Still from my reading, Putin looked like he was usually the one pulling the strings, albeit often reactionary and often relying on advice from associates who had ulterior motives. Just like the tsars, Putin identified himself as Russia, so the way he saw himself treated was the way Russia was being treated and vice versa. But I am convinced when Zygar says that when Putin is gone little will change.
As the end of Boris Yeltsin鈥檚 second term approached, he suddenly resigned on December 31, 1999 and appointed Vladimir Putin as his successor. Putin immediately granted Yeltsin immunity from any crimes he may have committed. Yeltsin鈥檚 close relations were known as the Family. They maintained outsized influence along with oligarchs and politicians close to them. The Family had selected Putin, the director of the FSB, believing he would help them retain their influence. He did for a few years.
Putin had his clique, the siloviki, composed of military and security officials who would turn the Prosecutor General鈥檚 Office into a Putin weapon, and another loyal group known as the 鈥淧etersburgers鈥�. Putin, a former intelligence officer, maintained close ties with former KGB and current FSB officials and he brought along many associates from his days as Deputy Mayor of St. Petersburg. He won the election for president in 2000 with political and financial help from the Family and powerful friends including oligarchs. They and the public favored Putin because he was anti-communist, pro-business and espoused democracy. Putin found his new job and its perks to his liking. It would take several years for him to cement power, destroying opposition parties and taking down troublesome oligarchs and replacing them with those who understood who was in charge.
Putin set out to woo the West. He formed a close relationship with Tony Blair and his first meeting with George W. Bush showed just how cagey Putin is. Putin used his career honed skills sizing Bush up knowing that Bush had sworn off alcohol and turned religious. Putin told Bush a story saying he had owned a dacha that was destroyed in a fire but thankfully no one was injured. And by some miracle the only object to survive was a crucifix his mother had given to him. Because of that he said he believed in miracles. Putin was convincing. Bush was taken with the story saying later, 鈥淚 looked the man in the eye. I found him to be very straightforward and trustworthy and we had a very good dialogue. I was able to get a sense of his soul.鈥� Bush now believed Russia under Putin would become just like Western European countries.
Putin became incensed over the U. S. invasion of Iraq and it permanently changed his attitude towards the U. S. Russia was much closer to and had a much better understanding of Saddam Hussein and his circle than the U. S. But the U. S. did not consult with Russia before deciding to invade Iraq. Putin was already irritated by the constant lecturing from the U. S. on how Russia should behave. Putin was also upset with Blair who went along with Bush. He would write off his friendship with Blair when Britain gave political asylum to two of his Russian enemies. Blair claimed he couldn鈥檛 intervene with the courts, which made no sense to Putin.
Putin publicly revealed his dark side in 2001 when he cracked down on a popular TV station that opposed his policies. He had his Prosecutor General file charges against the media mogul owner who was imprisoned. Putin removed others involved with the station and put his own team in place. Putin made sure everyone understood how he would govern in 2003 charging and then in 2005 imprisoning one of the richest men in Russia, the owner of Yukos Oil, oligarch Mikhail Khodorkovsky, who was opposing Putin policies. With this show of strength the balance of power changed. The Family was through. After the 2004 election, the Petersburgers were ready to take control. Putin鈥檚 silviki was busily collecting compromising data on the rich and powerful. The oligarchs had come into being in the mid-nineties as state owned properties were privatized. It was part of an election strategy and self-enrichment by Yeltsin and the Family to win the 1996 election. Powerful people loyal to the Family became billionaires.
Putin began replacing the remaining Family oligarchs and ministers with his own. As one of Putin鈥檚 aides told the prime minister who 鈥渟uddenly resigned鈥�, 鈥淭hank you for showing us how to run the country. Now we can do it for ourselves.鈥� Putin made an obscure choice for his new prime minister, one who would pose no threat and be loyal and readily agreed to impossible goals. As an insider noted 鈥淣o one gets fired for poor performance 鈥� They get fired for disloyalty.鈥�
Putin fervently believed that Ukraine belonged to Russia and took every opportunity to ensure it did not stray to the West. When in the 2004 Ukrainian presidential election, despite Putin鈥檚 personal involvement and massive support, his candidate Viktor Yanukovych lost, Putin was furious. He blamed the West for its interference. The U. S. and other countries had sent observers who made their opinions known. Pro West Ukrainians took to the streets in the Orange Revolution. So called 鈥淐olor鈥� revolutions also took place in other former Soviet republics, most notably Georgia. Putin and his aides became paranoid seeing the hand of the U. S. everywhere. Bush sat beside Putin in Moscow at the 60th anniversary of Victory Day parade and as always was respectful to Putin. But then Bush skipped the gala dinner and went to Georgia where he lauded the 鈥淩ose鈥� revolution speaking to 150,000 American Flag waving Georgians. Putin was surer than ever he could never trust the Americans.
In 2005 Putin decided to center his foreign policy on business, specifically as a gas supplier to Europe. Under the guise of energy security he tried to strike deals to build Russian gas pipelines to Western Europe. At first the European leaders were enthusiastic. But again Ukraine was the fly in the ointment. Ukraine, already buying Russian gas, was negotiating a new deal with Putin. Putin structured a shady scheme through a secretive middle company with Russian mafia connections. Ukraine balked at the sky high price. Putin showed his cards suddenly sharply cutting the amount of gas Russia was supplying until Ukraine accepted Putin鈥檚 compromise. At the same time he cut service to other customers in East European countries and to Austria. Needless to say West European leaders quickly saw the Russian pipelines as a trap.
After Hurricane Katrina decimated New Orleans in 2005, Bush鈥檚 approval declined sharply as he badly mishandled the situation. Putin now saw Bush as weak, a lame duck. He decided to go on the offensive and challenge U. S. dominance in the world. In a blistering speech at the 2007 Munich Security Conference he accused the U. S. of destabilizing the world with its missile programs and foreign interventions. When Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice visited Putin in Moscow in 2006, he humiliated her by making her wait hours in a hotel lobby while he sat drinking with friends in a bar. She was then invited to the bar where Putin鈥檚 group sat with drinks and snacks. Rice asked Putin to talk separately. She started in about the situation in Georgia which quickly turned into a screaming match. Interestingly, in 2008 at a NATO meeting Rice and Angela Merkel got into a heated argument over admitting Georgia and Ukraine, yelling at each other in Russian which they both spoke fluently. Putin went to the meeting the last day and flew into a rage at Bush for trying to admit Ukraine and Georgia to NATO. Putin followed up by sending troops into Georgia showing the U. S. just who was in control.
Putin decided not to change the 1993 Russian constitution which limited the president to two successive terms. He selected Dmitri Medvedev to succeed him in 2008. Putin had other loyal associates he could have picked, but he liked Medvedev鈥檚 lack of ambition. Putin became prime minister forming what was known as the 鈥渢andem鈥�. Medvedev instituted some modest liberal reforms, but usually knew where to draw the line. Putin let him know when he crossed it. Medvedev also changed the constitution to extend subsequent presidential terms from four to six years. As the 2012 election approached, Medvedev allowed some small demonstrations by genuine opposition. Putin had always set up fake opposition parties to manipulate the electorate. Putin saw Medvedev as weak but it didn鈥檛 matter, Putin planned to run for President in 2012 and have Medvedev as prime minister, switching their positions, but all the power always remained with Putin. Putin controlled the media, senior government ministers, the security services and the oligarchs. He and his siliviki might loosen the reigns from time to time to allow opponents to reveal themselves, but he always kept control. After the election Putin quickly cleaned house replacing Medvedev鈥檚 ministers and rescinding his reforms. He also cracked down harshly on the demonstrators arresting many and sending leaders to prison.
In 2013 Ukraine was considering signing an association agreement with the EU, strongly supported by many Ukrainians. Putin made clear to the Ukrainian president, Putin鈥檚 man Yanukovych, that Ukraine鈥檚 future was with Russia. Putin offered attractive loans to Ukraine to stay close to Russia, which Yanukovych took, surprising and angering many of his supporters and pro-Western Ukrainians. Protesters headed for the government sector of Kiev where security forces killed 25. The U. S. imposed sanctions and other European countries spoke out against the violence. As the days went on, the protests gained strength eventually toppling Yanukovych who escaped to Russia.
Seeing Ukraine in disarray, Putin made the decision in 2014 to return Crimea to Russia. Crimea had been part of Russia before 1954, when Khrushchev got it transferred to Ukraine. This put a large population of Russians into Ukraine helping tie it to Russia. With Crimea鈥檚 significant Russian population getting local support was easy. Using local activists along with help from Russian troops from a nearby base, the takeover was quick. A Crimean government was formed which then applied for accession to the Russian Federation which was shortly ratified by Russia. Putin had always considered Crimea to be part of Russia. In Eastern Ukraine his strategy was different. It too held many Russians and the same combination of forces successfully battled the Ukrainian army. But Putin did not want to annex Eastern Ukraine. He wanted to hold its future over Ukraine as leverage. He wanted all of Ukraine in Russia鈥檚 orbit.
In response, the U. S. and European allies issued sanctions against Russian officials and oligarchs. Putin now was completely bitter about the U. S. and the West. He believed that he and Russia had never been and would never be treated as equals. Putin also hardened even further on dissidents and officials or businessmen he felt had 鈥渓iberal鈥� ideas. This attitude carried over to Vladimir Yevtushenkov who owned a Russian oil company and wanted to list it on the London stock exchange. For this, Putin had him arrested. This shook the business community, for unlike Khodorkovsky, Yevtushenkov scrupulously avoided politics. The business community already suffering from sanctions due to the war in Ukraine and takeover of Crimea was even more upset by this arrest. After Khodorkovsky鈥檚 arrest they knew to stay out of politics, but now they weren鈥檛 sure what would get them in trouble. Putin associates that attempted to defend Yevtushenkov or point out the economic downside of arresting him lost their influence with Putin.
Putin鈥檚 attitude towards the West was reinforced at the G20 summit in November 2014 in Australia. Putin was treated like a pariah. Nobody engaged with him. He was positioned at the end of the line in the photoshoot and assigned a table to eat essentially alone. He left early the next day. Not only did Putin not intend to be humiliated again, his isolationist attitude was adopted by government officials and businessmen. Getting ahead in Russia depends on one鈥檚 relationship with Putin and his attitudes are quickly emulated. A good example of Putin鈥檚 point of view is the U. S. reaction to his support for Syria鈥檚 Assad. The U. S. criticizes Putin for violating human rights and supporting a ruthless dictator, but to Putin Assad is no worse than the leadership of Saudi Arabia. The U. S. allies with Saudi Arabia which summarily hangs and beheads people. The U. S. even supports it with weapons in its cruel war with Yemen. So Putin sees the U. S. and its Western European allies as sanctimonious hypocrites. There are many more examples in the book, not the least of which is the Iraq war.
Zygar鈥檚 book was published in 2016, so we don鈥檛 get any insight on Putin鈥檚 relationship with Trump. But after reading this it is easy to see why Putin would get along well with Trump. Zygar sees Putin as caught up in all his manipulations, as one who is manipulated as much as he manipulates others. Unfortunately this review leaves out much of the internal politics Zygar outlines that would lend support to this view. Still from my reading, Putin looked like he was usually the one pulling the strings, albeit often reactionary and often relying on advice from associates who had ulterior motives. Just like the tsars, Putin identified himself as Russia, so the way he saw himself treated was the way Russia was being treated and vice versa. But I am convinced when Zygar says that when Putin is gone little will change.
June 17, 2024
I rarely read books on politics, but I read this one in one breath. I learned a lot of new things, one could say politically enlightened. It is written in a very interesting and rather impartial manner.
By the way, I immediately made an association with House of Cards - Vladimir Putin's favorite, according to the author, TV series.
By the way, I immediately made an association with House of Cards - Vladimir Putin's favorite, according to the author, TV series.
August 9, 2024
貙鬲丨丿賷孬: 毓乇囟 賰鬲丕亘 乇丕卅毓 毓賳 丕賱丨乇亘 丕賱卮賷卮丕賳賷丞 丕賱乇賵爻賷丞 亘丕賱鬲賮氐賷賱
賱賲丕 丕賱賰丕鬲亘 賯丕賱 廿賳賴 賴賷賰鬲亘 賲賵噩夭 鬲丕乇賷禺 乇賵爻賷丕 丕賱賲毓丕氐乇丞 禺賱丕賱听 佟佶 爻賳丞 賰丕賳 賯丕氐丿 賷賰鬲亘賴賲 賰賱賴賲 賱廿賳賴 賮毓賱賷丕 賱賲 賷睾賮賱 丨丿孬 丿賵賳 匕賰乇賴貙 賵丿賴 爻亘亘 賮賷 賰賵賳 毓丿丿 氐賮丨丕鬲 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 禺丕丿毓 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 賱賲丕 鬲丨鬲賵賷賴 賲賳 賲毓賱賵賲丕鬲 鬲丨鬲丕噩 賱賵賯鬲 賮賷 賯乇丕亍鬲賴丕.
丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 賱乇賵爻賷丕 賲賳 侃侃 賱 佗贍佟伽 兀賷 賯亘賱 賯賱賷賱 賲賳 賵氐賵賱 亘賵鬲賷賳 廿賱賶 丕賱丨賰賲 毓丕賲 佗贍贍贍 賰乇卅賷爻 賱賱丿賵賱丞 孬賲 鬲亘丕丿賱賴 丕賱賲賳丕氐亘 賲毓 賲賷丿賮賷丿賷賮 賱兀乇亘毓 爻賳賵丕鬲 賰乇卅賷爻 賵夭乇丕亍 賱賷毓賵丿 賲噩丿丿丕 亘賮鬲乇丕鬲 乇卅丕爻賷丞 賲鬲鬲丕賱賷丞 賷亘丿賵 兀賳賴丕 賱賳 鬲賳鬲賴賷..
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 毓賱賶 賯丕卅賲鬲賷 賲賳 孬賱丕孬 爻賳賵丕鬲貙 亘丿兀鬲 亘賯乇丕亍鬲賴 兀賵 亘丕賱兀丨乇賶 毓匕亘鬲賴 賲賳 侉 賷賵賱賷賵 佗贍佗伲 廿賱賶 侉 賮亘乇丕賷乇 佗贍佗伽貙 賵賰賳鬲 亘賳賯胤毓 毓賳賴 賱賮鬲乇丕鬲 胤賵賷賱丞 丿賵賳 乇睾亘丞 賮賷 匕賱賰 賵賱賰賳賴丕 丕賱丨賷丕丞.
賱賲丕 鬲賯乇兀 丕賱毓賳賵丕賳 鬲鬲爻丕亍賱 賴賷鬲賰賱賲 毓賳 廿賷賴 亘丕賱馗亘胤 賰賱听 噩賷卮 丕賱賰乇賷賲賱賷賳 (賲噩賱爻 廿丿丕乇丞 丕賱乇卅丕爻丞 丕賱乇賵爻賷丞) 賵 廿賷賴 丕賱賲爻丕丨丞 丕賱賱賷 賴賷鬲丨乇賰 賮賷賴丕責
賮賷 丕賱丨賯賷賯丞 丕賱賲爻丕丨丞 賰亘賷乇丞 噩丿丕 賵兀賰亘乇 賲賳丕 鬲鬲氐賵乇 毓賳丿 乇丐賷鬲賰 賱賱賰鬲丕亘.
賴賳丕 賴賳賱丕賯賷 鬲賮丕氐賷賱 毓賳 毓賱丕賯丞 乇賵爻賷丕 亘噩賷乇丕賳賴丕 賵丕夭丕賷 鬲丿禺賱鬲 賮賷 賰鬲賷乇 賲賳 丕賱兀夭賲丕鬲 賮賷 丿賵賱 丕睾賱亘賴丕 賰丕賳 爻丕亘賯丕 囟賲賳 丕賱丕鬲丨丕丿 丕賱爻賵賮賷鬲賷..
丕賱賰丕鬲亘 亘賷丨賰賷 亘卮賰賱 賲賲鬲毓 噩丿丕 毓賳 賰賱 丕賱鬲賮丕氐賷賱 丕賱賱賷 氐丕丨亘鬲 毓賱丕賯丞 乇賵爻賷丕 亘丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱賲噩丕賵乇丞 賱賷賴丕 丕賵 賲丕 賷毓乇賮 亘賰賲賳賵賱孬 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱賲爻鬲賯賱丞 毓賳 丕賱丕鬲丨丕丿 丕賱爻賵賮賷鬲賷 亘丕賱廿囟丕賮丞 賱毓賱丕賯丞 乇賵爻賷丕 亘兀賵乇賵亘丕 賵兀賲乇賷賰丕 賵毓賱丕賯丞 亘賵鬲賷賳 亘賲賷乇賰賱 賵亘賵卮 賵鬲賵賳賷 亘賱賷乇 賵兀賵亘丕賲丕听 賵丕夭丕賷 亘丿兀 亘賵鬲賷賳 亘賳賵丕賷丕 丕賳賮鬲丕丨賷丞 毓賱賶 丕賱睾乇亘 賵賱賷爻 亘丕賱爻毓賷 廿賱賶 丕賱丕賳毓夭丕賱貙 賵鬲賳丕賵賱 丕賱賰丕鬲亘 丿賵乇 乇賵爻賷丕 賵賲賵賯賮賴丕 賲賳 丕賱兀夭賲丕鬲 丕賱丕賳賮氐丕賱賷丞 賱亘毓囟 丕賱兀賯丕賱賷賲 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱賲噩丕賵乇丞 賱賷賴丕
(賮賷 丨丕賱丕鬲 賰鬲賷乇 亘賷賰賵賳 丕賱丿賵賱 丿賷 賮賷賴丕 兀賯賱賷丕鬲 乇賵爻賷丞.. 兀賲丕 賰賷賮 丿禺賱鬲 賴匕賴 丕賱兀賯賱賷丕鬲 丕賱乇賵爻賷丞 賴賳丕賰 賮乇亘賳丕 賷匕賰乇賳賷 賵丕賰鬲亘 毓賳賴 賮賷 賲乇丕噩毓丞 鬲丕賳賷丞 賱兀賳賴 賲賵囟賵毓 賷胤賵賱 卮乇丨賴)
賵鬲賳丕賵賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 丨乇亘 丕賱卮賷卮丕賳 亘賷賳听 鬲賵噩賴丕鬲 爻賷丕爻丞 亘賵乇賷爻 賷賱鬲爻賷賳 賵爻賷丕爻丞 亘賵鬲賷賳 賵賰賷賮 丕爻鬲禺丿賲賴丕 亘賵鬲賷賳 賱氐丕賱丨賴貙 賵丕賱兀賴賲 胤亘毓丕 賴賵 亘丿丕賷丕鬲 兀夭賲丞 兀賵賰乇丕賳賷丕 賵鬲賮丕氐賷賱 廿毓丕丿丞 丕賱賯乇賲 賱乇賵爻賷丕 賵禺氐賵氐賷丞 賵鬲毓賯賷丿 丕賱毓賱丕賯丕鬲 丕賱乇賵爻賷丞 丕賱兀賵賰乇丕賳賷丞貙 賵賲乇 兀賷囟丕 毓賱賶 鬲賮丕氐賷賱 丕賱孬賵乇丕鬲 丕賱賲賱賵賳丞 賮賷 兀賵乇賵亘丕 丕賱卮乇賯賷丞 賵毓賱丕賯丞 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱乇賵爻賷 亘丕賱賳馗賲 丕賱丨丕賰賲丞 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱 丿賷
賵爻毓賷 丕賱睾乇亘 賱鬲毓賷賷賳 丨賰賵賲丕鬲 賲毓丕丿賷丞 賱乇賵爻賷丕 賵爻毓賷 乇賵爻賷丕 賱賱毓賰爻..
