Avram Noam Chomsky is an American professor and public intellectual known for his work in linguistics, political activism, and social criticism. Sometimes called "the father of modern linguistics", Chomsky is also a major figure in analytic philosophy and one of the founders of the field of cognitive science. He is a laureate professor of linguistics at the University of Arizona and an institute professor emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Among the most cited living authors, Chomsky has written more than 150 books on topics such as linguistics, war, and politics. In addition to his work in linguistics, since the 1960s Chomsky has been an influential voice on the American left as a consistent critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, and corporate influence on political institutions and the media. Born to Ashkenazi Jewish immigrants in Philadelphia, Chomsky developed an early interest in anarchism from alternative bookstores in New York City. He studied at the University of Pennsylvania. During his postgraduate work in the Harvard Society of Fellows, Chomsky developed the theory of transformational grammar for which he earned his doctorate in 1955. That year he began teaching at MIT, and in 1957 emerged as a significant figure in linguistics with his landmark work Syntactic Structures, which played a major role in remodeling the study of language. From 1958 to 1959 Chomsky was a National Science Foundation fellow at the Institute for Advanced Study. He created or co-created the universal grammar theory, the generative grammar theory, the Chomsky hierarchy, and the minimalist program. Chomsky also played a pivotal role in the decline of linguistic behaviorism, and was particularly critical of the work of B.F. Skinner. An outspoken opponent of U.S. involvement in the Vietnam War, which he saw as an act of American imperialism, in 1967 Chomsky rose to national attention for his anti-war essay "The Responsibility of Intellectuals". Becoming associated with the New Left, he was arrested multiple times for his activism and placed on President Richard M. Nixon's list of political opponents. While expanding his work in linguistics over subsequent decades, he also became involved in the linguistics wars. In collaboration with Edward S. Herman, Chomsky later articulated the propaganda model of media criticism in Manufacturing Consent, and worked to expose the Indonesian occupation of East Timor. His defense of unconditional freedom of speech, including that of Holocaust denial, generated significant controversy in the Faurisson affair of the 1980s. Chomsky's commentary on the Cambodian genocide and the Bosnian genocide also generated controversy. Since retiring from active teaching at MIT, he has continued his vocal political activism, including opposing the 2003 invasion of Iraq and supporting the Occupy movement. An anti-Zionist, Chomsky considers Israel's treatment of Palestinians to be worse than South African鈥搒tyle apartheid, and criticizes U.S. support for Israel. Chomsky is widely recognized as having helped to spark the cognitive revolution in the human sciences, contributing to the development of a new cognitivistic framework for the study of language and the mind. Chomsky remains a leading critic of U.S. foreign policy, contemporary capitalism, U.S. involvement and Israel's role in the Israeli鈥揚alestinian conflict, and mass media. Chomsky and his ideas are highly influential in the anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist movements. Since 2017, he has been Agnese Helms Haury Chair in the Agnese Nelms Haury Program in Environment and Social Justice at the University of Arizona.
I have to admit that I did not read every word written in the book, but perhaps 60-70% of it, and I have no real burning desire to read any more.
There seems to be two kinds of Chomsky books; well constructed, meticulously researched and coherent books that focus on a particular topic/issue, and then there is the type that we find here. This is a collection of transcribed interviews, and it is hard to recommend it. It lacks the focus of many of his other books, and without references/foot notes it leaves the reader to trust Chomsky's research and the conclusions he draws. No doubt your trust would not be misled, but it gives you no starting points should you want to do further research or reading. Elsewhere Chomsky's coverage of issues is incredibly comprehensive. Here you get small, bite sized pieces that aren't quite enough to satisfy. Without greater context, background, history etc. and the room to explore the issues the book isn't nearly as engaging or educational as other works.
If you have read Chomsky before and are looking for a quick reminder/overview of some of his arguments or ideas, or you find that some of the questions posed by the interviewer are particularly interesting I suppose the book has some value. I don't think there is much truly new content here, and at times the interviewer can descend into a sort of smug self congratulatory tone; look at how insightful and enlightened we all are, and why aren't you keeping up?
Unfortunately I found it overall a disappointing experience, and I am enjoying his "Who Rules the World" much, much more. It feels almost sacrilegious to give the book it's first two-star review, and it's not that I disagree with the views Chomsky puts forward, and indeed there was some interesting content. I just don't really see a place for this on my shelf. The time and money spent on this would be much better spent reading one of his other books and I highly recommend that you seek another one out.
