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266 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1978
In 1979, when 33-year-old Donald Trump was building Trump Tower -- his first big narcissistic project -- sociologist Christopher Lasch published 鈥淭he Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations.鈥�
In his book, Lasch argued that a host of economic factors, especially rampant consumerism, had made people self-obsessed, hyper-competitive, cut off from reality, erratic, unempathetic, angry, and vindictive. As a result, he wrote, 鈥渢ruth has given way to credibility, facts to statements that sound authoritative without conveying any authoritative information.鈥� Lasch cited the example of Nixon鈥檚 press secretary, Ron Ziegler, who at one point 鈥渁dmitted that his previous statements on Watergate had become 鈥榠noperative.'鈥�
The narcissistic personality, Lasch wrote, will 鈥渄isplay鈥� the prevailing obsession with celebrity and a determination to achieve it even at the cost of rational self-interest and personal safety. The narcissist divides society into two groups: the rich, great, and famous on the one hand, and the common herd on the other. 鈥� [Narcissists] worship heroes only to turn against them when their heroes disappoint them. 鈥� The narcissist admires and identifies himself with 鈥榳inners鈥� out of his fear of being labeled a loser. 鈥� his admiration often turns to hatred if the object of his attachment does something to remind him of his own insignificance.鈥�
For Lasch, a person possessing such traits was unable to function as a rational or trustworthy member of society -- as a human being capable of kindness, empathy and attentiveness to others people鈥檚 reality.
37 years later, Trump was elected president.
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After the political turmoil of the sixties, Americans have retreated to purely personal preoccupations. Having no hope of improving their lives in any of the ways that matter, people have convinced themselves that what matters is psychic self-improvement: getting in touch with their feelings, eating health food, taking lessons in ballet or belly-dancing, immersing themselves in the wisdom of the East, jogging, learning how to 鈥渞elate,鈥� overcoming the 鈥渇ear of pleasure.鈥� Harmless in themselves, these pursuits, elevated to a program and wrapped in the rhetoric of authenticity and awareness, signify a retreat from politics and a repudiation of the recent past.
Today Americans are overcome not by the sense of endless possibility but by the banality of the social order they have erected against it.
The rise of mass media makes the categories of truth and falsehood irrelevant to an evaluation of their influence. Truth has given way to credibility, facts to statements that sound authoritative without conveying any authoritative information... Knowing that an educated public craves facts and cherishes nothing so much as the illusion of being well informed, the modern progagandist avoids using high-sounding slogans; he rarely appeals to a higher destiny; he seldom calls for heroism and sacrifice or reminds his audience of the glorious past. He sticks to the 鈥渇acts.鈥� Propaganda thus merges with "information.鈥�
When jobs consist of little more than meaningless motions, and when social routines, formerly dignified as ritual, degenerate into role playing, the worker鈥攚hether he toils on an assembly line or holds down a high-paying job in a large bureaucracy鈥攕eeks to escape from the resulting sense of inauthenticity by creating an ironic distance from his daily routine... He takes refuge in jokes, mockery, and cynicism. If he is asked to perform a disagreeable task, he makes it clear that he doesn鈥檛 believe in the organization鈥檚 objectives of increased efficiency and greater output... By demystifying daily life, he conveys to himself and others the impression that he has risen beyond it, even as he goes through the motions and does what is expected of him.
鈥he character traits associated with pathological narcissism, which in less extreme form appear in such profusion in the every day life of our age: dependence on the vicarious warmth provided by others combined with a fear of dependence, a sense of inner emptiness, boundless repressed rage, and unsatisfied oral cravings. Nor do they discuss what might be called the secondary characteristics of narcissism: pseudo self-insight, calculating seductiveness, nervous, self-deprecatory humor.
In eighteenth-century London or Paris, sociability did not depend on intimacy. 鈥淪trangers meeting in parks or on the street might without embarrassment speak to each other.鈥� They shared a common fund of public signs which enabled people of unequal rank to conduct a civilized conversation and to cooperate in public projects without feeling called upon to expose their innermost secrets. The romantic cult of sincerity and authenticity tore away the masks that people once had worn in public and eroded the boundary between public and private life. As the public world came to be seen as a mirror of the self, people lost the capacity for detachment and playful encounter, which presupposes a certain distance from the self.