賵亘毓賷丿丕 毓賳 賲賵賯賮 丕賱賯賵鬲賷賳 乇賵爻賷丕 賵丕賱睾乇亘 賮賲賳 乇兀賷賷 廿賳賴 賲賳胤賯賷 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 賱丨爻丕亘丕鬲 丕賱賯賵丞 廿賳 乇賵爻賷丕 鬲爻毓賶 賱鬲賳氐賷亘 丨賰賵賲丕鬲 賲賵丕賱賷丞 賱賷賴丕 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱 丿賷 賱囟賲丕賳 兀賲賳賴丕 丕賱賯賵賲賷 賵廿賳 丕賱丿賵賱 丿賷 賲鬲賰賵賳卮 兀乇囟 賱賯賵丕毓丿 毓爻賰乇賷丞 睾乇亘賷丞 賵兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 賵賱丕 賱鬲賵爻毓丕鬲 丕賱賳丕鬲賵.. 賲賴賵 賷毓賳賷 丿賷 賳賮爻 爻賷丕爻丞 兀賲乇賷賰丕 賮賷 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賮亘爻鬲睾乇亘 賲賳 亘噩丕丨丞 丕賱睾乇亘 丨賯賷賯賷 賮賷 丿毓賲賴 賱兀賳馗賲丞 兀賵乇賵亘丕 丕賱卮乇賯賷丞 賵丨賯賴丕 賮賷 賱賲丐丕禺匕丞 "丕賱丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷丞"听 賵賴賷 亘毓鬲鬲 丕賱賲噩乇賲賷賳 亘鬲賵毓賴丕 丕睾鬲丕賱賵丕 "毓賲乇 鬲賵乇賷禺賵爻" 賮賷 亘賳賲丕 賵賲鬲兀禺乇鬲卮 賴賷 賵亘乇賷胤丕賳賷丕 賮賷 鬲賵囟賷亘 丕賳賯賱丕亘 毓賱賶 "賲丨賲丿 賲氐丿賯" 賮賷 廿賷乇丕賳貙 賮丨賯賷賯賷 賵賯丕丨丞 賱丕 賲孬賷賱 賱賴丕.
鬲賳丕賵賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賳賴丕賷丕鬲 丨賰賲 賷賱鬲爻賷賳 賵丕賱賰丕乇孬丞 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 禺賱賮鬲賴丕 賳賴丕賷丞 丕賱賯乇賳 丕賱毓卮乇賷賳 賱賱丕鬲丨丕丿 丕賱爻賵賮賷鬲賷 丕賱爻丕亘賯 賵賮爻丕丿 乇噩丕賱 丕賱兀毓賲丕賱貙賵丕賱爻賷胤乇丞 毓賱賶 卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱睾丕夭 丕賱賰亘乇賶 夭賷 "睾丕夭亘乇賵賲" 賵"乇賵爻 賳賮胤" 賵丕夭丕賷 鬲賲賰賳 亘賵鬲賷賳 賲賳 廿丨賰丕賲 丕賱賯亘囟丞 毓賱賶 乇噩丕賱 丕賱兀毓賲丕賱(亘卮賰賱 賷匕賰乇 亘丕賱鬲兀賲賷賲 丕賱丕卮鬲乇丕賰賷) 賵賰賷賮 鬲賲 鬲賴賷卅丞 賵氐賵賱 亘賵鬲賷賳 廿賱賶 丕賱丨賰賲 賵丕賱兀孬賲丕賳 丕賱鬲賷 丿賮毓賴丕 賰賱 胤乇賮.
賷賯丿賲 丕賱賰丕鬲亘听 賵噩賴丞 賳馗乇賴 兀賳 亘賵鬲賷賳 賱賷爻 丕賱丨丕賰賲 丕賱賲賮乇丿 賱乇賵爻賷丕 賰賲丕 鬲丨丕賵賱 丕賱賳禺亘丞 丕賱乇賵爻賷丞 鬲氐賵賷乇賴貙 賵廿賳賲丕听 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱乇賵爻賷丞 賴賷 賳鬲丕噩 賱爻賷丕爻丞 乇噩丕賱 丕賱賰乇賷賲賱賷賳 賲噩鬲賲毓賷賳 賵賴匕丕 毓賰爻 丕賱爻乇丿賷丞 丕賱乇爻賲賷丞.
丕賱賲賱賮鬲 兀賳 賴匕賴 丕賱賳禺亘丞 賱丕 鬲爻鬲禺丿賲 亘賵鬲賷賳 賰丿賲賷丞 賱鬲丨賯賷賯 兀賴丿丕賮賴丕 賲孬賱丕 賰賲丕 賷丨丿孬 賮賷 亘毓囟 丕賱丨丕賱丕鬲听 賵廿賳賲丕 賷亘匕賱賵賳 賲賳 丕賱噩賴丿 賲丕 賷賯賳毓賵賳 亘賴 亘賵鬲賷賳 兀賳 乇睾亘丕鬲賴賲 賴賷 乇睾亘鬲賴 賵兀賮賰丕乇賴賲 丕賳賲丕 賴賷 兀賮賰丕乇賴 噩丕亍鬲 賲賳 禺賱丕賱賴賲貙 賴匕賴 丕賱賳禺亘丞 鬲毓賱賲 鬲賲丕賲丕 兀賳 賵噩賵丿 亘賵鬲賷賳 賮賷 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賴賵 丕賱囟丕賲賳 賱亘賯丕亍賴丕 賳禺亘丞貙 賴賷 丕賱賳禺亘丞 丕賱賲爻賷胤乇丞 毓賱賶 丕賱睾丕夭 賵丕賱賳賮胤 丕賱匕賷 鬲毓鬲賲丿 毓賱賷賴 兀賵乇賵亘丕 賲賴賲丕 氐丿毓鬲賳丕 亘賲賯丕胤毓鬲賴丕 賱乇賵爻賷丕 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丕.
賵賴匕賴 丕賱賳禺亘丞 賴賷 丕賱鬲賷 鬲亘賷毓 丕賱爻賱丕丨 賵鬲爻鬲孬賲乇 賮賷 丕賱孬乇賵丕鬲 丕賱胤亘賷毓賷丞 賮賷 丕賱爻賵賯 丕賱廿賮乇賷賯賷 賲賳丕賮爻丞賸 兀賲乇賷賰丕.
賯乇丕亍丞 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賲鬲毓丞 賵丕賱賱睾丞 亘爻賷胤丞 噩丿丕 噩丿丕 賵賮賰丕賴賷丞 賮賷 亘毓囟 丕賱兀丨賷丕賳 賵兀毓鬲賯丿 毓賲賱 丕賱賰丕鬲亘 賰賲禺乇噩 爻賷賳賲丕 賲爻丕毓丿 賮賷 馗賴賵乇 丕賱賰丕鬲亘 亘卮賰賱 亘毓賷丿 賰賱 丕賱亘毓丿 毓賳 丕賱噩賮丕賮 丕賱賲鬲賵賯毓 賮賷 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞.
賱賰賳 氐毓賵亘丞 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 鬲賰賲賳 賮賷 丕賱毓丿丿 丕賱賲賴賵賱 賲賳 丕賱賲丐孬乇賷賳 賮賷 丕賱毓賲賱賷丞 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 丕賱乇賵爻賷丞 賵丕賱匕賷賳 鬲毓鬲亘乇 兀爻賲丕丐賴賲 賲噩賴賵賱丞 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 賱兀睾賱亘賳丕 賮囟賱丕 毓賳 兀爻賲丕亍 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷賷賳 賮賷 兀賵賰乇丕賳賷丕 賵丿賵賱 丕賱噩賵丕乇 丕賱乇賵爻賷.
賵氐毓賵亘丞 兀禺乇賶 鬲賲孬賱鬲 亘丕賱賳爻亘丕賱賷 賮賷 賰孬乇丞 丕賱兀丨丿丕孬 亘丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賵丕賱鬲賷 鬲丨鬲丕噩 廿賲丕 賱鬲乇賰賷夭 卮丿賷丿 兀賵 賱賴丿賵亍 賵賷賯賷賳 兀賳賳丕 爻賳賳爻賶 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳賴丕 賵賱賰賳 爻鬲亘賯賶 賱賳丕 氐賵乇丞 匕賴賳賷丞 毓丕賲丞 卮丕賲賱丞 毓賳 賲爻丕乇 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱乇賵爻賷丞 丕賱丿丕禺賱賷丞 賵丕賱禺丕乇噩賷丞貙 賵亘賲丕 廿賳 丕賱賲毓乇賮丞 鬲乇丕賰賲賷丞 賮毓賳丿賲丕 賳氐丕丿賮 賲乇丞 兀禺乇賶 賰賱賲丞 兀賵爻賷鬲賷丕 兀賵 爻賵鬲卮賷 兀賵 鬲乇丕賳爻賳賷爻鬲乇賷丕 賮賱賳 鬲賰賵賳 賰賱賲丕鬲 睾乇賷亘丞.
賲卮賰賱鬲賷 賲毓 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 (賵兀鬲賵賯毓 廿賳賴 丿賴 賲賳 兀爻亘丕亘 卮賴乇鬲賴 亘丕賱廿賳噩賱賷夭賷丞 夭賷 卮賴乇丞 禺丕賱丿 丨爻賷賳賷 賰丿賴 賲賳 兀賮睾丕賳爻鬲丕賳) 廿賳 丕賱賰丕鬲亘 賲賷禺丕卅賷賱 夭賷睾丕乇听 亘賷賳鬲賯丿 賳馗乇賷丞 丕賱賲丐丕賲乇丞 丕賱賱賷 丕賱乇賵爻 毓丕賷卮賷賳 賮賷賴丕 鬲噩丕賴 丕賱睾乇亘 賵兀賲乇賷賰丕貙 賵亘賷賵囟丨 丿賴 賲賳 禺賱丕賱 賵賯丕卅毓 賮毓賱丕 丨賯賷賯賷丞 賱賰賳賴 亘賷賯乇乇 賷鬲睾丕囟賶 毓賳 賳賮爻 賴匕丕听 丕賱爻賱賵賰听 賲賳 賳丕丨賷丞 丕賱睾乇亘 鬲噩丕賴 乇賵爻賷丕..
賵丕賱睾乇亘 賳賮爻賴賲 賲卮 亘賷禺亘賵丕 丕賱賰賱丕賲 丿賴 賵賱丕 丨丕噩丞貙 賷毓賳賷 賲孬賱丕 丕賱廿丿丕乇丞 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 賮賷 賮鬲乇丞 鬲乇丕賲亘 丕賱賱賷 賰丕賳 兀賯賱 毓丿丕亍 賲毓 乇賵爻賷丕 賵兀賰孬乇 丕賳賮鬲丕丨丕 毓賱賷賴丕貙 賲賳 兀賵亘丕賲丕 兀毓賱賳 丕賳 丕賱賲賴丿丿 丕賱兀賵賱 賱賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 賵兀賲賳賴丕 丕賱賯賵賲賷 賴賵 乇賵爻賷丕 賲卮 丕賱廿乇賴丕亘 賵丿賴 賰丕賳 賲賵賯賮 丕賱丨賰賵賲丞 賰賰賱 賴賵 賮賯胤 丕毓賱賳賴 亘氐賮鬲賴 乇卅賷爻貙 賲卮 賲噩乇丿 賴乇鬲賱丕鬲 鬲乇丕賲亘賷丞貙 賵鬲賲 鬲噩丿賷丿 賴匕丕 丕賱廿毓賱丕賳 賲丐禺乇丕 賲毓 丕賱丨乇亘 丕賱乇賵爻賷丞 丕賱兀賵賰乇丕賳賷丞貙 賮賷毓賳賷 丕賱丨丕賱 賲賳 亘毓囟賴.
Sun, Feb 11, 2024馃┑馃摉
August 28, 2016
袣薪懈谐邪 袦懈褏邪懈谢邪 袟褘谐邪褉褟 褋褉邪蟹褍 锌芯褋谢械 胁褘褏芯写邪 薪邪褔邪谢邪 屑械谢泻邪褌褜 胁 屑芯械泄 谢械薪褌械 肖械泄褋斜褍泻邪. 袟邪 薪械褢 屑薪芯谐芯 泻褌芯 胁蟹褟谢褋褟, 懈, 褏芯褌褟 薪邪 褌芯褌 屑芯屑械薪褌 械褖褢 薪懈泻褌芯 械褢 薪械 写芯褔懈褌邪谢, 褍卸械 褉械泻芯屑械薪写芯胁邪谢懈. 袙 褔邪褋褌薪芯褋褌懈 锌芯褝褌芯屑褍 屑芯懈 芯卸懈写邪薪懈褟 芯褌 泻薪懈谐懈 斜褘谢懈 写芯褋褌邪褌芯褔薪芯 胁褘褋芯泻懈屑懈. 袧械 屑芯谐褍 褋泻邪蟹邪褌褜, 褔褌芯 芯薪懈 芯锌褉邪胁写邪谢懈褋褜.
携 斜褘 褋泻邪蟹邪谢邪, 褔褌芯 泻薪懈谐邪 褉邪褋褋泻邪蟹褘胁邪械褌 芯斜 懈褋褌芯褉懈懈 袪芯褋褋懈懈 胁 锌芯薪懈屑邪薪懈懈 袦懈邪褏懈谢邪 袟褘谐邪褉褟. 袙 械谐芯 锌芯薪懈屑邪薪懈懈 袩褍褌懈薪 鈥� 褝褌芯 褋懈屑褍谢褟泻褉 锌械褉胁芯谐芯 锌芯褉褟写泻邪, 泻芯谐写邪 懈褋褌芯褔薪懈泻 械褖褢 锌褉懈褋褍褌褋褌胁褍械褌 胁 褉械邪谢褜薪芯褋褌懈, 薪芯 屑褘 胁懈写懈屑 械谐芯 泻芯锌懈褞. 袠 锌褉懈薪懈屑邪械屑 械褢 蟹邪 褉械邪谢褜薪芯褋褌褜. 笑懈褌懈褉褍褟 邪胁褌芯褉邪:
袙 屑懈褉械 袟褘谐邪褉褟 袩褍褌懈薪, 胁 褑械谢芯屑, 泻胁邪谢懈褎懈褑懈褉芯胁邪薪薪褘泄 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻, 褋褌邪褉邪褞褖懈泄褋褟 胁褘锌芯谢薪褟褌褜 褋胁芯褞 褉邪斜芯褌褍, 懈褋泻褉械薪薪械 褋褔懈褌邪褞褖懈泄, 褔褌芯 芯锌锌芯蟹懈褑懈褟 械屑褍 芦屑械褕邪械褌禄. 袩芯褉褌褟褌 泻邪褉褌懈薪褍 屑邪褋谢芯屑, 泻邪泻 胁芯写懈褌褋褟, 谢褞写懈, 褌芯 械褋褌褜 薪邪褕 褉褍褋褋泻懈泄 薪邪褉芯写. 袣邪泻 谐芯胁芯褉懈褌褋褟, 褑邪褉褜 褏芯褉芯褕懈泄, 邪 胁芯褌 斜芯褟褉械 锌谢芯褏懈械.
袩芯褟褋薪褞 屑褘褋谢褜 邪胁褌芯褉邪 褟褉泻懈屑 锌褉懈屑械褉芯屑 锌芯写胁芯写薪芯泄 谢芯写泻懈 芦袣褍褉褋泻禄. 袩芯 屑薪械薪懈褞 邪胁褌芯褉邪, 锌褟褌褜 写薪械泄 芯褌锌褍褋泻邪 袩褍褌懈薪邪, 胁芯 胁褉械屑褟 泻芯褌芯褉褘褏 褝泻懈锌邪卸 谢芯写泻懈 屑械写谢械薪薪芯, 薪芯 胁械褉薪芯 锌芯谐懈斜邪谢, 懈屑械谢懈 屑械褋褌芯 斜褘褌褜 懈褋泻谢褞褔懈褌械谢褜薪芯 锌芯 胁懈薪械 胁芯械薪薪褘褏, 泻芯褌芯褉褘械 写芯泻谢邪写褘胁邪谢懈 谐谢邪胁械 谐芯褋褍写邪褉褋褌胁邪, 褔褌芯 芦胁褋褢 锌芯写 泻芯薪褌褉芯谢械屑禄. 袠屑械薪薪芯 懈蟹-蟹邪 懈褏 写芯泻谢邪写芯胁 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌 薪邪褏芯写懈谢褋褟 胁 芯褌锌褍褋泻械 胁 小芯褔懈 锌褟褌褜 写薪械泄, 懈 谢懈褕褜 锌芯褌芯屑 锌芯褋褔懈褌邪谢 薪械芯斜褏芯写懈屑褘屑 锌褉械褉胁邪褌褜 芯褌锌褍褋泻. 孝芯, 褔褌芯 芯泻芯薪褔邪褌械谢褜薪芯械 褉械褕械薪懈械, 斜褘褌褜 械屑褍 胁 芯褌锌褍褋泻械 懈谢懈 薪械褌, 锌褉懈薪懈屑邪械褌 胁褋褢-褌邪泻懈 褋邪屑 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌, 袟褘谐邪褉褜 锌芯褔械屑褍-褌芯 蟹邪斜褘胁邪械褌, 褋锌懈褋褘胁邪褟 胁褋褞 胁懈薪褍 蟹邪 蟹邪写械褉卸泻褍 胁 褋锌邪褋械薪懈懈 锌芯写胁芯写薪懈泻芯胁 懈 懈褏 锌芯褋谢械写褍褞褖褍褞 谐懈斜械谢褜 锌芯 褋褍褌懈 薪邪 锌芯写褔懈薪褢薪薪褘褏 谐谢邪胁械 谐芯褋褍写邪褉褋褌胁邪 胁芯械薪薪褘褏. 小谢芯胁芯屑, 褟 褋 泻谢褞褔械胁芯泄 泻芯薪褑械锌褑懈械泄 邪胁褌芯褉邪 芯 褌芯屑, 褔褌芯 袩褍褌懈薪 锌褉芯褋褌芯 褋褌邪褉邪械褌褋褟, 泻邪泻 屑芯卸械褌, 懈 褉邪斜芯褌邪械褌, 邪 懈褋锌芯谢薪懈褌械谢懈 懈 褋褉械写薪懈械 蟹胁械薪褜褟 懈褋锌芯谢薪懈褌械谢褜薪芯泄 褑械锌芯褔泻懈 胁褋褢 锌芯褉褌褟褌, 薪械 褋芯谐谢邪褋薪邪.