The interviews in this book predate the first Trump presidency and reading them in the days ahead of a second one while Israel's aggression on Gaza and the West Bank is still ongoing was something of a weird experience. I picked this one up because of the title and I can't say it did much to for my optimism of the will if I'm entirely honest.
O abjecto neoliberalismo e os malef铆cios dos EUA dentro de portas e no mundo expostos pelo Sr. Chomsky, pessoa que usa de uma lucidez not谩vel num tempo de alucina莽茫o colectiva/cegueira volunt谩ria.
Brief debate with valuable insights on the contemporary issues of global politics and its declining hegemon. With a clear resume: "We have two choices. We can be pessimistic, give up, and help ensure that the worst will happen. Or we can be optimistic, grasp the opportunities that surely exist, and maybe help make the world a better place."
If you're looking for a quick, insightful overview on the current state of US and world affairs, you could do worse than picking up this collection of recent interviews with Noam Chomsky, which covers a wide range of topics from the war on terror, immigration, capitalism, climate change, the refugee crisis, national healthcare, and much more. There's some repetition since some interviews and questions lead back to to overarching points, but they're all the kind that definitely bare repeating. This collection is also easily digested in a few sittings, or perfect for dipping in and out of for valuable perspectives on the subjects and issues that interest you the most.
More a series of transcribed interviews than a 'book'. Each chapter is an interview, they seemed to occur mostly around the 2016 time of the US Election, and consequently focus on that. The discussions range across the legacy of Obama, the election and expectations of a Trump presidency, what the future holds for US (and global) democracy and more. Really good insights and arguments (as you'd expect) -- but, the interview style does mean that some subjects are covered multiple times and can get a tad repetitive, and my real disappointment is just that the format doesn't allow a really detailed work on any of the subjects and you're often left wishing they'd talk about something a bit more than they do. I must try and find a Chomsky book that isn't just interviews...
鈥淚n one of the first modern works of political theory, David Hume observed that 鈥榩ower is in the hands of the governed鈥� if they only choose to exercise it, and ultimately, it is 鈥榖y opinion only鈥� 鈥� that is, by doctrine and propaganda 鈥� that they are prevented from exercising power. That can be overcome, and often has been.鈥� JFK 鈥渆ffectively shifted the mission of the Latin American military from 鈥榟emispheric defense鈥� to 鈥榠nternal security鈥�, a euphemism for war against the population.鈥� Declassified STRATCOM documents state, 鈥淭hat the US may become irrational and vindictive if its vital interests are attacked, should be a part of the national persona we project. It is beneficial for our strategic posture if some elements may appear to be potentially out of control.鈥� Noam says this is 鈥淣ixon鈥檚 Madman theory, except this time clearly articulated in an internal planning document.鈥� 鈥淧resident Obama鈥檚 drone campaign is by far the most vast and destructive terrorist operation now under way.鈥�
鈥淚t鈥檚 hard to find a national liberation movement that hasn鈥檛 used terror.鈥� One of those was 鈥淕eorge Washington鈥檚 Army, so much so that a large part of the population fled in fear of his terror 鈥� not to speak of the indigenous community, for whom he was 鈥渢he town destroyer鈥�. 鈥淭he United States is a settler-colonial state, which murdered the indigenous population and consigned the remnants to 鈥渞eservations鈥� while conquering half of Mexico, then expanding beyond.鈥� 鈥淨uite often democracy is considered a threat - for good reasons when we look at public opinion. World opinion regards the United States as the greatest threat to world peace by a large margin.鈥� The U.S. has yet to explain why Nelson 鈥淢andela himself remained on the US terrorist list until 2008. 鈥淚t is notable that the one country of the global South that developed was Japan, the one country that was not colonized. The correlation is not accidental.鈥� The conservative American Enterprise Institute has called the present Republican Party, 鈥渁 radical insurgency.鈥� Nick Turse says that U.S. elite forces were 鈥渄eployed to a record-shattering 147 countries in 2015.鈥� Four Latin American countries offered to take Snowden, while not one European country would risk U.S. anger. 鈥淏usiness Week (February 12, 1949), recognized that social spending could have the same 鈥減ump-priming鈥� effect as military spending but welfare and public spending redistributes income. Elites can鈥檛 have that as a side effect and so we have instead permanent war and massive income inequality 鈥� by design.