As John R. Seeley noted in 1959, the transfer of parental knowledge to other agencies parallels the expropriation of the worker鈥檚 technical knowledge by modern management 鈥� 鈥渢he taking over from the worker of the sad necessity of providing himself with the means of production.鈥� By 鈥渉elpfully鈥� relieving the worker from 鈥渟uch onerous responsibilities鈥� as the provision of his own and his children鈥檚 needs, society has freed him, as Seeley wrote, 鈥渢o become a solder in the army of production and a cipher in the process of decision.鈥�
The introduction of courses in home-making, health, citizenship, and other nonacademic subjects, together with the proliferation of athletic programs and extracurricular activities, reflected the dogma that schools had to educate 鈥渢he whole child鈥�; but it also reflected the practical need to fill up the students鈥� time and to keep them reasonably contented. Such programs spread rapidly through the public schools in the twenties and thirties, often justified by the need to make 鈥済ood citizenship,鈥� in the words of a dean of Teachers College, 鈥渁 dominant aim of the American public school.鈥�
摆鈥
Dimly recognizing that in many areas 鈥� precisely those that lie outside the formal curriculum 鈥� experience teaches more than books, educators then proceeded to do away with books: to import experience into the academic setting, to re-create models of learning formerly associated with the family, to encourage students to 鈥渓earn by doing.鈥� 摆鈥 Two educators wrote in 1934, without any awareness of the irony of their prescriptions:
鈥淏y bringing into the school those who are practical doers from the world鈥� to supplement and stimulate the teaching of those whose training has been in the normal school, education can be vitalized鈥︹€�
The more closely education approximated this empty ideal, however, the more effectively it discouraged ambition of any sort, except perhaps the ambition to get away from school by one expedient or another. By draining the curriculum not merely of academic but of practical content, educators deprived students of challenging work and forced them to find other means of filling time which the law nevertheless required them to spend in school 摆鈥 Though teachers and administrators deplored their students鈥� obsession with popularity, they themselves encouraged it by giving so much attention to the need to get along with others 鈥� to master the cooperative habits considered indispensable to industrial success.
Society no longer expects authorities to articulate a clearly reasoned, elaborately justified code of law and morality; nor does it expect the young to internalize moral standards of the community. It demands only conformity to the conventions of everyday intercourse, sanctioned by psychiatric definitions of normal behavior.
"The struggle over desegregation brought to the surface the inherent contradiction between the American commitment to universal education on the one hand and the realities of a class society on the other. Americans in the nineteenth century had adopted a system of common schooling without giving up their belief in the inevitability of social inequality."
Economic man himself has given way to the psychological man of our times鈥攖he final product of bourgeois individualism. The new narcissist is haunted not by guilt but by anxiety. He seeks not to inflict his own certainties on others but to find a meaning in life. Liberated from the superstitions of the past, he doubts even the reality of his own existence. Superficially relaxed and tolerant, he finds little use for dogmas of racial and ethnic purity but at the same time forfeits the security of group loyalties and regards everyone as a rival for the favors conferred by a paternalistic state. His sexual attitudes are permissive rather than puritanical, even though his emancipation from ancient taboos brings him no sexual peace. Fiercely competitive in his demand for approval and acclaim, he distrusts competition because he associates it unconsciously with an unbridled urge to destroy. Hence he repudiates the competitive ideologies that flourished at an earlier stage of capitalist development and distrusts even their limited expression in sports and games. He extols cooperation and teamwork while harboring deeply antisocial impulses. He praises respect for rules and regulations in the secret belief that they do not apply to himself. [...] The narcissist has no interest in the future because, in part, he has so little interest in the past. He finds it difficult to internalize happy associations or to create a store of loving memories with which to face the latter part of his life, which under the best of conditions always brings sadness and pain.
"When jobs consist of little more than meaningless motions, and when social routines, formerly dignified as ritual, degenerate into role playing, the worker-whether he toils on an assembly line or holds down a high-paying job in a large bureaucracy-seeks to excape from the resulting sense of inauthenticity by creating an ironic distance from his daily routine. He attempts to transform role playing into a symbolic elevation of daily life. He takes refuge in jokes, mockery, and cynicism. If he is asked to perform a disagreeable task, he makes it clear that he doesn't believe in the organization's objectives of increased efficiency and greater output. If he goes to a party, he shows by his actions that it's all a game-false, artificial, insincere; a grotesque travesty of sociability. In this way he attempts to make himself invulnerable to the pressures of the situation. By refusing to take seriously the routines he has to perform, he denies their capacity to injure him. Although he assumes that it is impossible to alter the iron limits imposed on him by society, a detaches awareness of those limits seems to make them matter less. By demystifying daily life, he conveys to himself and others the impression that he has risen beyond it, even as he goes through the motions and does what is expected of him."
"What precipitated the crisis of the sixties was not simply the pressure of unprecedented numbers of students (many of whom would gladly have spent their youth elsewhere) but a fatal conjunture of historical challenges: the emergence of a new social conscience among students acivated by the moral rhetoric of the New Frontier and by the civil rights movement, and the simultaneous collapse of the university's claims to moral and intellectual legitimacy. Instead of offering a rounded program of humane learning, the university now frankly served as a cafeteria for which students had to select so many "credits." Instead of diffusing peace and enlightenment, it allied itself with the war machine. Eventually, even its claim to provide better jobs became suspect."