袙褌芯褉芯泄 胁芯锌褉芯褋, 泻芯褌芯褉褘泄 褍 屑械薪褟 薪械懈蟹斜械卸薪芯 胁芯蟹薪懈泻 锌芯 褏芯写褍 褔褌械薪懈褟, 褝褌芯 蟹邪谐邪写芯褔薪褘械 懈褋褌芯褔薪懈泻懈, 薪邪 泻芯褌芯褉褘械 邪胁褌芯褉 薪械 褋褋褘谢邪械褌褋褟. 袨 写邪, 芯薪 褋褋褘谢邪械褌褋褟 薪邪 褋褌邪褌褜懈, 泻芯谐写邪 懈褏 褑懈褌懈褉褍械褌, 薪邪 泻薪懈谐褍 袣芯薪写芯谢懈蟹褘 袪邪泄褋, 薪邪 褋褌械薪芯谐褉邪屑屑褘 蟹邪褋械写邪薪懈泄 懈 锌褉芯褔. 袨薪 斜褉邪谢 懈薪褌械褉胁褜褞 褍 屑薪芯谐懈褏 褍锌芯屑懈薪邪械屑褘褏 胁 泻薪懈谐械 谢褞写械泄 (啸芯写芯褉泻芯胁褋泻芯谐芯, 小邪邪泻邪褕胁懈谢懈, 袧邪胁邪谢褜薪芯谐芯), 胁 褝褌芯屑 褋谢褍褔邪械 锌芯薪褟褌薪芯, 褔褌芯 懈褋褌芯褔薪懈泻 懈薪褎芯褉屑邪褑懈懈 鈥� 懈薪褌械褉胁褜褞. 袧芯 蟹邪褔邪褋褌褍褞 胁 褋邪屑褘褏 芦谐芯褉褟褔懈褏禄 屑械褋褌邪褏 邪胁褌芯褉 褍锌芯屑懈薪邪械褌 薪械泻懈械 斜谢懈蟹泻懈械 泻 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌褍 懈褋褌芯褔薪懈泻懈, 泻邪泻懈械-褌芯 褋谢褍褏懈, 泻芯褌芯褉褘械 褏芯写懈谢懈 褋褉械写懈 褋芯褌褉褍写薪懈泻芯胁 邪写屑懈薪懈褋褌褉邪褑懈懈 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌邪 懈谢懈 泻邪泻芯泄-褌芯 写褉褍谐芯泄 芯褉谐邪薪懈蟹邪褑懈懈, 芯 泻芯褌芯褉芯泄 懈写褢褌 褉械褔褜. 孝褍褌 胁芯蟹薪懈泻邪械褌 谢褞斜芯锌褘褌薪褘泄 胁芯锌褉芯褋: 邪胁褌芯褉 褋褌褉芯懈褌 锌芯胁械褋褌胁芯胁邪薪懈械 懈 褋胁芯褞 泻芯薪褑械锌褑懈褞 薪邪 胁芯褌 褝褌懈褏 褋邪屑褘褏 褋谢褍褏邪褏, 谢械谐械薪写邪褏, 褉邪蟹谐芯胁芯褉邪褏, 泻芯褌芯褉褘械 芯薪 褋谢褘褕邪谢 谐写械-褌芯, 薪邪 褋谢芯胁邪褏 懈褋褌芯褔薪懈泻芯胁, 锌芯卸械谢邪胁褕懈褏 芯褋褌邪褌褜褋褟 薪械薪邪蟹胁邪薪薪褘屑懈. 袧邪褋泻芯谢褜泻芯 褌邪泻邪褟 谐褉械屑褍褔邪褟 褋屑械褋褜 懈蟹 褎邪泻褌芯胁, 褋谢褍褏芯胁 懈 褋锌谢械褌械薪 屑芯卸械褌 锌褉械褌械薪写芯胁邪褌褜 薪邪 蟹胁邪薪懈械 芦泻褉邪褌泻芯泄 懈褋褌芯褉懈懈 褋芯胁褉械屑械薪薪芯泄 袪芯褋褋懈懈禄? 袗 胁械写褜 懈屑械薪薪芯 褝褌芯 胁褘薪械褋械薪芯 薪邪 芯斜谢芯卸泻褍 泻薪懈谐懈.
袠蟹 褋懈谢褜薪褘褏 褋褌芯褉芯薪 泻薪懈谐懈 薪械 屑芯谐褍 薪械 芯褌屑械褌懈褌褜, 泻邪泻 谢械谐泻芯 芯薪邪 褔懈褌邪械褌褋褟, 谢褢谐泻懈泄 褋褌懈谢褜 锌懈褋褜屑邪 邪胁褌芯褉邪, 谢芯谐懈褔薪芯械 锌芯褋褌褉芯械薪懈械 锌芯胁械褋褌胁芯胁邪薪懈褟. 袣薪懈谐邪 胁芯褋锌褉懈薪懈屑邪械褌褋褟 泻邪泻 褌褉懈谢谢械褉, 锌芯泻邪 薪械 写芯褔懈褌邪械褕褜 写芯 芯褔械褉械写薪芯泄 褕芯泻懈褉褍褞褖械泄 写械褌邪谢懈, 芯 泻芯褌芯褉芯泄 薪械 蟹薪邪谢/邪.
效懈褌邪褌褜 芦袣褉械屑谢褢胁褋泻褍褞 褉邪褌褜禄 屑薪械 谢懈褔薪芯 斜褘谢芯 泻褉邪泄薪械 懈薪褌械褉械褋薪芯, 胁械写褜 胁褋褢 芯锌懈褋褘胁邪械屑芯械 胁 泻薪懈谐械 锌褉懈褕谢芯褋褜 薪邪 屑芯泄 褋芯蟹薪邪褌械谢褜薪褘泄 胁芯蟹褉邪褋褌, 懈 械褋谢懈 褌芯谐写邪 褟 芯 锌褉芯懈褋褏芯写褟褖械屑 褍蟹薪邪胁邪谢邪 懈蟹 小袦袠, 褌芯 袟褘谐邪褉褜 写邪褢褌 褔懈褌邪褌械谢褞 胁芯蟹屑芯卸薪芯褋褌褜 褍胁懈写械褌褜 泻褍褏薪褞 懈蟹薪褍褌褉懈 锌褉懈褢屑薪褘褏 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌邪, 屑懈薪懈褋褌褉芯胁, 懈蟹 褋邪屑懈褏 屑械褋褌 褋芯斜褘褌懈泄, 谐写械 锌褉懈薪懈屑邪褞褌褋褟 褉械褕械薪懈褟.
袙芯褌 胁褋械谐芯 谢懈褕褜 褌褉懈 懈蟹 屑薪芯卸械褋褌胁邪 褕芯泻懈褉芯胁邪胁褕懈褏 屑械薪褟 写械褌邪谢械泄:
小谢芯胁芯屑, 械褋谢懈 褋褌芯懈褌 胁芯锌褉芯褋 褔懈褌邪褌褜 懈谢懈 薪械 褔懈褌邪褌褜 芦袪邪褌褜禄, 屑芯泄 芯褌胁械褌 芯写薪芯蟹薪邪褔械薪: 褔懈褌邪褌褜. 袧芯 薪邪写芯 锌芯薪懈屑邪褌褜, 褔褌芯 褝褌邪 泻薪懈谐邪 鈥� 谢懈褕褜 屑薪械薪懈械 芯写薪芯谐芯 泻芯薪泻褉械褌薪芯谐芯 褔械谢芯胁械泻邪, 懈 薪械 懈褋褌懈薪邪 胁 锌芯褋谢械写薪械泄 懈薪褋褌邪薪褑懈懈. 袠 褍卸 褌芯褔薪芯 薪械 屑芯卸械褌 薪邪蟹褘胁邪褌褜褋褟 芦泻褉邪褌泻芯泄 懈褋褌芯褉懈械泄 褋芯胁褉械屑械薪薪芯泄 袪芯褋褋懈懈禄. 袪邪蟹胁械 褔褌芯 褋 锌芯屑械褌泻芯泄 芦*泻邪泻 胁褘谐谢褟写懈褌 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟 袪芯褋褋懈懈 锌芯 屑薪械薪懈褞 袦懈褏邪懈谢邪 袟褘谐邪褉褟禄.
袨斜蟹芯褉 薪邪
携 斜褘 褋泻邪蟹邪谢邪, 褔褌芯 泻薪懈谐邪 褉邪褋褋泻邪蟹褘胁邪械褌 芯斜 懈褋褌芯褉懈懈 袪芯褋褋懈懈 胁 锌芯薪懈屑邪薪懈懈 袦懈邪褏懈谢邪 袟褘谐邪褉褟. 袙 械谐芯 锌芯薪懈屑邪薪懈懈 袩褍褌懈薪 鈥� 褝褌芯 褋懈屑褍谢褟泻褉 锌械褉胁芯谐芯 锌芯褉褟写泻邪, 泻芯谐写邪 懈褋褌芯褔薪懈泻 械褖褢 锌褉懈褋褍褌褋褌胁褍械褌 胁 褉械邪谢褜薪芯褋褌懈, 薪芯 屑褘 胁懈写懈屑 械谐芯 泻芯锌懈褞. 袠 锌褉懈薪懈屑邪械屑 械褢 蟹邪 褉械邪谢褜薪芯褋褌褜. 笑懈褌懈褉褍褟 邪胁褌芯褉邪:
袧褘薪械褕薪懈泄 芯斜褉邪蟹 袩褍褌懈薪邪 鈥� 谐褉芯蟹薪芯谐芯 褉褍褋褋泻芯谐芯 褑邪褉褟 鈥� 锌褉懈写褍屑邪薪 蟹邪 薪械谐芯, 懈 蟹邪褔邪褋褌褍褞 斜械蟹 械谐芯 褍褔邪褋褌懈褟: 懈 褋胁懈褌芯泄, 懈 蟹邪锌邪写薪褘屑懈 锌邪褉褌薪械褉邪屑懈, 懈 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌邪屑懈. <...> 袦褘 胁褋械 褋械斜械 胁褘写褍屑邪谢懈 褋胁芯械谐芯 袩褍褌懈薪邪. 袠, 褋泻芯褉械械 胁褋械谐芯, 芯薪 褍 薪邪褋 鈥� 写邪谢械泻芯 薪械 锌芯褋谢械写薪懈泄.
袙 屑懈褉械 袟褘谐邪褉褟 袩褍褌懈薪, 胁 褑械谢芯屑, 泻胁邪谢懈褎懈褑懈褉芯胁邪薪薪褘泄 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻, 褋褌邪褉邪褞褖懈泄褋褟 胁褘锌芯谢薪褟褌褜 褋胁芯褞 褉邪斜芯褌褍, 懈褋泻褉械薪薪械 褋褔懈褌邪褞褖懈泄, 褔褌芯 芯锌锌芯蟹懈褑懈褟 械屑褍 芦屑械褕邪械褌禄. 袩芯褉褌褟褌 泻邪褉褌懈薪褍 屑邪褋谢芯屑, 泻邪泻 胁芯写懈褌褋褟, 谢褞写懈, 褌芯 械褋褌褜 薪邪褕 褉褍褋褋泻懈泄 薪邪褉芯写. 袣邪泻 谐芯胁芯褉懈褌褋褟, 褑邪褉褜 褏芯褉芯褕懈泄, 邪 胁芯褌 斜芯褟褉械 锌谢芯褏懈械.
袩芯褟褋薪褞 屑褘褋谢褜 邪胁褌芯褉邪 褟褉泻懈屑 锌褉懈屑械褉芯屑 锌芯写胁芯写薪芯泄 谢芯写泻懈 芦袣褍褉褋泻禄. 袩芯 屑薪械薪懈褞 邪胁褌芯褉邪, 锌褟褌褜 写薪械泄 芯褌锌褍褋泻邪 袩褍褌懈薪邪, 胁芯 胁褉械屑褟 泻芯褌芯褉褘褏 褝泻懈锌邪卸 谢芯写泻懈 屑械写谢械薪薪芯, 薪芯 胁械褉薪芯 锌芯谐懈斜邪谢, 懈屑械谢懈 屑械褋褌芯 斜褘褌褜 懈褋泻谢褞褔懈褌械谢褜薪芯 锌芯 胁懈薪械 胁芯械薪薪褘褏, 泻芯褌芯褉褘械 写芯泻谢邪写褘胁邪谢懈 谐谢邪胁械 谐芯褋褍写邪褉褋褌胁邪, 褔褌芯 芦胁褋褢 锌芯写 泻芯薪褌褉芯谢械屑禄. 袠屑械薪薪芯 懈蟹-蟹邪 懈褏 写芯泻谢邪写芯胁 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌 薪邪褏芯写懈谢褋褟 胁 芯褌锌褍褋泻械 胁 小芯褔懈 锌褟褌褜 写薪械泄, 懈 谢懈褕褜 锌芯褌芯屑 锌芯褋褔懈褌邪谢 薪械芯斜褏芯写懈屑褘屑 锌褉械褉胁邪褌褜 芯褌锌褍褋泻. 孝芯, 褔褌芯 芯泻芯薪褔邪褌械谢褜薪芯械 褉械褕械薪懈械, 斜褘褌褜 械屑褍 胁 芯褌锌褍褋泻械 懈谢懈 薪械褌, 锌褉懈薪懈屑邪械褌 胁褋褢-褌邪泻懈 褋邪屑 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌, 袟褘谐邪褉褜 锌芯褔械屑褍-褌芯 蟹邪斜褘胁邪械褌, 褋锌懈褋褘胁邪褟 胁褋褞 胁懈薪褍 蟹邪 蟹邪写械褉卸泻褍 胁 褋锌邪褋械薪懈懈 锌芯写胁芯写薪懈泻芯胁 懈 懈褏 锌芯褋谢械写褍褞褖褍褞 谐懈斜械谢褜 锌芯 褋褍褌懈 薪邪 锌芯写褔懈薪褢薪薪褘褏 谐谢邪胁械 谐芯褋褍写邪褉褋褌胁邪 胁芯械薪薪褘褏. 小谢芯胁芯屑, 褟 褋 泻谢褞褔械胁芯泄 泻芯薪褑械锌褑懈械泄 邪胁褌芯褉邪 芯 褌芯屑, 褔褌芯 袩褍褌懈薪 锌褉芯褋褌芯 褋褌邪褉邪械褌褋褟, 泻邪泻 屑芯卸械褌, 懈 褉邪斜芯褌邪械褌, 邪 懈褋锌芯谢薪懈褌械谢懈 懈 褋褉械写薪懈械 蟹胁械薪褜褟 懈褋锌芯谢薪懈褌械谢褜薪芯泄 褑械锌芯褔泻懈 胁褋褢 锌芯褉褌褟褌, 薪械 褋芯谐谢邪褋薪邪.
袙褌芯褉芯泄 胁芯锌褉芯褋, 泻芯褌芯褉褘泄 褍 屑械薪褟 薪械懈蟹斜械卸薪芯 胁芯蟹薪懈泻 锌芯 褏芯写褍 褔褌械薪懈褟, 褝褌芯 蟹邪谐邪写芯褔薪褘械 懈褋褌芯褔薪懈泻懈, 薪邪 泻芯褌芯褉褘械 邪胁褌芯褉 薪械 褋褋褘谢邪械褌褋褟. 袨 写邪, 芯薪 褋褋褘谢邪械褌褋褟 薪邪 褋褌邪褌褜懈, 泻芯谐写邪 懈褏 褑懈褌懈褉褍械褌, 薪邪 泻薪懈谐褍 袣芯薪写芯谢懈蟹褘 袪邪泄褋, 薪邪 褋褌械薪芯谐褉邪屑屑褘 蟹邪褋械写邪薪懈泄 懈 锌褉芯褔. 袨薪 斜褉邪谢 懈薪褌械褉胁褜褞 褍 屑薪芯谐懈褏 褍锌芯屑懈薪邪械屑褘褏 胁 泻薪懈谐械 谢褞写械泄 (啸芯写芯褉泻芯胁褋泻芯谐芯, 小邪邪泻邪褕胁懈谢懈, 袧邪胁邪谢褜薪芯谐芯), 胁 褝褌芯屑 褋谢褍褔邪械 锌芯薪褟褌薪芯, 褔褌芯 懈褋褌芯褔薪懈泻 懈薪褎芯褉屑邪褑懈懈 鈥� 懈薪褌械褉胁褜褞. 袧芯 蟹邪褔邪褋褌褍褞 胁 褋邪屑褘褏 芦谐芯褉褟褔懈褏禄 屑械褋褌邪褏 邪胁褌芯褉 褍锌芯屑懈薪邪械褌 薪械泻懈械 斜谢懈蟹泻懈械 泻 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌褍 懈褋褌芯褔薪懈泻懈, 泻邪泻懈械-褌芯 褋谢褍褏懈, 泻芯褌芯褉褘械 褏芯写懈谢懈 褋褉械写懈 褋芯褌褉褍写薪懈泻芯胁 邪写屑懈薪懈褋褌褉邪褑懈懈 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌邪 懈谢懈 泻邪泻芯泄-褌芯 写褉褍谐芯泄 芯褉谐邪薪懈蟹邪褑懈懈, 芯 泻芯褌芯褉芯泄 懈写褢褌 褉械褔褜. 孝褍褌 胁芯蟹薪懈泻邪械褌 谢褞斜芯锌褘褌薪褘泄 胁芯锌褉芯褋: 邪胁褌芯褉 褋褌褉芯懈褌 锌芯胁械褋褌胁芯胁邪薪懈械 懈 褋胁芯褞 泻芯薪褑械锌褑懈褞 薪邪 胁芯褌 褝褌懈褏 褋邪屑褘褏 褋谢褍褏邪褏, 谢械谐械薪写邪褏, 褉邪蟹谐芯胁芯褉邪褏, 泻芯褌芯褉褘械 芯薪 褋谢褘褕邪谢 谐写械-褌芯, 薪邪 褋谢芯胁邪褏 懈褋褌芯褔薪懈泻芯胁, 锌芯卸械谢邪胁褕懈褏 芯褋褌邪褌褜褋褟 薪械薪邪蟹胁邪薪薪褘屑懈. 袧邪褋泻芯谢褜泻芯 褌邪泻邪褟 谐褉械屑褍褔邪褟 褋屑械褋褜 懈蟹 褎邪泻褌芯胁, 褋谢褍褏芯胁 懈 褋锌谢械褌械薪 屑芯卸械褌 锌褉械褌械薪写芯胁邪褌褜 薪邪 蟹胁邪薪懈械 芦泻褉邪褌泻芯泄 懈褋褌芯褉懈懈 褋芯胁褉械屑械薪薪芯泄 袪芯褋褋懈懈禄? 袗 胁械写褜 懈屑械薪薪芯 褝褌芯 胁褘薪械褋械薪芯 薪邪 芯斜谢芯卸泻褍 泻薪懈谐懈.