鈥淭he United States had supported Mussolini鈥檚 fascism from the 1922 takeover through the 1930鈥檚.鈥� The Marshall Plan was contingent on exclusion of communists and the anti-fascist resistance. After WWII, the US destroys the anti-fascist resistance in Greece, Italy, France, Germany, Latin America and Asia. And it also takes on 鈥渞adical nationalism鈥� in Guatemala and Bolivia. 鈥淟ike Britain before it, the United States has tended to support radical Islam and to oppose secular nationalism.鈥� 鈥淟arge-scale CIA interference in Italian politics has been public knowledge since the congressional Pike Report was leaked in 1976.鈥� 鈥�7 to 8 percent of France鈥檚 population is Muslim, whereas 70 percent of France鈥檚 prison population is Muslim.鈥� The refugee problem in Europe is 鈥渁 human catastrophe that is in substantial part because of Western crimes.鈥� Lebanon is now 25 percent Syrian (refugees). 鈥淚t is enough to recall that for hundreds of years Europe was devoted to mutual slaughter on a horrific scale.鈥� 鈥淶ionism has been a settler-colonial movement.鈥�
鈥淚t is more appropriate, I think, to ask whether the Bolsheviks had any other option for defending their power. By adopting the means they chose, they destroyed the achievements of the popular revolution. Were there alternatives?鈥� 鈥淭here was hardly a society in the world more remote from socialism than Soviet Russia, which is presented as the leading 鈥榮ocialist鈥� state. If that鈥檚 what 鈥榮ocialism鈥� is, then we ought to oppose it.鈥� 鈥淚 would put the abandonment of socialism under Lenin and Trotsky.鈥� Noam in discussing post-Revolutionary Russia refers to it as 鈥渁 kind of tyrannical state capitalism.鈥� Noam believes Stalin鈥檚 labor camps would never have happened under Lenin or Trotsky. Countering the terrible Great Leap famine numbers, Noam notes Amartya Sen鈥檚 findings that 鈥渇rom independence until 1979, when the Deng reforms began, Chinese programs on rural health and development saved the lives of 100 million people in comparison to India during the same years.鈥�
Because the Republican Party cannot 鈥渁ppeal to the public on its actual policies (dedication to the welfare of the rich)鈥� it courts Christian fanaticism, 鈥済iving them substantial influence on policy.鈥� 鈥淭oday鈥檚 red states are solidly based in the Confederacy.鈥� 鈥淭rump鈥檚 appeal seems based largely on perceptions of loss and fear.鈥� 鈥淚f you had a real capitalist economy in place, capitalists who made risky investments would be wiped out鈥�; instead the rich and powerful want a nanny state that will bail them out. 鈥淭he brutal reality of capitalism - socialism for the rich, capitalism for the poor.鈥� The US 鈥渃onstitutional system had to be set up to prevent democracy.鈥� 鈥淒emocrats have to face the fact that for forty years they have pretty much abandoned whatever commitment they had to working people. It鈥檚 quite shocking that Democrats have drifted so far from their modern New Deal origins that workers are now voting for their class enemy, not for the party of FDR.鈥� 鈥淪anders is an honest and committed New Dealer. The fact that he鈥檚 considered 鈥榬adical鈥� tells us how far the elite political spectrum has shifted to the right during the neoliberal period.鈥�
Walter Hixson has documented that for five hundred years fighting wars with almost no respite, the U.S. has been the 鈥渦ltimately militarized most nation in world history.鈥� 鈥�40 percent of the population sees it (climate change) as no problem because Christ will return in a few decades.鈥� Wilhelm von Humboldt, the founder of the university system advocated developing one鈥檚 ability to 鈥渋nquire and create鈥�. The American Dream came at the expense of genocide/forced dispossession and the 鈥渕ost vicious form of slavery that has yet existed.鈥� 鈥淚n contemporary newspeak, the word 鈥榡obs鈥� is a euphemism for the unpronounceable seven-letter word 鈥榩r鈥攖s鈥�.鈥� Climate 鈥渕igrants should have the right to move to the countries from which all these greenhouse gases are coming.鈥� 鈥淭here is evidence of CIA involvement in a virtual coup that overturned the Whitlam Labor government in Australia in 1975.鈥� For Noam, moving ahead now we need 鈥渁 far-reaching critique of the capitalist model of human and resource exploitation; even apart from its ignoring of externalities, the latter is a virtual death knell for the species.鈥� 鈥淭he task for social policy is to design the ways we live and the institutional and cultural structure of our lives so as to favor the benign and suppress the harsh and destructive aspects of our fundamental nature.鈥�
First of all I need to admit that I regret the fact that I didn't get hold of any of his works before this. This book is actually a collection of his interviews. The insights are powerful but yet I feel it was left in between. The fact that I didn't get complete answers frustrated me throughout the reading. Since I am done with this I look forward to his other works which are detailed in nature.