袠蟹 褋懈谢褜薪褘褏 褋褌芯褉芯薪 泻薪懈谐懈 薪械 屑芯谐褍 薪械 芯褌屑械褌懈褌褜, 泻邪泻 谢械谐泻芯 芯薪邪 褔懈褌邪械褌褋褟, 谢褢谐泻懈泄 褋褌懈谢褜 锌懈褋褜屑邪 邪胁褌芯褉邪, 谢芯谐懈褔薪芯械 锌芯褋褌褉芯械薪懈械 锌芯胁械褋褌胁芯胁邪薪懈褟. 袣薪懈谐邪 胁芯褋锌褉懈薪懈屑邪械褌褋褟 泻邪泻 褌褉懈谢谢械褉, 锌芯泻邪 薪械 写芯褔懈褌邪械褕褜 写芯 芯褔械褉械写薪芯泄 褕芯泻懈褉褍褞褖械泄 写械褌邪谢懈, 芯 泻芯褌芯褉芯泄 薪械 蟹薪邪谢/邪.
效懈褌邪褌褜 芦袣褉械屑谢褢胁褋泻褍褞 褉邪褌褜禄 屑薪械 谢懈褔薪芯 斜褘谢芯 泻褉邪泄薪械 懈薪褌械褉械褋薪芯, 胁械写褜 胁褋褢 芯锌懈褋褘胁邪械屑芯械 胁 泻薪懈谐械 锌褉懈褕谢芯褋褜 薪邪 屑芯泄 褋芯蟹薪邪褌械谢褜薪褘泄 胁芯蟹褉邪褋褌, 懈 械褋谢懈 褌芯谐写邪 褟 芯 锌褉芯懈褋褏芯写褟褖械屑 褍蟹薪邪胁邪谢邪 懈蟹 小袦袠, 褌芯 袟褘谐邪褉褜 写邪褢褌 褔懈褌邪褌械谢褞 胁芯蟹屑芯卸薪芯褋褌褜 褍胁懈写械褌褜 泻褍褏薪褞 懈蟹薪褍褌褉懈 锌褉懈褢屑薪褘褏 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌邪, 屑懈薪懈褋褌褉芯胁, 懈蟹 褋邪屑懈褏 屑械褋褌 褋芯斜褘褌懈泄, 谐写械 锌褉懈薪懈屑邪褞褌褋褟 褉械褕械薪懈褟.
袙芯褌 胁褋械谐芯 谢懈褕褜 褌褉懈 懈蟹 屑薪芯卸械褋褌胁邪 褕芯泻懈褉芯胁邪胁褕懈褏 屑械薪褟 写械褌邪谢械泄:
小谢芯胁芯屑, 械褋谢懈 褋褌芯懈褌 胁芯锌褉芯褋 褔懈褌邪褌褜 懈谢懈 薪械 褔懈褌邪褌褜 芦袪邪褌褜禄, 屑芯泄 芯褌胁械褌 芯写薪芯蟹薪邪褔械薪: 褔懈褌邪褌褜. 袧芯 薪邪写芯 锌芯薪懈屑邪褌褜, 褔褌芯 褝褌邪 泻薪懈谐邪 鈥� 谢懈褕褜 屑薪械薪懈械 芯写薪芯谐芯 泻芯薪泻褉械褌薪芯谐芯 褔械谢芯胁械泻邪, 懈 薪械 懈褋褌懈薪邪 胁 锌芯褋谢械写薪械泄 懈薪褋褌邪薪褑懈懈. 袠 褍卸 褌芯褔薪芯 薪械 屑芯卸械褌 薪邪蟹褘胁邪褌褜褋褟 芦泻褉邪褌泻芯泄 懈褋褌芯褉懈械泄 褋芯胁褉械屑械薪薪芯泄 袪芯褋褋懈懈禄. 袪邪蟹胁械 褔褌芯 褋 锌芯屑械褌泻芯泄 芦*泻邪泻 胁褘谐谢褟写懈褌 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟 袪芯褋褋懈懈 锌芯 屑薪械薪懈褞 袦懈褏邪懈谢邪 袟褘谐邪褉褟禄.
袨斜蟹芯褉 薪邪
September 25, 2022
I admire the author for the years of work spent when gathering the information needed to compile what is an informative work, written in an entertaining, easy-read, style. The research for this book includes a multitude of interviews with those who've had first hand dealings with 'King Putin': memory being as unreliable and malleable as it is, we are asked to accept what is retold. I do accept the author has done the best possible, but I remain a little hesitant over believing all is word-for-word exactly how all happened.
The 'King', whilst amassing billions in personal wealth, presides over a feudal state and as we would expect, in his 'Court' sits his chosen advisors, who've also amassed untold wealth.
Are those advisors merely sycophants or manipulators? We are told, Putin was led to the thrown: he did not fight his way there. We are told, he wanted to abdicate: he was persuaded to stay. Some in the 'Court' have lost favour with the 'King': resulting in expulsion, or in some cases untimely death.
The 'King' it would seem suffers from an insecurity complex and this is why his behaviour is seen as that of a dangerous, volatile, bully. Does the 'Court' play on his weaknesses and use the 'King' as their stooge?
The 'King' was a KGB agent, and worked for a time in foreign lands: part of that work, I think we can safely assume, was to recruit sources/spies. Enough is known of how deft some can be at playing their cards in order to gain the trust of another. The 'King' it would seem managed to hoodwink Blair and Bush, with ease: both of whom would have been briefed by their respective intelligence agencies, before, during and after their introductions to the 'New King'.
Is the 'Court' playing the 'King'? Did the 'Court' convince the 'King' to remain on the throne?
Is the 'King' playing the 'Court'? Has Putin always wanted to sit on the throne and has never wanted to move from it? It would seem from what we read here, the 'King' now has no choice but to remain and the 'Court' has no choice but to ensure he does remain.
There is an old Russian proverb: 鈥淵ou live for as long as you are remembered.鈥�
The 'King', whilst amassing billions in personal wealth, presides over a feudal state and as we would expect, in his 'Court' sits his chosen advisors, who've also amassed untold wealth.
Are those advisors merely sycophants or manipulators? We are told, Putin was led to the thrown: he did not fight his way there. We are told, he wanted to abdicate: he was persuaded to stay. Some in the 'Court' have lost favour with the 'King': resulting in expulsion, or in some cases untimely death.
The 'King' it would seem suffers from an insecurity complex and this is why his behaviour is seen as that of a dangerous, volatile, bully. Does the 'Court' play on his weaknesses and use the 'King' as their stooge?
The 'King' was a KGB agent, and worked for a time in foreign lands: part of that work, I think we can safely assume, was to recruit sources/spies. Enough is known of how deft some can be at playing their cards in order to gain the trust of another. The 'King' it would seem managed to hoodwink Blair and Bush, with ease: both of whom would have been briefed by their respective intelligence agencies, before, during and after their introductions to the 'New King'.
Is the 'Court' playing the 'King'? Did the 'Court' convince the 'King' to remain on the throne?
Is the 'King' playing the 'Court'? Has Putin always wanted to sit on the throne and has never wanted to move from it? It would seem from what we read here, the 'King' now has no choice but to remain and the 'Court' has no choice but to ensure he does remain.
There is an old Russian proverb: 鈥淵ou live for as long as you are remembered.鈥�
April 3, 2022
4.5*
Not for everyone perhaps and not the first book you'll read on the subject, but a real tour de force in following-through on its thesis that Putin the man is of far less interest than are all the men (and they are all men, and the book's length attests to their number) around him and whose careers and even lives depend upon him remaining in power. The -0.5 is for how book glides rather breezily, given its penchant for the deep dive in far lesser matters, over some of the atrocities that books like make it their entire raison d'锚tre for pursuing, but there is so much else to consider here that make this book a key part of the puzzle that is Russia, that I can't but rate it as highly as I do.
A bestseller at home, it is rather unsparing of the English reader in its pile-on of "characters" at first, like a Dostoevsky novel in fact, but through sheer repetition, you do eventually come to map out the network of machinations, intrigue, backstabbing, and yes, patriotic works done in good faith here. The Kremlin's men can be as stumbling and bumbling as they are master craftsmen of the political game, and it is to Zygar's credit that he humanizes them even as he paints the incredibly detailed, realistic, and, yes, vulgar (but tragic) picture that is modern Russia.
Gone now are the (often cretinous) Liberals who championed the kleptocracy of the Yeltsin years. Surrounding and cocooning Putin are the strong men, the nationalists, the true believers and the yes men who reflect back to him that which he wants to see: a Russia-of-the-mind that the Russian public desired their politicians to reflect as if it were already the reality that, from 2008 onwards, it increasingly became: the besieged, maligned, wronged, strong, bastion of past greatness that it is destined to become once again (sound familiar, 'Mericans?!), once it reconnects with its historical roots (in Orthodox Christian/Stalinist/Imperial greatness, reach and unity) and cleanses itself of foreign decadence and hypocrisy. Sanctions (from the first war in Ukraine are thus actually seen as a benefit in this regard: the (post-Yeltsin) "oligarchs" are billionaires in name only, and are depicted as willing to sacrifice their wealth and even their lives to the State if Putin declares it so. And as all of Russia says, "If not Putin, who?" This sad, sordid tale is far from over....
Not for everyone perhaps and not the first book you'll read on the subject, but a real tour de force in following-through on its thesis that Putin the man is of far less interest than are all the men (and they are all men, and the book's length attests to their number) around him and whose careers and even lives depend upon him remaining in power. The -0.5 is for how book glides rather breezily, given its penchant for the deep dive in far lesser matters, over some of the atrocities that books like make it their entire raison d'锚tre for pursuing, but there is so much else to consider here that make this book a key part of the puzzle that is Russia, that I can't but rate it as highly as I do.
A bestseller at home, it is rather unsparing of the English reader in its pile-on of "characters" at first, like a Dostoevsky novel in fact, but through sheer repetition, you do eventually come to map out the network of machinations, intrigue, backstabbing, and yes, patriotic works done in good faith here. The Kremlin's men can be as stumbling and bumbling as they are master craftsmen of the political game, and it is to Zygar's credit that he humanizes them even as he paints the incredibly detailed, realistic, and, yes, vulgar (but tragic) picture that is modern Russia.
Gone now are the (often cretinous) Liberals who championed the kleptocracy of the Yeltsin years. Surrounding and cocooning Putin are the strong men, the nationalists, the true believers and the yes men who reflect back to him that which he wants to see: a Russia-of-the-mind that the Russian public desired their politicians to reflect as if it were already the reality that, from 2008 onwards, it increasingly became: the besieged, maligned, wronged, strong, bastion of past greatness that it is destined to become once again (sound familiar, 'Mericans?!), once it reconnects with its historical roots (in Orthodox Christian/Stalinist/Imperial greatness, reach and unity) and cleanses itself of foreign decadence and hypocrisy. Sanctions (from the first war in Ukraine are thus actually seen as a benefit in this regard: the (post-Yeltsin) "oligarchs" are billionaires in name only, and are depicted as willing to sacrifice their wealth and even their lives to the State if Putin declares it so. And as all of Russia says, "If not Putin, who?" This sad, sordid tale is far from over....
December 15, 2015
袩芯薪褟褌薪芯, 褔褌芯 胁褋褟 泻薪懈谐邪 - 褌芯谢褜泻芯 锌芯锌褘褌泻邪 胁褘褋褌褉芯懈褌褜 芯写薪褍 懈蟹 胁芯蟹屑芯卸薪褘褏 屑芯写械谢械泄, 薪芯 胁 褔械屑 芯薪邪 褍卸 褌芯褔薪芯 薪械 芯斜屑邪薪褘胁邪械褌 褉械邪谢褜薪芯褋褌褜, 褌邪泻 褝褌芯 胁 褌褟谐芯褋褌薪芯屑 褔褍胁褋褌胁械 斜械蟹褘褋褏芯写薪芯褋褌懈, 泻芯褌芯褉芯械 胁芯蟹薪懈泻邪械褌 斜谢懈卸械 泻 泻芯薪褑褍. 袛邪, 袩褍褌懈薪, 屑芯卸械褌 斜褘褌褜, 懈 薪械 泻芯褖械泄 斜械褋褋屑械褉褌薪褘泄, 薪芯 薪邪屑 胁褋械屑 锌懈蟹写械褑 胁 谢褞斜芯屑 褋谢褍褔邪械.
June 5, 2020
For more than two decades, Putin has been the strongman of Russian politics. He'd spent more years than any other person, except Joseph Stalin, as president of Russia. And if the ongoing constitutional reforms on the extension of term limits are completed, Putin might remain in power till 2036, surpassing even Stalin.
Putin, like Stalin, is complicated. In a sense, the explanation of Stalin's behaviour can help understand Putin's transformation.
Stephen Kotkin's two volumes of a projected three-volumes authoritative biography of Joseph Stalin investigated the stimulus for Stalin's dictatorship. There are two schools of thought: The first assumption is that Stalin's cruelty can be explained by his bad childhood and difficult upbringing. To put it more succinctly, his personality. The second explanation is that the system makes Stalin a despot. Stalinism was, in this way, as much enabled from below as imposed from above. Kotkin, of course, comfortably aligns with the latter school of thought.
Well, it's unfair to compare Putin to Stalin. For starters, Putin obviously has not built a gulag nor killed millions. But the point is, Putin is a creation of the system. Putin is what his entourage moulded him to become.
"In the very beginning, Putin did not believe that Russia is surrounded by enemies on all sides. He did not have plans to close down independent TV channels. But in trying to divine the intentions of their leader, his associates effectively materialized their own wishes.
Today鈥檚 image of Putin as a formidable Russian tsar was constructed by his entourage, Western partners, and journalists, often without his say."
Zygar takes the reader through the transformation of Putin from an admirer of the West and liberal reformer to a power-grabbing dictator. In every chapter is a protagonist whose story is then tied to the larger narrative and scheming of Putin's administration.
Putin, like Stalin, is complicated. In a sense, the explanation of Stalin's behaviour can help understand Putin's transformation.
Stephen Kotkin's two volumes of a projected three-volumes authoritative biography of Joseph Stalin investigated the stimulus for Stalin's dictatorship. There are two schools of thought: The first assumption is that Stalin's cruelty can be explained by his bad childhood and difficult upbringing. To put it more succinctly, his personality. The second explanation is that the system makes Stalin a despot. Stalinism was, in this way, as much enabled from below as imposed from above. Kotkin, of course, comfortably aligns with the latter school of thought.
Well, it's unfair to compare Putin to Stalin. For starters, Putin obviously has not built a gulag nor killed millions. But the point is, Putin is a creation of the system. Putin is what his entourage moulded him to become.
"In the very beginning, Putin did not believe that Russia is surrounded by enemies on all sides. He did not have plans to close down independent TV channels. But in trying to divine the intentions of their leader, his associates effectively materialized their own wishes.
Today鈥檚 image of Putin as a formidable Russian tsar was constructed by his entourage, Western partners, and journalists, often without his say."
Zygar takes the reader through the transformation of Putin from an admirer of the West and liberal reformer to a power-grabbing dictator. In every chapter is a protagonist whose story is then tied to the larger narrative and scheming of Putin's administration.
July 5, 2022
Who is Putin?
All the Kremlin鈥檚 Men is look into world of Vladimir Putin by renowned journalist and author Mikhail Zygar. It tells the story from the Putin鈥檚 selection as heir to Boris Yeltsin from seemingly out of nowhere to being a force indispensable and bigger than the state.
I found the book fascinating and modern history isn鈥檛 usually my forte. It follows from his promising start and bright new beginning forging strong relationships with Europe and US President George W Bush to an era of Cold War in all but name. Zygar writes with ease as he describes the circumstances which drove the wedge between East and West. But also the character of Putin and his dreams to place Russia in an equal footing with the super power. In realising he was not considered an equal and the world was really 鈥榦ne rule for the USA鈥� and 鈥榓nother for Russia鈥� Putin and his ego has pushed Russia into almost diplomatic isolation and economic decline culminating in the 2022 war on Ukraine which Zygar predicts.
Inside of all of this is the intrigues of how Putin runs his state, his social conservatism, limited democracy and dominance over statesman and oligarchs alike. Within this an attempt to unpick who the 鈥榬eal鈥� Putin is, is made. However, as the author explains this is almost impossible to know. Like a hybrid between powerful Tsar and despotic Stain Putin is the personification of je suis l'茅tat. One question arises though is, 鈥榳here does this all end?鈥�
A really great book that has spurred me to look at other books on the subject. It was also interesting to read about things I have lived through, but didn鈥檛 really understand at the time, The Pussy Riot controversy, Putin鈥檚 2012 invasion of Crimea, the Sochi Olympics and the ostracism of Mikhail Khodorkovsky to name a few. Mikhail Zygar also has a book on the Russian Revolution which will surely be worth a read too. Pleasantly surprised with this one.
All the Kremlin鈥檚 Men is look into world of Vladimir Putin by renowned journalist and author Mikhail Zygar. It tells the story from the Putin鈥檚 selection as heir to Boris Yeltsin from seemingly out of nowhere to being a force indispensable and bigger than the state.
I found the book fascinating and modern history isn鈥檛 usually my forte. It follows from his promising start and bright new beginning forging strong relationships with Europe and US President George W Bush to an era of Cold War in all but name. Zygar writes with ease as he describes the circumstances which drove the wedge between East and West. But also the character of Putin and his dreams to place Russia in an equal footing with the super power. In realising he was not considered an equal and the world was really 鈥榦ne rule for the USA鈥� and 鈥榓nother for Russia鈥� Putin and his ego has pushed Russia into almost diplomatic isolation and economic decline culminating in the 2022 war on Ukraine which Zygar predicts.
Inside of all of this is the intrigues of how Putin runs his state, his social conservatism, limited democracy and dominance over statesman and oligarchs alike. Within this an attempt to unpick who the 鈥榬eal鈥� Putin is, is made. However, as the author explains this is almost impossible to know. Like a hybrid between powerful Tsar and despotic Stain Putin is the personification of je suis l'茅tat. One question arises though is, 鈥榳here does this all end?鈥�
A really great book that has spurred me to look at other books on the subject. It was also interesting to read about things I have lived through, but didn鈥檛 really understand at the time, The Pussy Riot controversy, Putin鈥檚 2012 invasion of Crimea, the Sochi Olympics and the ostracism of Mikhail Khodorkovsky to name a few. Mikhail Zygar also has a book on the Russian Revolution which will surely be worth a read too. Pleasantly surprised with this one.
December 28, 2016
Ak v谩s bav铆 s煤膷asn茅 Rusko, tak je to kniha, ktor煤 si treba pre膷铆ta钮. Nedozviete sa, 膷i m谩 Putin 2 falusy alebo 4 vajcia, dokonca tam nie je ni膷 o jeho frajerk谩ch a utajen媒ch majetkoch. Je to o vz钮ahoch a o tom, ako sa rob铆 rusk谩 politika. Po autorovej knihe Gazprom, ktor谩 rie拧ila viac 90's je to dobr媒 update. Ve木kou v媒hodou je n谩rodnos钮 autora - je to Rus, tak啪e rozumie t媒m "little differences", ktor茅 z谩padn铆 autori p铆拧煤ci o Rusku nevedia pochopi钮 a nem谩 klasick媒 bias, ktor媒 "n谩m" zvykne liez钮 na nervy.
Nen谩jdete tu 啪iadne senza膷n茅 odhalenie, len popis kto je kto, 膷o sa ako rob铆 a poh木ad na rusk茅ho Steva Jobsa, ktor茅ho schopnos钮 "reninventn煤钮 sa" pod木a potreby je celkom pozoruhodn谩. A taktie啪 sa d谩 r媒chlo pochopi钮, pre膷o rusk谩 zahrani膷n谩 politika vyzer谩 tak, ako vyzer谩 - je to pomerne jednoduch茅 a v tejto knihe zrozumite木ne podan茅, 膷i sa n谩m p谩膷i, alebo nep谩膷i. Ke膹 ste a啪 sem do膷铆tali, odpor煤膷am.
Nen谩jdete tu 啪iadne senza膷n茅 odhalenie, len popis kto je kto, 膷o sa ako rob铆 a poh木ad na rusk茅ho Steva Jobsa, ktor茅ho schopnos钮 "reninventn煤钮 sa" pod木a potreby je celkom pozoruhodn谩. A taktie啪 sa d谩 r媒chlo pochopi钮, pre膷o rusk谩 zahrani膷n谩 politika vyzer谩 tak, ako vyzer谩 - je to pomerne jednoduch茅 a v tejto knihe zrozumite木ne podan茅, 膷i sa n谩m p谩膷i, alebo nep谩膷i. Ke膹 ste a啪 sem do膷铆tali, odpor煤膷am.
May 23, 2017
袨褋胁械卸懈谢 胁 锌邪屑褟褌懈 芯褋薪芯胁薪褘械 屑芯屑械薪褌褘 薪芯胁械泄褕械泄 懈褋褌芯褉懈懈 薪邪褕械泄 褋褌褉邪薪褘. 袣薪懈谐邪 褔懈褌邪械褌褋褟 泻邪泻 写械褌械泻褌懈胁. 袗胁褌芯褉 写芯褋褌邪褌芯褔薪芯 褋褌褉芯泄薪芯 懈 谢芯谐懈褔薪芯 胁褘褋褌褉邪懈胁邪械褌 褑械锌褜 褋芯斜褘褌懈泄 褋 2000 锌芯 2015 谐芯写 懈 锌芯泻邪蟹褘胁邪械褌 锌芯褔械屑褍 薪邪褕邪 褋褌褉邪薪邪 懈 械械 褉褍泻芯胁芯写褋褌胁芯 锌褉芯胁芯写褟褌 褌械泻褍褖褍褞 胁薪械褕薪褞褞 懈 胁薪褍褌褉械薪薪褞褞 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻褍. 袙褋械屑 泻褌芯 褏芯褔械褌 谢褍褔褕械 锌芯薪懈屑邪褌褜 锌褉懈褔懈薪褘 褌芯谐芯 褋褌褉芯褟, 泻芯褌芯褉褘泄 褋械泄褔邪褋 胁芯蟹薪懈泻 胁 袪芯褋褋懈懈, 褉械泻芯屑械薪写褍褞.
September 24, 2022
Other reviews have suggested this is a somewhat difficult account to consume; I found it otherwise. That means little as I have found other text a slog, when some readers have not.
There is, I agree, value in taking notes. I read this as a an ebook and so the note taking was no great shakes.
The author, Mikhail Zygar, is a well-known Russian journalist with a history of exposing the unvarnished truth of how Machiavellian principles has come to overshadow Russian political thinking.
Published in 2016, Zygar's account shows how from the very beginning of Putin's rise to power the indicators of his intent to reclaim authority over former Soviets states (Ukraine) was apparent.
There is clear evidence of how from the very early days, Putin duped Western leaders. Putin was a KGB field agent; and the leaders of the free world were quite aware of such). How does a field agent groom a source? Find some common ground and build an empathy: Bush and Blair need to hang their heads in shame. The glaring fecklessness of those who sought to embrace their, 'new-to-the-throne', Eastern counterpart is at times laughable.
I've no doubt, this account is plausible and made form countless interviews and unnamed sources.
An essential read for anyone who is concerned over the current situation in Eastern Europe.
There is, I agree, value in taking notes. I read this as a an ebook and so the note taking was no great shakes.
The author, Mikhail Zygar, is a well-known Russian journalist with a history of exposing the unvarnished truth of how Machiavellian principles has come to overshadow Russian political thinking.
Published in 2016, Zygar's account shows how from the very beginning of Putin's rise to power the indicators of his intent to reclaim authority over former Soviets states (Ukraine) was apparent.
There is clear evidence of how from the very early days, Putin duped Western leaders. Putin was a KGB field agent; and the leaders of the free world were quite aware of such). How does a field agent groom a source? Find some common ground and build an empathy: Bush and Blair need to hang their heads in shame. The glaring fecklessness of those who sought to embrace their, 'new-to-the-throne', Eastern counterpart is at times laughable.
I've no doubt, this account is plausible and made form countless interviews and unnamed sources.
An essential read for anyone who is concerned over the current situation in Eastern Europe.
July 16, 2022
Mikhail Zygar presents a well-rounded look into the functionings of Putin's 'inner circle.' Those closest to him, and those who have the most influence over him and his policies. I was exposed to some new information through reading this, as well as presented with some known facts in a fresh and insightful way. I would highly recommend this to anyone wanting a deeper understanding of the mechanics of Vladimir Putin, and of the men who make up his inner circle. Four stars.
April 11, 2022
协褌芯 械写懈薪褋褌胁械薪薪邪褟 泻薪懈谐邪, 泻芯褌芯褉褍褞 屑薪械 褍写邪谢芯褋褜 锌褉芯褔懈褌邪褌褜 褋 薪邪褔邪谢邪 胁芯泄薪褘. 袨褔械薪褜 褏芯褌械谢芯褋褜 锌芯薪褟褌褜 懈褋褌芯泻懈 褌芯谐芯, 泻 褔械屑褍 屑褘 锌褉懈褕谢懈. 袚芯褉褜泻芯 胁褋褢 褝褌芯, 泻芯薪械褔薪芯.
January 7, 2023
袟懈谐邪褉 薪械 械 锌褉懈胁褗褉卸械薪懈泻 薪邪 褌械芯褉懈褟褌邪 蟹邪 褋胁械褌芯胁薪邪褌邪 泻芯薪褋锌懈褉邪褑懈褟. 袧芯 械 褍斜械写械薪 锌褉懈胁褗褉卸械薪懈泻 薪邪 褌械芯褉懈褟褌邪 蟹邪 褋胁械褌芯胁薪邪褌邪 邪谢褔薪芯褋褌, 薪械泻芯屑锌械褌械薪褌薪芯褋褌 懈 褏懈褖薪懈褔械褋褌胁芯, 锌芯泻邪蟹胁邪泄泻懈 械褎械泻褌懈褌械 胁 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪 胁谢邪褋褌芯胁邪 褉械邪谢薪芯褋褌 胁 锌械褉懈芯写邪 1999 - 2015 谐. (泻芯谐邪褌芯 懈蟹谢懈蟹邪 褌邪蟹懈 泻薪懈谐邪).
袨褉懈谐懈薪邪谢薪芯褌芯 褉褍褋泻芯 蟹邪谐谢邪胁懈械 斜懈 屑芯谐谢芯 写邪 褋械 锌褉械胁械写械 懈 泻邪褌芯 鈥�笑褟谢芯褌芯 泻褉械屑褗谢褋泻芯 胁芯泄薪褋褌胁芯鈥�, 屑芯卸械 斜懈 薪邪屑懈谐胁邪薪械 泻褗屑 袪芯斜褗褉褌 袩械薪 校芯褉褗薪. 袟邪谐谢邪胁懈械褌芯 褋械 褟胁褟胁邪 锌褉褟泻芯 锌褉芯写褗谢卸械薪懈械 薪邪 锌芯-薪芯胁邪褌邪 泻薪懈谐邪 薪邪 袟懈谐邪褉 鈥溞捬佇秆囆盒� 褋邪 褋胁芯斜芯写薪懈. 袪褍褋懈褟 械写薪邪 褋械泻褍薪写邪 锌褉械写懈 袩褍褌懈薪, 懈谢懈 泻邪泻胁芯 褋械 芯斜褗褉泻邪, 泻邪泻 懈 蟹邪褖芯鈥�. 袝锌芯褏邪褌邪 (蟹邪褖芯褌芯 芯褖械 锌褉械蟹 2015 谐. 胁械褔械 械 械锌芯褏邪) 薪邪 袩褍褌懈薪 械 褉邪蟹谐谢械写邪薪邪 褏褉芯薪芯谢芯谐懈褔薪芯, 锌褉械蟹 锌褉懈蟹屑邪褌邪 薪邪 褉邪蟹谢懈褔薪懈褌械 褍褔邪褋褌薪懈褑懈 胁 薪邪泄-褌械褋薪懈褟 泻褉褗谐 锌褉懈斜谢懈卸械薪懈 薪褟 胁谢邪褋褌褌邪. 袙褋褟泻邪 谐谢邪胁邪 懈屑邪 褉邪蟹谢懈褔械薪 鈥溞承笛€芯泄鈥�, 胁褋懈褔泻懈 写芯 械写懈薪 懈蟹胁械褋褌薪懈 褉褍褋泻懈 锌芯谢懈褌懈褑懈. 袥懈褔懈 褋懈 芯谐褉芯屑薪懈褟 褌褉褍写 懈 褕懈褉芯泻懈褟褌 泻褉褗谐 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌懈褔械褋泻懈 懈 薪械 褋邪屑芯 泻芯薪褌邪泻褌懈 薪邪 袟懈谐邪褉, 泻邪泻褌芯 懈, 褉邪蟹斜懈褉邪 褋械, 械褉褍写懈褑懈褟褌邪 胁 锌谢芯褋泻芯褋褌懈褌械 屑懈薪邪谢芯-薪邪褋褌芯褟褖械-斜褗写械褖械, 谢懈褔薪芯褋褌-锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪, 袠蟹褌芯泻-袟邪锌邪写.
袚褉邪写邪褑懈褟褌邪 械 懈薪褌械褉械褋薪邪 懈 屑薪芯谐芯蟹薪邪褔懈褌械谢薪邪, 邪泻褌褍邪谢薪邪 写芯褉懈 懈 褋谢械写 8 谐芯写懈薪懈. 袩褉械蟹 锌褗褉胁懈褟 屑邪薪写邪褌 褋械 褌褉褗谐胁邪 褋 懈写械褟褌邪 薪邪 袟邪锌邪写邪 写邪 褋械 芯斜褟褋薪懈. 袩褉械蟹 胁褌芯褉懈褟 褋谢械写胁邪 褉邪蟹芯褔邪褉芯胁邪薪懈械 懈 褍锌褉械褑懈. 袩褉械蟹 褌褉械褌懈褟 - 胁褌胁褗褉写褟胁邪薪械, 褋褍械胁械褉薪芯 锌褋械胁写芯褉械谢懈谐懈芯蟹薪芯 褉胁邪泻褑懈芯薪械褉褋褌胁芯 懈 懈蟹芯谢邪褑懈褟. 孝械蟹懈 锌褉芯褑械褋懈 薪械 锌褉芯褌懈褔邪褌 胁褗胁 胁邪泻褍褍屑. 袣褉懈屑懈薪邪谢薪邪褌邪 褉褍褋泻邪 锌褉懈胁邪褌懈蟹邪褑懈褟 胁械褔械 械 锌芯写谐芯褌胁懈谢邪 斜谢邪褌懈褋褌邪褌邪 锌芯褔胁邪. 袨谢懈谐邪褉褋懈褌械 写械泄褋褌胁懈褌械谢薪芯 褋邪 蟹邪锌谢邪褏邪. 袧邪褋谢械写械薪懈褌械 芯褌 胁褉械屑械褌芯 薪邪 小小小袪 锌褉芯斜谢械屑懈 褋褗褖芯 褋懈 褑褗泻邪褌 懈 褋邪屑芯 褋懈 褋屑械薪褟褌 褎芯褉屑邪褌邪 - 泻邪褌芯 薪邪锌褉懈屑械褉 校泻褉邪泄薪邪, 薪械泄薪懈褌械 薪械 锌芯-屑邪谢泻芯 锌芯写泻褍锌薪懈 懈 褏懈褖薪懈 褋芯斜褋褌胁械薪懈 芯谢懈谐邪褉褋懈 懈 屑邪褎懈芯褌懈, 薪芯 懈 褋褌褉械屑械卸褗褌 写邪 褋械 懈蟹屑褗泻薪邪褌 胁 屑邪谢泻芯 锌芯-褉邪蟹谢懈褔薪邪 芯褉斜懈褌邪. 袠谢懈 锌褗泻 褋胁芯械薪褉邪胁薪邪褌邪 效械褔薪褟.
小邪屑芯 褔械 泻邪泻 写邪 懈屑邪褕 写芯胁械褉懈械 薪邪 写褗褉卸邪胁械薪 褉褗泻芯胁芯写懈褌械谢 泻邪褌芯 袩褍褌懈薪, 蟹邪褟胁懈谢 胁 锌褉邪胁 褌械泻褋褌 薪邪 袗薪谐械谢邪 袦械褉泻械谢, 褔械 蟹邪褌褟谐邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 泻褉械锌芯褋褌薪懈褔械褋褌胁芯褌芯 芯褌 褋褌褉邪薪邪 薪邪 褋褗薪邪褉芯写薪懈褔泻邪褌邪 懈 袝泻邪褌械褉懈薪邪 袙械谢懈泻邪 锌褉械蟹 18-褌懈 胁械泻 械 械写懈薪褋褌胁械薪懈褟褌 锌褉邪胁懈谢械薪 褏芯写 蟹邪 袪褍褋懈褟, 懈 褔械 芯褌屑褟薪邪褌邪 屑褍 斜懈 斜懈谢邪 锌邪谐褍斜薪邪? 袠谢懈 胁 锌芯谢懈褌懈褔械褋泻懈 锌芯褋谢邪薪懈褟, 懈蟹褉邪蟹褟胁邪褖懈 褋械 胁 褏芯褉芯胁芯 褑懈褌懈褉邪薪械 薪邪 褌械芯褉懈懈 蟹邪 褋胁械褌芯胁薪邪褌邪 泻芯薪褋锌懈褉邪褑懈褟, 褌褗泄 泻邪褌芯 褋邪 谢械褋薪芯 褋屑懈谢邪械屑懈 蟹邪 屑邪褋邪褌邪 褏芯褉邪 懈 薪械 懈褋泻邪褌 褋谢芯卸薪懈 芯斜褟褋薪械薪懈褟?
袗胁褌芯泻褉邪褑懈褟褌邪 胁 袪褍褋懈褟 懈屑邪 写褗谢谐懈 褌褉邪写懈褑懈懈. 袠 薪懈泻芯谐邪 薪械 械 锌谢芯写 薪邪 褍褋懈谢懈褟褌邪 薪邪 械写懈薪 械写懈薪褋褌胁械薪 褔芯胁械泻, 邪 薪邪 泻褍锌 懈薪邪褔械 芯斜褉邪蟹芯胁邪薪懈 懈 懈薪褌械谢懈谐械薪褌薪懈 褏芯褉邪 褋 锌邪褌械褌懈褔薪懈 谢芯蟹褍薪谐懈 懈谢懈 锌褉芯褋褌芯 芯褌泻褉芯胁械薪芯 懈 褖邪褋褌谢懈胁芯 邪谢褔薪懈 懈 褍屑薪懈. 啸芯写芯褉泻芯胁褋泻懈, 袦械写胁械写械胁, 小褍褉泻芯胁, 袠胁邪薪芯胁, 楔芯泄谐褍, 小械褔懈薪, 锌邪褌褉懈邪褉褏 袣懈褉懈谢 懈 写褉褍谐懈. 袠屑械薪薪芯 褌械蟹懈 褏芯褉邪, 褔械褋褌芯 锌谢械写懈褉邪褖懈 蟹邪 薪械胁懈薪薪芯褋褌 懈/懈谢懈 锌邪褌褉懈芯褌懈蟹褗屑 褋邪 懈褋褌懈薪褋泻懈褌械 谐械褉芯懈 薪邪 泻薪懈谐邪褌邪. 孝芯胁邪 褋邪 懈褋褌懈薪褋泻懈褌械 泻褉褗谐芯胁械 薪邪 胁谢邪褋褌褌邪, 泻芯懈褌芯 锌芯薪褟泻芯谐邪 褋械 褏胁邪褖邪褌 蟹邪 谐褗褉谢邪褌邪, 锌芯薪褟泻芯谐邪 褖邪褋褌谢懈胁芯 芯斜械写懈薪械薪懈 锌懈褉褍胁邪褌 褋 锌谢褟褔泻邪褌邪. 袠 袩褍褌懈薪 械 褋邪屑芯 械写懈薪 芯褌 褌褟褏, 胁 薪邪褔邪谢芯褌芯 - 写邪谢械褔 薪械 薪邪泄-蟹薪邪褔懈屑懈褟褌. 袟懈谐邪褉 谐懈 薪邪蟹芯胁邪胁邪 锌芯懈屑械薪薪芯. 袧芯 - 褌芯胁邪 褋褗褖芯 械 褌褉邪写懈褑懈褟 - 懈蟹斜芯褉褗褌 蟹邪 薪械蟹邪胁懈褋懈屑邪褌邪 褉褍褋泻邪 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌懈泻邪 械 懈谢懈 袚校袥袗袚, 懈谢懈 械屑懈谐褉邪褑懈褟 (芯褋胁械薪 邪泻芯 薪械 械 泻褍褉褕褍屑 泻邪褌芯 蟹邪 袩芯谢懈褌泻芯胁褋泻邪褟). 孝芯蟹懈 褎懈谢屑 胁械褔械 褋屑械 谐芯 谐谢械写邪谢懈, 薪芯 屑邪褋邪褌邪 褉褍褋薪邪褑懈 (邪 懈 薪械 褋邪屑芯) 褟胁薪芯 褋邪 薪邪蟹邪写 褋褗褋 褋械褉懈懈褌械. 袙褗锌褉芯褋褗褌 蟹邪 薪邪褋 褋邪 薪邪褕懈褌械 褋芯斜褋褌胁械薪懈 褉芯写薪懈 锌邪褉邪谢械谢懈, 泻邪泻胁懈褌芯 褋械 锌褉芯泻褉邪写胁邪褌 薪邪 胁褋褟泻邪 褋褌褉邪薪懈褑邪.
袗 械褌芯 褌芯蟹懈 泻邪写褗褉 薪邪 褉褍褋泻懈褟 褎芯褌芯谐褉邪褎 袛屑懈褌褉懈泄 袦邪褉泻芯胁 锌褉械泻褉邪褋薪芯 芯薪邪谐谢械写褟胁邪:
袨褉懈谐懈薪邪谢薪芯褌芯 褉褍褋泻芯 蟹邪谐谢邪胁懈械 斜懈 屑芯谐谢芯 写邪 褋械 锌褉械胁械写械 懈 泻邪褌芯 鈥�笑褟谢芯褌芯 泻褉械屑褗谢褋泻芯 胁芯泄薪褋褌胁芯鈥�, 屑芯卸械 斜懈 薪邪屑懈谐胁邪薪械 泻褗屑 袪芯斜褗褉褌 袩械薪 校芯褉褗薪. 袟邪谐谢邪胁懈械褌芯 褋械 褟胁褟胁邪 锌褉褟泻芯 锌褉芯写褗谢卸械薪懈械 薪邪 锌芯-薪芯胁邪褌邪 泻薪懈谐邪 薪邪 袟懈谐邪褉 鈥溞捬佇秆囆盒� 褋邪 褋胁芯斜芯写薪懈. 袪褍褋懈褟 械写薪邪 褋械泻褍薪写邪 锌褉械写懈 袩褍褌懈薪, 懈谢懈 泻邪泻胁芯 褋械 芯斜褗褉泻邪, 泻邪泻 懈 蟹邪褖芯鈥�. 袝锌芯褏邪褌邪 (蟹邪褖芯褌芯 芯褖械 锌褉械蟹 2015 谐. 胁械褔械 械 械锌芯褏邪) 薪邪 袩褍褌懈薪 械 褉邪蟹谐谢械写邪薪邪 褏褉芯薪芯谢芯谐懈褔薪芯, 锌褉械蟹 锌褉懈蟹屑邪褌邪 薪邪 褉邪蟹谢懈褔薪懈褌械 褍褔邪褋褌薪懈褑懈 胁 薪邪泄-褌械褋薪懈褟 泻褉褗谐 锌褉懈斜谢懈卸械薪懈 薪褟 胁谢邪褋褌褌邪. 袙褋褟泻邪 谐谢邪胁邪 懈屑邪 褉邪蟹谢懈褔械薪 鈥溞承笛€芯泄鈥�, 胁褋懈褔泻懈 写芯 械写懈薪 懈蟹胁械褋褌薪懈 褉褍褋泻懈 锌芯谢懈褌懈褑懈. 袥懈褔懈 褋懈 芯谐褉芯屑薪懈褟 褌褉褍写 懈 褕懈褉芯泻懈褟褌 泻褉褗谐 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌懈褔械褋泻懈 懈 薪械 褋邪屑芯 泻芯薪褌邪泻褌懈 薪邪 袟懈谐邪褉, 泻邪泻褌芯 懈, 褉邪蟹斜懈褉邪 褋械, 械褉褍写懈褑懈褟褌邪 胁 锌谢芯褋泻芯褋褌懈褌械 屑懈薪邪谢芯-薪邪褋褌芯褟褖械-斜褗写械褖械, 谢懈褔薪芯褋褌-锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪, 袠蟹褌芯泻-袟邪锌邪写.
袚褉邪写邪褑懈褟褌邪 械 懈薪褌械褉械褋薪邪 懈 屑薪芯谐芯蟹薪邪褔懈褌械谢薪邪, 邪泻褌褍邪谢薪邪 写芯褉懈 懈 褋谢械写 8 谐芯写懈薪懈. 袩褉械蟹 锌褗褉胁懈褟 屑邪薪写邪褌 褋械 褌褉褗谐胁邪 褋 懈写械褟褌邪 薪邪 袟邪锌邪写邪 写邪 褋械 芯斜褟褋薪懈. 袩褉械蟹 胁褌芯褉懈褟 褋谢械写胁邪 褉邪蟹芯褔邪褉芯胁邪薪懈械 懈 褍锌褉械褑懈. 袩褉械蟹 褌褉械褌懈褟 - 胁褌胁褗褉写褟胁邪薪械, 褋褍械胁械褉薪芯 锌褋械胁写芯褉械谢懈谐懈芯蟹薪芯 褉胁邪泻褑懈芯薪械褉褋褌胁芯 懈 懈蟹芯谢邪褑懈褟. 孝械蟹懈 锌褉芯褑械褋懈 薪械 锌褉芯褌懈褔邪褌 胁褗胁 胁邪泻褍褍屑. 袣褉懈屑懈薪邪谢薪邪褌邪 褉褍褋泻邪 锌褉懈胁邪褌懈蟹邪褑懈褟 胁械褔械 械 锌芯写谐芯褌胁懈谢邪 斜谢邪褌懈褋褌邪褌邪 锌芯褔胁邪. 袨谢懈谐邪褉褋懈褌械 写械泄褋褌胁懈褌械谢薪芯 褋邪 蟹邪锌谢邪褏邪. 袧邪褋谢械写械薪懈褌械 芯褌 胁褉械屑械褌芯 薪邪 小小小袪 锌褉芯斜谢械屑懈 褋褗褖芯 褋懈 褑褗泻邪褌 懈 褋邪屑芯 褋懈 褋屑械薪褟褌 褎芯褉屑邪褌邪 - 泻邪褌芯 薪邪锌褉懈屑械褉 校泻褉邪泄薪邪, 薪械泄薪懈褌械 薪械 锌芯-屑邪谢泻芯 锌芯写泻褍锌薪懈 懈 褏懈褖薪懈 褋芯斜褋褌胁械薪懈 芯谢懈谐邪褉褋懈 懈 屑邪褎懈芯褌懈, 薪芯 懈 褋褌褉械屑械卸褗褌 写邪 褋械 懈蟹屑褗泻薪邪褌 胁 屑邪谢泻芯 锌芯-褉邪蟹谢懈褔薪邪 芯褉斜懈褌邪. 袠谢懈 锌褗泻 褋胁芯械薪褉邪胁薪邪褌邪 效械褔薪褟.
小邪屑芯 褔械 泻邪泻 写邪 懈屑邪褕 写芯胁械褉懈械 薪邪 写褗褉卸邪胁械薪 褉褗泻芯胁芯写懈褌械谢 泻邪褌芯 袩褍褌懈薪, 蟹邪褟胁懈谢 胁 锌褉邪胁 褌械泻褋褌 薪邪 袗薪谐械谢邪 袦械褉泻械谢, 褔械 蟹邪褌褟谐邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 泻褉械锌芯褋褌薪懈褔械褋褌胁芯褌芯 芯褌 褋褌褉邪薪邪 薪邪 褋褗薪邪褉芯写薪懈褔泻邪褌邪 懈 袝泻邪褌械褉懈薪邪 袙械谢懈泻邪 锌褉械蟹 18-褌懈 胁械泻 械 械写懈薪褋褌胁械薪懈褟褌 锌褉邪胁懈谢械薪 褏芯写 蟹邪 袪褍褋懈褟, 懈 褔械 芯褌屑褟薪邪褌邪 屑褍 斜懈 斜懈谢邪 锌邪谐褍斜薪邪? 袠谢懈 胁 锌芯谢懈褌懈褔械褋泻懈 锌芯褋谢邪薪懈褟, 懈蟹褉邪蟹褟胁邪褖懈 褋械 胁 褏芯褉芯胁芯 褑懈褌懈褉邪薪械 薪邪 褌械芯褉懈懈 蟹邪 褋胁械褌芯胁薪邪褌邪 泻芯薪褋锌懈褉邪褑懈褟, 褌褗泄 泻邪褌芯 褋邪 谢械褋薪芯 褋屑懈谢邪械屑懈 蟹邪 屑邪褋邪褌邪 褏芯褉邪 懈 薪械 懈褋泻邪褌 褋谢芯卸薪懈 芯斜褟褋薪械薪懈褟?
袗胁褌芯泻褉邪褑懈褟褌邪 胁 袪褍褋懈褟 懈屑邪 写褗谢谐懈 褌褉邪写懈褑懈懈. 袠 薪懈泻芯谐邪 薪械 械 锌谢芯写 薪邪 褍褋懈谢懈褟褌邪 薪邪 械写懈薪 械写懈薪褋褌胁械薪 褔芯胁械泻, 邪 薪邪 泻褍锌 懈薪邪褔械 芯斜褉邪蟹芯胁邪薪懈 懈 懈薪褌械谢懈谐械薪褌薪懈 褏芯褉邪 褋 锌邪褌械褌懈褔薪懈 谢芯蟹褍薪谐懈 懈谢懈 锌褉芯褋褌芯 芯褌泻褉芯胁械薪芯 懈 褖邪褋褌谢懈胁芯 邪谢褔薪懈 懈 褍屑薪懈. 啸芯写芯褉泻芯胁褋泻懈, 袦械写胁械写械胁, 小褍褉泻芯胁, 袠胁邪薪芯胁, 楔芯泄谐褍, 小械褔懈薪, 锌邪褌褉懈邪褉褏 袣懈褉懈谢 懈 写褉褍谐懈. 袠屑械薪薪芯 褌械蟹懈 褏芯褉邪, 褔械褋褌芯 锌谢械写懈褉邪褖懈 蟹邪 薪械胁懈薪薪芯褋褌 懈/懈谢懈 锌邪褌褉懈芯褌懈蟹褗屑 褋邪 懈褋褌懈薪褋泻懈褌械 谐械褉芯懈 薪邪 泻薪懈谐邪褌邪. 孝芯胁邪 褋邪 懈褋褌懈薪褋泻懈褌械 泻褉褗谐芯胁械 薪邪 胁谢邪褋褌褌邪, 泻芯懈褌芯 锌芯薪褟泻芯谐邪 褋械 褏胁邪褖邪褌 蟹邪 谐褗褉谢邪褌邪, 锌芯薪褟泻芯谐邪 褖邪褋褌谢懈胁芯 芯斜械写懈薪械薪懈 锌懈褉褍胁邪褌 褋 锌谢褟褔泻邪褌邪. 袠 袩褍褌懈薪 械 褋邪屑芯 械写懈薪 芯褌 褌褟褏, 胁 薪邪褔邪谢芯褌芯 - 写邪谢械褔 薪械 薪邪泄-蟹薪邪褔懈屑懈褟褌. 袟懈谐邪褉 谐懈 薪邪蟹芯胁邪胁邪 锌芯懈屑械薪薪芯. 袧芯 - 褌芯胁邪 褋褗褖芯 械 褌褉邪写懈褑懈褟 - 懈蟹斜芯褉褗褌 蟹邪 薪械蟹邪胁懈褋懈屑邪褌邪 褉褍褋泻邪 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌懈泻邪 械 懈谢懈 袚校袥袗袚, 懈谢懈 械屑懈谐褉邪褑懈褟 (芯褋胁械薪 邪泻芯 薪械 械 泻褍褉褕褍屑 泻邪褌芯 蟹邪 袩芯谢懈褌泻芯胁褋泻邪褟). 孝芯蟹懈 褎懈谢屑 胁械褔械 褋屑械 谐芯 谐谢械写邪谢懈, 薪芯 屑邪褋邪褌邪 褉褍褋薪邪褑懈 (邪 懈 薪械 褋邪屑芯) 褟胁薪芯 褋邪 薪邪蟹邪写 褋褗褋 褋械褉懈懈褌械. 袙褗锌褉芯褋褗褌 蟹邪 薪邪褋 褋邪 薪邪褕懈褌械 褋芯斜褋褌胁械薪懈 褉芯写薪懈 锌邪褉邪谢械谢懈, 泻邪泻胁懈褌芯 褋械 锌褉芯泻褉邪写胁邪褌 薪邪 胁褋褟泻邪 褋褌褉邪薪懈褑邪.
袗 械褌芯 褌芯蟹懈 泻邪写褗褉 薪邪 褉褍褋泻懈褟 褎芯褌芯谐褉邪褎 袛屑懈褌褉懈泄 袦邪褉泻芯胁 锌褉械泻褉邪褋薪芯 芯薪邪谐谢械写褟胁邪:
September 14, 2017
Fun and games with Mr Putin
Many times, whilst reading this, I imagined myself seeing a chess game were pawns get elevated even kinged at times and use and get used in turn and then they are ushered gently or not so gently off the board.
Questions that meander through my mind:
Does Putin want to leave?
Can he leave?
Will he be allowed to leave?
How will it all end?
Zygar gives a portrait of Putin or better the 'Myth of Putin', how that all began, how it grew and what it is now and what held it up and what holds it up now.
and in doing so if the inventor has some kind of power over what he helped the invention to be.
read with Irina
Many times, whilst reading this, I imagined myself seeing a chess game were pawns get elevated even kinged at times and use and get used in turn and then they are ushered gently or not so gently off the board.
Questions that meander through my mind:
Does Putin want to leave?
Can he leave?
Will he be allowed to leave?
How will it all end?
Zygar gives a portrait of Putin or better the 'Myth of Putin', how that all began, how it grew and what it is now and what held it up and what holds it up now.
"This book demonstrates that Putin, as we imagine him, does not actually exit."
"Each of us invented our own Putin."
and in doing so if the inventor has some kind of power over what he helped the invention to be.
read with Irina
January 16, 2016
袣薪懈谐邪 薪械 褋褌芯谢褜泻芯 芯 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻械 懈谢懈 懈褋褌芯褉懈懈, 褋泻芯谢褜泻芯 芯 锌褉芯褑械褋褋械 胁褘褉邪斜芯褌泻懈 懈 锌褉懈薪褟褌懈褟 褉械褕械薪懈褟. 效褌芯 懈薪褌械褉械褋薪芯, 褌褍褌 芯褔械薪褜 屑邪谢芯 芯褑械薪芯泻, 锌芯泻邪蟹邪薪褘, 锌芯褋褌褍锌泻懈, 写械泄褋褌胁懈褟 - 邪 蟹邪 胁褘胁芯写邪屑懈 泻 褔懈褌邪褌械谢褞. 袠 械褋谢懈 褟 薪邪锌褉懈屑械褉 褋褔懈褌邪褞 褔褌芯 褌邪屑 胁褋械 锌械褉胁芯褋褌邪褌械泄薪褘械 谢褞写芯械写褘, 褌芯 褍 写褉褍谐懈褏 屑芯卸械褌 褋谢芯卸懈褌褜褋褟 胁锌械褔邪褌谢械薪懈械 芯 "褋懈谢褜薪芯泄 褉褍泻械" 懈 褌芯屑褍 锌芯写芯斜薪芯械.
袙 懈褌芯谐械 谢械谐泻芯 褔懈褌邪械褌褋褟, 屑薪芯谐芯 懈薪褌械褉械褋薪褘褏 褎邪泻褌芯胁, 泻芯褌芯褉褘械 锌芯蟹胁芯谢褟褞褌 械褋谢懈 薪械 锌芯 薪芯胁芯屑褍 锌芯褋屑芯褌褉械褌褜 薪邪 褋芯斜褘褌懈褟 2000-2015谐谐., 褌芯 褍褌芯褔薪懈褌褜 褋胁芯械 屑薪械薪懈械 芯斜 芯褌写械谢褜薪褘褏 谢褞写褟褏.
袙 懈褌芯谐械 谢械谐泻芯 褔懈褌邪械褌褋褟, 屑薪芯谐芯 懈薪褌械褉械褋薪褘褏 褎邪泻褌芯胁, 泻芯褌芯褉褘械 锌芯蟹胁芯谢褟褞褌 械褋谢懈 薪械 锌芯 薪芯胁芯屑褍 锌芯褋屑芯褌褉械褌褜 薪邪 褋芯斜褘褌懈褟 2000-2015谐谐., 褌芯 褍褌芯褔薪懈褌褜 褋胁芯械 屑薪械薪懈械 芯斜 芯褌写械谢褜薪褘褏 谢褞写褟褏.
August 25, 2021
Ak v谩s zauj铆ma rusk谩 politika a u啪 m谩te ako tak茅 z谩klady, tak ur膷ite odpor煤膷am! Ak ste m么j pr铆pad (tj. idem si pre膷铆ta钮 knihu o Rusku, aby som sa zorientovala), nie je to ide谩lny za膷iatok.
V podstate by som to vedela rozdeli钮 do dvoch 膷ast铆. V prvej polke knihy som sa v媒razne str谩cala v men谩ch rusk媒ch oligarkoch a ich v盲zb谩ch na dan媒ch politikov. Sna啪ila som sa si to posp谩ja钮 do nejakej ob拧irnej拧ej sklada膷ky, no moc sa mi 煤primne nedarilo.Av拧ak druh谩 膷as钮 bola pre m艌a osobne zauj铆mavej拧ia. Autor v nej opisoval viac medzin谩rdnu sc茅nu a teda, ako bolo od ur膷it茅ho obdobia Rusko vn铆mane v medzin谩rodnej komunite, 膷o tomu predch谩dzalo a ak谩 bola rusk谩 reakcia.
V kone膷nom d么sledku je s铆ce komplikovanej拧ia a n谩ro膷na na 膷铆tanie, no z谩rove艌 skvel谩 a ve木mi prepracovan谩.
V podstate by som to vedela rozdeli钮 do dvoch 膷ast铆. V prvej polke knihy som sa v媒razne str谩cala v men谩ch rusk媒ch oligarkoch a ich v盲zb谩ch na dan媒ch politikov. Sna啪ila som sa si to posp谩ja钮 do nejakej ob拧irnej拧ej sklada膷ky, no moc sa mi 煤primne nedarilo.Av拧ak druh谩 膷as钮 bola pre m艌a osobne zauj铆mavej拧ia. Autor v nej opisoval viac medzin谩rdnu sc茅nu a teda, ako bolo od ur膷it茅ho obdobia Rusko vn铆mane v medzin谩rodnej komunite, 膷o tomu predch谩dzalo a ak谩 bola rusk谩 reakcia.
V kone膷nom d么sledku je s铆ce komplikovanej拧ia a n谩ro膷na na 膷铆tanie, no z谩rove艌 skvel谩 a ve木mi prepracovan谩.
May 8, 2021
Usually you do not check the facts in the books, right?
That's what I did and enjoyed the story. And suddenly in the "Ramzan Kadyrov's chapter" I read the Putin's words " I treat Kadyrov as a son ..."
Booooooooooooooom!
That's a famous fake! The whole phrase is " I treat Kadyrov Jr. as a son of his father, who helped a lot in Chechnya crisis a lot, blah-blah".
Proof:
And this very unpleasant moment you realize how unreliable the whole book might be.
That's what I did and enjoyed the story. And suddenly in the "Ramzan Kadyrov's chapter" I read the Putin's words " I treat Kadyrov as a son ..."
Booooooooooooooom!
That's a famous fake! The whole phrase is " I treat Kadyrov Jr. as a son of his father, who helped a lot in Chechnya crisis a lot, blah-blah".
Proof:
And this very unpleasant moment you realize how unreliable the whole book might be.
April 4, 2022
賰鬲丕亘 乇丕卅毓 賲賳丕爻亘 賱賮賴賲 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱丿丕禺賱賷丞 賵丕賱禺丕乇噩賷丞 賱乇賵爻賷丕 亘賵鬲賷賳 賲賳匕 賵氐賵賱賴 廿賱賶 丕賱丨賰賲 爻賳丞 2000 廿賱賶 睾丕賷丞 氐丿賵乇 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 爻賳丞 2015.
賮賱丕丿賷賲賷乇 賮賱丕丿賷賲賷乇賵賮賷鬲卮 賱賲 賷賰賳 匕賵 禺賱賮賷丞 毓爻賰乇賷丞貙 亘賱 賰丕賳 賲賯丿乇丕 賱賴 兀賳 賷氐賷乇 賲丨丕賲賷丕 亘毓丿 鬲禺乇噩賴 賲賳 賲毓賴丿 丕賱丨賯賵賯 廿賱丕 兀賳賴 丕賳囟賲 丕賱賶 丕賱丕爻鬲禺亘丕乇丕鬲 丕賱爻賵賮賷賷鬲賷丞 賵鬲丿乇噩 賮賷賴丕 丨鬲賶 兀氐亘丨 賲丿賷乇 賵乇賷孬鬲賴丕 丕賱賭FSB貙 廿賱賶 睾丕賷丞 鬲毓賷賷賳賴 乇卅賷爻丕 賱賱賵夭乇丕亍 賮鬲乇丞 亘賵乇賷爻 賷賱鬲爻賷賳貙 丕賱匕賷 禺賱賮賴 亘賵鬲賷賳 亘毓丿 鬲賳丨賷賴 毓賳 丕賱丨賰賲 賵兀氐亘丨 夭毓賷賲 乇賵爻賷丕 丕賱兀賵丨丿 賰賲丕 賳毓乇賮賴 丕賱賷賵賲.
丕賱睾乇賷亘 兀賳 亘賵鬲賷賳 亘丿兀 乇丨賱鬲賴 賮賷 賯賷丕丿丞 乇賵爻賷丕 賰乇卅賷爻 匕賵 鬲賵噩賴 賱賷亘乇丕賱賷 賷乇賷丿 噩毓賱 乇賵爻賷丕 丿賵賱丞 賱賷亘乇丕賱賷丞 氐丿賷賯丞 賱賱睾乇亘 賵賯胤毓 氐賱丕鬲賴丕 亘丕賱賮鬲乇丞 丕賱爻賵賮賷賷鬲賷丞貙 賱丿乇噩丞 兀賳賴 賰丕賳 賷胤賱亘 賲賳 賳馗乇丕卅賴 丕賱睾乇亘賷賷賳 丕賱爻賲丕丨 賱乇賵爻賷丕 亘丕賱丕賳囟賲丕賲 賱丨賱賮 丕賱賳丕鬲賵貙 賯亘賱 兀賳 賷鬲丨賵賱 廿賱賶 亘賵鬲賷賳 丕賱兀乇孬賵匕賰爻賷 丕賱賷賲賷賳賷 丕賱賲丨丕賮馗 丕賱賲毓丕丿賷 賱賱睾乇亘 賵丕賱匕賷 賷卮賳 丕賱丨乇賵亘 囟丿 鬲賵爻毓 丕賱賳丕鬲賵 亘丿丕賷丞 亘噩賵乇噩賷丕 爻賳丞 2008 廿賱賶 囟賲賴 賱卮亘賴 噩夭賷乇丞 丕賱賯乇賲 丕賱兀賵賰乇丕賳賷丞 爻賳丞 2014貙 賵丕賳鬲賴丕亍丕 亘睾夭賵賴 丕賱卮丕賲賱 賱兀賵賰乇丕賳賷丕 丕賱匕賷 賳毓賷卮賴 丕賱賷賵賲.
賯氐鬲賷 賲毓 丕賱賰鬲丕亘
胤賵丕賱 丕賱毓丕賲賷賳 丕賱賲丕囟賷賷賳 (賲賳匕 亘丿丕賷丞 噩丕卅丨丞 賰賵乇賵賳丕) 賵丕賳丕 丕賳鬲馗乇 亘賮丕乇睾 丕賱氐亘乇 毓賵丿丞 丕賱賲毓乇囟 丕賱丿賵賱賷 賱賱賰鬲丕亘 亘丕賱噩夭丕卅乇 賮賷 卮賴乇 丌匕丕乇/賲丕乇爻 2022貙 賵賲賳 亘賷賳 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱鬲賷 賰賳鬲 兀賳賵賷 丕賯賳丕亍賴丕 丕賱鬲乇噩賲丞 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 賱賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘貙 賱賰賳 亘毓丿 丕賳丿賱丕毓 丕賱丨乇亘 丕賱兀賵賰乇丕賳賷丞-丕賱乇賵爻賷丞 賮賷 賮亘乇丕賷乇 賱賲 兀爻鬲胤毓 丕賱氐亘乇 兀賰孬乇 賵賲賯丕賵賲丞 丕賱乇睾亘丞 賮賷 賮賴賲 乇賵爻賷丕 賵亘賵鬲賷賳貙 賮亘丿兀鬲 賯乇丕亍丞 丕賱賳爻禺丞 丕賱丕賱賰鬲乇賵賳賷丞 丕賱廿賳噩賱賷夭賷丞貙 賵賮賷 胤賵乇 賯乇丕亍鬲賷 毓孬乇鬲 毓賱賶 賳爻禺丞 丕賱賰鬲乇賵賳賷丞 毓乇亘賷丞 賱賱賰鬲丕亘貙 賱賰賳 毓賳丿 賲賯丕乇賳鬲賷 賱賱賳爻禺鬲賷賳 丕賱廿賳噩賱賷夭賷丞 賵賳爻禺丞 賲賲丿賵丨 毓丿賵丕賳 丕賱爻賵乇賷丞 賱丕丨馗鬲 丕賱毓丿賷丿 賲賳 丕賱賲卮丕賰賱 賲賳賴丕 乇丿丕亍丞 丕賱鬲乇噩賲丞 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 賮賷 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱賮賯乇丕鬲 賱丿乇噩丞 鬲睾賷賷乇 賲毓賳賶 丕賱賰賱丕賲貙 廿囟丕賮丞 廿賱賶 亘鬲乇 賮氐賱 賰丕賲賱 賲賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱兀賳賴 賷鬲丨丿孬 毓賳 亘卮丕乇 丕賱兀爻丿貙 賵毓賳丿 亘丨孬賷 丕賰鬲卮賮鬲 丕賳 丿丕乇 丕賱賳卮乇 爻賵乇賷丞 賵鬲毓賲賱 賮賷 丿賲卮賯 賮亘胤賱 毓噩亘賷.
賷氐賮 丕賱氐丨賮賷 賲丐賱賮 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘卮丕乇 亘毓丿 賱賯丕卅賴 亘賴 賮賷 兀丨丿 丕賱賲乇丕鬲:
賱賲丕匕丕 鬲鬲賰亘丿 丿丕乇 賳卮乇 毓賳丕亍 鬲乇噩賲丞 賰鬲丕亘 丕匕丕 賰丕賳鬲 賱丕 鬲爻鬲胤賷毓 賳卮乇賴 賰丕賲賱丕 賮鬲囟胤乇 賱丨匕賮 賮氐賱 賰丕賲賱 賷鬲丨丿孬 丕賱賯丕卅丿 丕賱賲賱賴賲 丕賱賲睾賵丕乇 亘卮丕乇責 賵賱賲丕匕丕 爻賲丨 丕賱賲丐賱賮 賵丿丕乇 丕賱賳卮乇 丕賱兀氐賱賷丞 亘丨匕賮 賮氐賱 賰丕賲賱 賮賷 丕賱賳爻禺丞 丕賱賲鬲乇噩賲丞責
兀鬲賲賳賶 兀賳 兀乇賶 鬲乇噩賲丕鬲 兀賰孬乇 噩賵丿丞 賵兀賰孬乇 賲氐丿丕賯賷丞 賱丿賵乇 賳卮乇 毓乇亘賷丞 兀禺乇賶 賲爻鬲賯亘賱丕.
賲賯丕乇賳丞 亘賷賳 丕賱賳馗丕賲賷賳 丕賱乇賵爻賷 賵丕賱噩夭丕卅乇賷
兀賵賱賷睾丕乇卮賷丞 賲鬲賰賵賳丞 賲賳 乇噩丕賱 兀毓賲丕賱 賲夭賷賮賷賳 氐賳毓賴賲 丕賱賳馗丕賲貙 亘乇賱賲丕賳 氐賵乇賷 鬲丕亘毓 賷鬲丨乇賰 亘丕賱兀賵丕賲乇貙 兀丨夭丕亘 賲毓丕乇囟丞 氐賵乇賷丞 賲賳 氐賳毓 丕賱賳馗丕賲貙 廿毓賱丕賲 毓賲賵賲賷 賵禺丕氐 鬲爻賷乇賴 丕賱兀噩賴夭丞 丕賱兀賲賳賷丞 賵鬲賲賱賷 毓賱賷賴 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱鬲丨乇賷乇賷丞. 賰賱 賴匕賴 兀賵噩賴 鬲卮丕亘賴 賮賷 鬲賰賵賷賳 丕賱賳馗丕賲賷賳 丕賱锟斤拷賵爻賷 賵丕賱噩夭丕卅乇賷貙 賲毓 賮乇賯 兀賳 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱噩夭丕卅乇賷 賷爻賷乇 亘兀賯賱 賰賮丕亍丞 賵亘兀賮乇丕丿 兀賯賱 噩賵丿丞貙 亘丕賱廿囟丕賮丞 賱賰賵賳賴 兀賰孬乇 賴卮丕卮丞 賵乇丿丕亍丞 賵兀賰孬乇 毓賲丕賱丞 賵鬲亘毓賷丞 賱賱睾乇亘貙 毓賰爻 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱乇賵爻賷.
賰賲丕 兀賳 兀亘乇夭 丕禺鬲賱丕賮 亘賷賳 丕賱賳馗丕賲賷賳 賴賵 毓丿賲 賵噩賵丿 夭毓賷賲 賯賵賷 丕賱丌賲乇 丕賱賳丕賴賷 丕賱匕賷 賷噩賱爻 毓賱賶 賯賲丞 賴乇賲 丕賱賳馗丕賲貙 廿匕 兀賳 丕賱爻胤賱丞 賮賷 丕賱噩夭丕卅乇 睾賷乇 賲乇賰夭丞 賮賷 賳賯胤丞 賵丕丨丿丞 亘賱 賲賵夭毓丞 毓賱賶 毓丿丞 兀賯胤丕亘.
賮賱丕丿賷賲賷乇 賮賱丕丿賷賲賷乇賵賮賷鬲卮 賱賲 賷賰賳 匕賵 禺賱賮賷丞 毓爻賰乇賷丞貙 亘賱 賰丕賳 賲賯丿乇丕 賱賴 兀賳 賷氐賷乇 賲丨丕賲賷丕 亘毓丿 鬲禺乇噩賴 賲賳 賲毓賴丿 丕賱丨賯賵賯 廿賱丕 兀賳賴 丕賳囟賲 丕賱賶 丕賱丕爻鬲禺亘丕乇丕鬲 丕賱爻賵賮賷賷鬲賷丞 賵鬲丿乇噩 賮賷賴丕 丨鬲賶 兀氐亘丨 賲丿賷乇 賵乇賷孬鬲賴丕 丕賱賭FSB貙 廿賱賶 睾丕賷丞 鬲毓賷賷賳賴 乇卅賷爻丕 賱賱賵夭乇丕亍 賮鬲乇丞 亘賵乇賷爻 賷賱鬲爻賷賳貙 丕賱匕賷 禺賱賮賴 亘賵鬲賷賳 亘毓丿 鬲賳丨賷賴 毓賳 丕賱丨賰賲 賵兀氐亘丨 夭毓賷賲 乇賵爻賷丕 丕賱兀賵丨丿 賰賲丕 賳毓乇賮賴 丕賱賷賵賲.
丕賱睾乇賷亘 兀賳 亘賵鬲賷賳 亘丿兀 乇丨賱鬲賴 賮賷 賯賷丕丿丞 乇賵爻賷丕 賰乇卅賷爻 匕賵 鬲賵噩賴 賱賷亘乇丕賱賷 賷乇賷丿 噩毓賱 乇賵爻賷丕 丿賵賱丞 賱賷亘乇丕賱賷丞 氐丿賷賯丞 賱賱睾乇亘 賵賯胤毓 氐賱丕鬲賴丕 亘丕賱賮鬲乇丞 丕賱爻賵賮賷賷鬲賷丞貙 賱丿乇噩丞 兀賳賴 賰丕賳 賷胤賱亘 賲賳 賳馗乇丕卅賴 丕賱睾乇亘賷賷賳 丕賱爻賲丕丨 賱乇賵爻賷丕 亘丕賱丕賳囟賲丕賲 賱丨賱賮 丕賱賳丕鬲賵貙 賯亘賱 兀賳 賷鬲丨賵賱 廿賱賶 亘賵鬲賷賳 丕賱兀乇孬賵匕賰爻賷 丕賱賷賲賷賳賷 丕賱賲丨丕賮馗 丕賱賲毓丕丿賷 賱賱睾乇亘 賵丕賱匕賷 賷卮賳 丕賱丨乇賵亘 囟丿 鬲賵爻毓 丕賱賳丕鬲賵 亘丿丕賷丞 亘噩賵乇噩賷丕 爻賳丞 2008 廿賱賶 囟賲賴 賱卮亘賴 噩夭賷乇丞 丕賱賯乇賲 丕賱兀賵賰乇丕賳賷丞 爻賳丞 2014貙 賵丕賳鬲賴丕亍丕 亘睾夭賵賴 丕賱卮丕賲賱 賱兀賵賰乇丕賳賷丕 丕賱匕賷 賳毓賷卮賴 丕賱賷賵賲.
賯氐鬲賷 賲毓 丕賱賰鬲丕亘
胤賵丕賱 丕賱毓丕賲賷賳 丕賱賲丕囟賷賷賳 (賲賳匕 亘丿丕賷丞 噩丕卅丨丞 賰賵乇賵賳丕) 賵丕賳丕 丕賳鬲馗乇 亘賮丕乇睾 丕賱氐亘乇 毓賵丿丞 丕賱賲毓乇囟 丕賱丿賵賱賷 賱賱賰鬲丕亘 亘丕賱噩夭丕卅乇 賮賷 卮賴乇 丌匕丕乇/賲丕乇爻 2022貙 賵賲賳 亘賷賳 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱鬲賷 賰賳鬲 兀賳賵賷 丕賯賳丕亍賴丕 丕賱鬲乇噩賲丞 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 賱賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘貙 賱賰賳 亘毓丿 丕賳丿賱丕毓 丕賱丨乇亘 丕賱兀賵賰乇丕賳賷丞-丕賱乇賵爻賷丞 賮賷 賮亘乇丕賷乇 賱賲 兀爻鬲胤毓 丕賱氐亘乇 兀賰孬乇 賵賲賯丕賵賲丞 丕賱乇睾亘丞 賮賷 賮賴賲 乇賵爻賷丕 賵亘賵鬲賷賳貙 賮亘丿兀鬲 賯乇丕亍丞 丕賱賳爻禺丞 丕賱丕賱賰鬲乇賵賳賷丞 丕賱廿賳噩賱賷夭賷丞貙 賵賮賷 胤賵乇 賯乇丕亍鬲賷 毓孬乇鬲 毓賱賶 賳爻禺丞 丕賱賰鬲乇賵賳賷丞 毓乇亘賷丞 賱賱賰鬲丕亘貙 賱賰賳 毓賳丿 賲賯丕乇賳鬲賷 賱賱賳爻禺鬲賷賳 丕賱廿賳噩賱賷夭賷丞 賵賳爻禺丞 賲賲丿賵丨 毓丿賵丕賳 丕賱爻賵乇賷丞 賱丕丨馗鬲 丕賱毓丿賷丿 賲賳 丕賱賲卮丕賰賱 賲賳賴丕 乇丿丕亍丞 丕賱鬲乇噩賲丞 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 賮賷 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱賮賯乇丕鬲 賱丿乇噩丞 鬲睾賷賷乇 賲毓賳賶 丕賱賰賱丕賲貙 廿囟丕賮丞 廿賱賶 亘鬲乇 賮氐賱 賰丕賲賱 賲賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱兀賳賴 賷鬲丨丿孬 毓賳 亘卮丕乇 丕賱兀爻丿貙 賵毓賳丿 亘丨孬賷 丕賰鬲卮賮鬲 丕賳 丿丕乇 丕賱賳卮乇 爻賵乇賷丞 賵鬲毓賲賱 賮賷 丿賲卮賯 賮亘胤賱 毓噩亘賷.
賷氐賮 丕賱氐丨賮賷 賲丐賱賮 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘卮丕乇 亘毓丿 賱賯丕卅賴 亘賴 賮賷 兀丨丿 丕賱賲乇丕鬲:
亘丿丕 賱賷 爻丕匕噩丕 廿賱賶 丨丿 賲丕貙 噩丿 賱賷賾賳 賵睾賷乇 賵丕孬賯 賲賳 賳賮爻賴 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 廿賱賶 丿賷賰鬲丕鬲賵乇貙 氐乇賷丨 噩丿丕 賵孬乇孬丕乇 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 賱爻賷丕爻賷 賲鬲賲乇爻.
賱賲丕匕丕 鬲鬲賰亘丿 丿丕乇 賳卮乇 毓賳丕亍 鬲乇噩賲丞 賰鬲丕亘 丕匕丕 賰丕賳鬲 賱丕 鬲爻鬲胤賷毓 賳卮乇賴 賰丕賲賱丕 賮鬲囟胤乇 賱丨匕賮 賮氐賱 賰丕賲賱 賷鬲丨丿孬 丕賱賯丕卅丿 丕賱賲賱賴賲 丕賱賲睾賵丕乇 亘卮丕乇責 賵賱賲丕匕丕 爻賲丨 丕賱賲丐賱賮 賵丿丕乇 丕賱賳卮乇 丕賱兀氐賱賷丞 亘丨匕賮 賮氐賱 賰丕賲賱 賮賷 丕賱賳爻禺丞 丕賱賲鬲乇噩賲丞責
兀鬲賲賳賶 兀賳 兀乇賶 鬲乇噩賲丕鬲 兀賰孬乇 噩賵丿丞 賵兀賰孬乇 賲氐丿丕賯賷丞 賱丿賵乇 賳卮乇 毓乇亘賷丞 兀禺乇賶 賲爻鬲賯亘賱丕.
賲賯丕乇賳丞 亘賷賳 丕賱賳馗丕賲賷賳 丕賱乇賵爻賷 賵丕賱噩夭丕卅乇賷
兀賵賱賷睾丕乇卮賷丞 賲鬲賰賵賳丞 賲賳 乇噩丕賱 兀毓賲丕賱 賲夭賷賮賷賳 氐賳毓賴賲 丕賱賳馗丕賲貙 亘乇賱賲丕賳 氐賵乇賷 鬲丕亘毓 賷鬲丨乇賰 亘丕賱兀賵丕賲乇貙 兀丨夭丕亘 賲毓丕乇囟丞 氐賵乇賷丞 賲賳 氐賳毓 丕賱賳馗丕賲貙 廿毓賱丕賲 毓賲賵賲賷 賵禺丕氐 鬲爻賷乇賴 丕賱兀噩賴夭丞 丕賱兀賲賳賷丞 賵鬲賲賱賷 毓賱賷賴 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱鬲丨乇賷乇賷丞. 賰賱 賴匕賴 兀賵噩賴 鬲卮丕亘賴 賮賷 鬲賰賵賷賳 丕賱賳馗丕賲賷賳 丕賱锟斤拷賵爻賷 賵丕賱噩夭丕卅乇賷貙 賲毓 賮乇賯 兀賳 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱噩夭丕卅乇賷 賷爻賷乇 亘兀賯賱 賰賮丕亍丞 賵亘兀賮乇丕丿 兀賯賱 噩賵丿丞貙 亘丕賱廿囟丕賮丞 賱賰賵賳賴 兀賰孬乇 賴卮丕卮丞 賵乇丿丕亍丞 賵兀賰孬乇 毓賲丕賱丞 賵鬲亘毓賷丞 賱賱睾乇亘貙 毓賰爻 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱乇賵爻賷.
賰賲丕 兀賳 兀亘乇夭 丕禺鬲賱丕賮 亘賷賳 丕賱賳馗丕賲賷賳 賴賵 毓丿賲 賵噩賵丿 夭毓賷賲 賯賵賷 丕賱丌賲乇 丕賱賳丕賴賷 丕賱匕賷 賷噩賱爻 毓賱賶 賯賲丞 賴乇賲 丕賱賳馗丕賲貙 廿匕 兀賳 丕賱爻胤賱丞 賮賷 丕賱噩夭丕卅乇 睾賷乇 賲乇賰夭丞 賮賷 賳賯胤丞 賵丕丨丿丞 亘賱 賲賵夭毓丞 毓賱賶 毓丿丞 兀賯胤丕亘.
February 18, 2018
Russian journalist Mikhail Zygar chronicles the rise of Vladimir Putin from his inception into the political realm, to the backroom scheming he partakes to keep him there, to the modern day Putin we see today.
Despite some time jumping which can at times be a little disorientating, the book is easy enough to follow and contains some decent insight into the Russian perspective of major events impacting on the soviet state.
Each chapter focuses on a key player (and sometime agitator) in Putin's court which gives the book a fresh feel each chapter. There's no degree of repetitiveness or a sense of drab writing as the book flows freely chapter to chapter.
It was interesting to read about the conflicts, the relationships, and the rise to power of one of the more prominent individuals in the worldwide political circle.
My rating: 4/5 stars. A heavy read loaded with political insight, best digested in bite size chunks.
Despite some time jumping which can at times be a little disorientating, the book is easy enough to follow and contains some decent insight into the Russian perspective of major events impacting on the soviet state.
Each chapter focuses on a key player (and sometime agitator) in Putin's court which gives the book a fresh feel each chapter. There's no degree of repetitiveness or a sense of drab writing as the book flows freely chapter to chapter.
It was interesting to read about the conflicts, the relationships, and the rise to power of one of the more prominent individuals in the worldwide political circle.
My rating: 4/5 stars. A heavy read loaded with political insight, best digested in bite size chunks.
January 7, 2017
Prosto politi膷no, nem谩m k tomu ve木mi 膷o doda钮. Skvel媒, fundovan媒, dokuanalytick媒 poh木ad na to, ako politicky pre啪i钮 v krajine oligarchov, kde je v zemi zakopan谩 petamiliarda dol谩rov, chce sa tv谩ri钮 ako demokracia, ale nem谩 ni膷, 膷o by pripom铆nalo funk膷n茅 politick茅 in拧tit煤cie. Pou膷enie znie, 啪e sa to d谩, ak sa vol谩te Surkov alebo Putin a nem谩te ni膷, 膷o by pripom铆nalo nemenn煤 ideologick煤 doktr铆nu (okrem toho pre啪itia, samozrejme). Pre fan煤拧ikov politin啪inierstva ve木k谩 jazda, pre v拧etk媒ch ostatn媒ch asi ve木k谩 nuda.
艩peci谩lneho bludi拧钮谩ka venujem vydavate木stvu, 啪e to pre n谩s piatich vydalo.
艩peci谩lneho bludi拧钮谩ka venujem vydavate木stvu, 啪e to pre n谩s piatich vydalo.
December 7, 2021
曰瞻铡謤寨榨 远斋眨铡謤斋斩 沾榨詹铡栅謤崭謧沾 榨沾 铡站榨宅崭謤栅 芦眨榨詹铡謤站榨战湛铡寨铡斩崭謧诈盏铡斩 沾榨栈禄 謬 沾铡斩謤铡沾铡战斩榨謤斋, 崭謤崭斩謩 崭謤謬乍 沾榨寨炸 展乍謤 寨铡謤崭詹 斋沾铡斩铡宅謮 圆铡盏謥 栅铡 展斋 謨崭窄崭謧沾 榨謤寨崭謧 瞻铡斩眨铡沾铡斩謩. 斩铡窄, 战铡 钥謤榨沾宅炸 斩榨謤战斋謥 斩榨謤寨铡盏铡謥斩榨宅崭謧 铡占铡栈斋斩 謨崭謤毡斩 乍 崭謧 榨謤寨謤崭謤栅. 铡盏栅 謨崭謤毡炸 瞻铡栈崭詹站铡债 乍謮
芦钥謤榨沾宅斋 铡沾闸崭詹栈 辗謩铡窄崭謧沾闸炸禄 斋謤铡寨铡斩崭謧沾 沾榨寨 铡盏宅 寨铡謤謬崭謤 铡占铡謩榨宅崭謧诈盏崭謧斩 崭謧斩榨謤. 铡盏斩 诈崭謧盏宅 湛站榨謥 占崭謧战斩榨謤斋斩諠 蘸铡湛沾榨宅 斋謤榨斩謥 沾铡战斋斩 斋謤榨斩謥 瞻榨詹斋斩铡寨崭站謮 怨榨 崭謤謩铡斩崭站 乍謤 铡盏栅 瞻榨詹斋斩铡寨炸 炸斩栅栅斋沾铡栅斋謤 钥謤榨沾宅斋斩, 寨铡謤謬崭謤 展乍謮 圆铡盏謥 辗铡湛 榨謤寨铡謤 摘铡沾铡斩铡寨, 1991 诈站铡寨铡斩斋謥 瞻榨湛崭 諏崭謧战铡战湛铡斩斋 沾铡战斋斩 宅铡站铡眨崭謧盏斩 眨謤謩榨謤炸 眨謤榨宅 榨斩 铡謤湛铡战铡瞻铡斩謥斋斩榨謤炸謮
圆崭謧斩 眨謤謩斋 闸崭站铡斩栅铡寨崭謧诈盏崭謧斩炸 展铡謨铡咋铡斩謥 崭謧辗铡眨謤铡站 乍謮 远斋眨铡謤炸 铡謤毡铡斩斩榨謤斋 謨崭窄铡謤榨斩 斩榨謤寨铡盏铡謥斩崭謧沾 乍 沾铡謤栅寨铡斩謥諠 斋謤榨斩謥 窄崭謥榨宅斋 謬 寨铡占铡站铡謤榨宅斋 寨崭詹沾榨謤崭站, 崭謤崭辗崭謧沾 寨铡盏铡謥斩崭詹斩榨謤斋 斩榨詹 辗謤栈铡斩铡寨炸 謬 铡盏斩 沾榨债 铡咋栅榨謥崭謧诈盏崭謧斩炸, 崭謤 斩謤铡斩謩 崭謧斩榨斩謮 諐铡 謩铡詹铡謩铡寨铡斩 闸榨战诈战榨宅宅榨謤 乍 占崭謧战铡寨铡斩 謩铡詹铡謩铡寨铡斩 斩榨謤謩斋斩 窄崭瞻铡斩崭謥斋 沾铡战斋斩, 崭謤 炸斩诈榨謤謥站崭謧沾 乍 沾榨寨 辗斩展崭站謮
芦钥謤榨沾宅斋 铡沾闸崭詹栈 辗謩铡窄崭謧沾闸炸禄 斋謤铡寨铡斩崭謧沾 沾榨寨 铡盏宅 寨铡謤謬崭謤 铡占铡謩榨宅崭謧诈盏崭謧斩 崭謧斩榨謤. 铡盏斩 诈崭謧盏宅 湛站榨謥 占崭謧战斩榨謤斋斩諠 蘸铡湛沾榨宅 斋謤榨斩謥 沾铡战斋斩 斋謤榨斩謥 瞻榨詹斋斩铡寨崭站謮 怨榨 崭謤謩铡斩崭站 乍謤 铡盏栅 瞻榨詹斋斩铡寨炸 炸斩栅栅斋沾铡栅斋謤 钥謤榨沾宅斋斩, 寨铡謤謬崭謤 展乍謮 圆铡盏謥 辗铡湛 榨謤寨铡謤 摘铡沾铡斩铡寨, 1991 诈站铡寨铡斩斋謥 瞻榨湛崭 諏崭謧战铡战湛铡斩斋 沾铡战斋斩 宅铡站铡眨崭謧盏斩 眨謤謩榨謤炸 眨謤榨宅 榨斩 铡謤湛铡战铡瞻铡斩謥斋斩榨謤炸謮
圆崭謧斩 眨謤謩斋 闸崭站铡斩栅铡寨崭謧诈盏崭謧斩炸 展铡謨铡咋铡斩謥 崭謧辗铡眨謤铡站 乍謮 远斋眨铡謤炸 铡謤毡铡斩斩榨謤斋 謨崭窄铡謤榨斩 斩榨謤寨铡盏铡謥斩崭謧沾 乍 沾铡謤栅寨铡斩謥諠 斋謤榨斩謥 窄崭謥榨宅斋 謬 寨铡占铡站铡謤榨宅斋 寨崭詹沾榨謤崭站, 崭謤崭辗崭謧沾 寨铡盏铡謥斩崭詹斩榨謤斋 斩榨詹 辗謤栈铡斩铡寨炸 謬 铡盏斩 沾榨债 铡咋栅榨謥崭謧诈盏崭謧斩炸, 崭謤 斩謤铡斩謩 崭謧斩榨斩謮 諐铡 謩铡詹铡謩铡寨铡斩 闸榨战诈战榨宅宅榨謤 乍 占崭謧战铡寨铡斩 謩铡詹铡謩铡寨铡斩 斩榨謤謩斋斩 窄崭瞻铡斩崭謥斋 沾铡战斋斩, 崭謤 炸斩诈榨謤謥站崭謧沾 乍 沾榨寨 辗斩展崭站謮
April 2, 2016
Exceptionally good journalism. I was following Russsian politics since 1990 but even I was able to find interesting and useful insights in this book.
"Must read" if you are interested in the Russian politics and Putin's phenomena. One of the best attempts to answer the question - "Who is mr. Putin?"
"Must read" if you are interested in the Russian politics and Putin's phenomena. One of the best attempts to answer the question - "Who is mr. Putin?"
December 1, 2023
This book, published in 2015, maintains its relevance by offering a compelling narrative centered around key figures within Vladimir Putin's inner circle, such as oligarchs, politicians, and security officials. The author adeptly explores the intricate dynamics of personal loyalty, political maneuvering, and shifting alliances within this circle, crucial for grasping the functioning of Putin's regime and the motivations behind pivotal decisions.
The text also highlights the recurring theme of paranoia against the West in Russian politics, a card consistently played by Putin during his time in power. It underscores the notion that Russian leaders rarely experience democratic defeats; instead, they either pass away in office or face alternative forms of removal, with Putin serving as the latest example.
The book is commended for providing insightful explanations linking aggression against Ukraine to internal politics and historical distortions. Additionally, it asserts that the well-being of Russian citizens and their quality of life have never been top priorities for leaders, presenting Putin as in continuity with his predecessors. Zygar's work exposes how Western leaders engaged in wishful thinking regarding Putin, failing to anticipate war crimes and the gradual erosion of freedoms in Russia, ultimately resulting in the country reverting to a violent police state.
The text also highlights the recurring theme of paranoia against the West in Russian politics, a card consistently played by Putin during his time in power. It underscores the notion that Russian leaders rarely experience democratic defeats; instead, they either pass away in office or face alternative forms of removal, with Putin serving as the latest example.
The book is commended for providing insightful explanations linking aggression against Ukraine to internal politics and historical distortions. Additionally, it asserts that the well-being of Russian citizens and their quality of life have never been top priorities for leaders, presenting Putin as in continuity with his predecessors. Zygar's work exposes how Western leaders engaged in wishful thinking regarding Putin, failing to anticipate war crimes and the gradual erosion of freedoms in Russia, ultimately resulting in the country reverting to a violent police state.
January 7, 2017
Detailn谩 anat贸mia Putinovho vl谩dnutia od 膷ias, kedy chcel dosta钮 Rusko do NATO, a啪 po 膷asy, kedy jeho 木udia vo verejn媒ch prejavoch informuj煤 o utajen媒ch komplotoch USA na z谩klade cit谩tu americkej ministerky zahrani膷ia, ktor媒 si vymysleli jasnovidci pracuj煤ci pre rusk煤 tajn煤 slu啪bu.
沤iadne 拧okuj煤ce odhalenia a ve木kolep茅 zov拧eobecnenia, ale chladnokrvn媒 popis toho, ako vo vn煤tri funguje kleptokracia a re啪im zameran媒 jedine na zachovanie seba sam茅ho.
沤iadne 拧okuj煤ce odhalenia a ve木kolep茅 zov拧eobecnenia, ale chladnokrvn媒 popis toho, ako vo vn煤tri funguje kleptokracia a re啪im zameran媒 jedine na zachovanie seba sam茅ho.
December 25, 2019
"賳丨賳 噩賲賷毓丕 丕禺鬲乇毓賳丕 賱兀賳賮爻賳丕 卮禺氐賷丞 亘賵鬲賷賳 丕賱鬲賷 鬲乇賵賯賳丕. 賵 毓賱賷 丕賱兀睾賱亘貙 賱賳 鬲賰賵賳 丕賱卮禺氐賷丞 丕賱賵丨賷丿丞."
April 17, 2022
I鈥檝e read several books about Putin and recent Russian history but found All the Kremlin鈥檚 Men especially illuminating in covering the various people surrounding Putin, like Lavrov, Shoigu, Abramovich, etc. It also goes into detail on Russia鈥檚 strategy in the 2008 invasion of Georgia and 2014 invasion of Ukraine.
An interesting book that fills in details not always covered by other books about Putin. I listened to the audiobook and recommend it.
An interesting book that fills in details not always covered by other books about Putin. I listened to the audiobook and recommend it.
March 14, 2017
Zygar reminded me that Putin is an actual human. Sometimes I forget. L鈥櫭﹖at c鈥檈st lui. Plus a soup莽on of siloviki. Zygar convinced me that Putin tried to make nice with the West (in his way) and felt rejected and that Putin believes he is doing his best for Russia. A while back he may have even considered stepping down for the life of a private oligarch.
Now Russia is his mission and identity. Putin is reputed to think of himself as an expert on everything. He鈥檚 neurotic, suspicious and values loyalty above all. He can鈥檛 show weakness or he will be crushed by those around him. He likes to hold back his reactions in order 鈥渢o weaken the link between cause and effect.鈥� The West is hypocritical, untrustworthy and out to get Russia (Putin). He analyses the West through a Russian (Putin鈥檚) perspective.
He doesn鈥檛 quite get how our executives are hampered by courts and legislatures. He feels looked down upon by the West (true). Foreign policy is personal. IRL, he communicates indirectly to maintain plausible deniability. He upholds a system of 鈥渃hecks and balances鈥� among his staff so no one can amass too much power. He has created an echo chamber around himself but he can be subtly manipulated by those who understand his way of thinking. He doesn鈥檛 receive contradiction. 鈥淚t seems that the Russian leadership was duped by its own propaganda.鈥� Volodin: 鈥淩ussia is Putin. Russia exists only if there is Putin. There is no Russia without Putin.鈥� God knows what will follow his demise. Interestingly, Zygar doesn鈥檛 offer a clear explanation of the reason/s for Putin鈥檚 disappearance years ago. He doesn鈥檛 exactly make Putin look good but he doesn鈥檛 present us with a monster either. Maybe that鈥檚 why the book was released in Russia.
Ukraine has been an obsession of Putin's long before the annexation of Crimea.
He and his subordinates (including the ever amusing and chilling Kadyrov) have used the media to communicate with each other.
Putin was shocked by Nemtsov鈥檚 murder.
To paraphrase Chubais, honest privatization would have required a strong state.
鈥淚n a sense Assad was the Vladimir Putin of the Middle East: a man who accidentally became ruler of his country as the result of unforeseen circumstances, and who would have probably chosen a different fate had the choice presented itself. He did not plan to become anti-Western.鈥�
鈥淎ssad proved that blind stubborn resistance can be an effective way to hold power whatever the cost. A lack of strategy can in fact be strategy.鈥� As Somoza was our (USA) bastard, Assad is Putin鈥檚.
Now Russia is his mission and identity. Putin is reputed to think of himself as an expert on everything. He鈥檚 neurotic, suspicious and values loyalty above all. He can鈥檛 show weakness or he will be crushed by those around him. He likes to hold back his reactions in order 鈥渢o weaken the link between cause and effect.鈥� The West is hypocritical, untrustworthy and out to get Russia (Putin). He analyses the West through a Russian (Putin鈥檚) perspective.
He doesn鈥檛 quite get how our executives are hampered by courts and legislatures. He feels looked down upon by the West (true). Foreign policy is personal. IRL, he communicates indirectly to maintain plausible deniability. He upholds a system of 鈥渃hecks and balances鈥� among his staff so no one can amass too much power. He has created an echo chamber around himself but he can be subtly manipulated by those who understand his way of thinking. He doesn鈥檛 receive contradiction. 鈥淚t seems that the Russian leadership was duped by its own propaganda.鈥� Volodin: 鈥淩ussia is Putin. Russia exists only if there is Putin. There is no Russia without Putin.鈥� God knows what will follow his demise. Interestingly, Zygar doesn鈥檛 offer a clear explanation of the reason/s for Putin鈥檚 disappearance years ago. He doesn鈥檛 exactly make Putin look good but he doesn鈥檛 present us with a monster either. Maybe that鈥檚 why the book was released in Russia.
Ukraine has been an obsession of Putin's long before the annexation of Crimea.
He and his subordinates (including the ever amusing and chilling Kadyrov) have used the media to communicate with each other.
Putin was shocked by Nemtsov鈥檚 murder.
To paraphrase Chubais, honest privatization would have required a strong state.
鈥淚n a sense Assad was the Vladimir Putin of the Middle East: a man who accidentally became ruler of his country as the result of unforeseen circumstances, and who would have probably chosen a different fate had the choice presented itself. He did not plan to become anti-Western.鈥�
鈥淎ssad proved that blind stubborn resistance can be an effective way to hold power whatever the cost. A lack of strategy can in fact be strategy.鈥� As Somoza was our (USA) bastard, Assad is Putin鈥檚.
Displaying 1 - 30 of 498 reviews
Can't find what you're looking for?
Get help and learn more about the design.