Please feel free to comment if you have suggestions with regards to other books of noam chomsky. I am keenly looking forward to read him more.
Well this book is poorly named... The choice for optimism described here looks more like an existential truth, as in, suicide is always an option, so at least trying to do something is better than doing nothing. The rest of the book is grim, dark and confronting. I think this book would have profited from some more side notes explaining where some of his insights com from, or at least a good recommendation on his facts. I'm certainly not denying what Chomsky sais as untruth, but to a general audience they probably will come over as conspiracy theory-like. Nevertheless I was captivated and moved (mostly angered and felt an urge to act), so I would definitely recommend this book!
En av de beste og mest lettfattelige sammenfatninga av Chomsky hittil. Det er imponerende hvor skarp og presis han er til 氓 f酶lge med n氓tidige hendelser, i en alder av n忙rmere 90 氓r. Analysene hans av Trump og forvandlingen av Det republikanske parti fra et politisk parti til en regelrett radikal sekt, er ogs氓 mer treffende enn mye annet der ute. Ettersom den sviktende stemmen hans gj酶r at det blir stadig mer krevende 氓 h酶re hva han sier i intervjuer osv., er det behagelig at noen orker 氓 lage b酶ker som dette, basert p氓 dem.
Ankepunktene mine mot boka er at enkelte av svarene p氓 noen av sp酶rsm氓lene han blir stilt, med fordel kunne blitt besvart mer utfyllende. Enkelte ganger blir man sittende igjen med like mange sp酶rsm氓l som f酶r man leste. Dette kunne ofte blitt ordnet med en liten ekstra setning. Ellers er det dessuten lite "optimism" 氓 spore i denne boka - til og med mindre enn hva tilfellet pleier 氓 v忙re med Chomsky. Det gj酶r at leseropplevelsen blir mer nedsl氓ende enn den kanskje burde v忙rt.
Like fullt er dette en kjempegod bok. Absolutt 氓 anbefale - ikke minst dersom man kjenner folk som "har lyst til 氓 bli mer oppdatert p氓 politikk". S氓nn sett er det sjelden Chomsky sl氓r feil.
The State of the World The book comprises a series of interviews gave by Noam Chomsky over the course of the last four years (from late 2013 to early 2017) and originally published in Truthout. The interviews were organized in three groups. The first deals with capitalism and its social鈥檚 consequences. The second discusses american foreign policy and its intersections with the muslin word, Russia and climate change. The third examines Chomsky鈥檚 comprehension of anarchism, communism and democracy. The book gives a glimpse of Chomsky鈥檚 ideas and considers many contemporary facts, with special attention to the Trump election. It鈥檚 an enlightening exposition of Chomsky鈥檚 political views.
A fairly enjoyable overview of some of Chomsky's thoughts on foreign policy, domestic U.S. politics, the climate crisis, nuclear war, and so on. The book is framed through conversations between C.J. Polychroniou and Chomsky himself. Some of his responses are lengthy and detailed, but some quite frankly miss the mark. They are sometimes too short or do not seriously address the question at all.
Overall though, "Optimism over Despair" is a highly straightforward collection of Chomsky's thoughts.
Another great read from Chomsky, this book is set out in the usual question and answer format, which I find more engaging and it maintains my interest in the subject matter, and it also makes for very easy reading. Written in early 2017 it covers the US election and the subsequent election of tRump into the White House.
Some of the insightful chapters included:
Global struggles for Dominance ISIS, NATO and Russia (somewhat prevelant now) America in the Trump Era The Republican base Is "Out of Control" Socialisim for the rich, Capitalism for the poor The US Health system is an International Scandal Is the United States ready for Socialism And Finally "Why I choose Optimism over Despair"
A compilation of interviews with Chomsky where he describes how the American politics system transformed in the last century, describing their interventions across the world and the evolution of the two main parties culminating in how we got to Donald getting elected in 2016. It describes a lot of different matters and I鈥檒l probably will read more of his works in the future.
Several times in this collection of interviews, Chomsky reiterates a point that, I think, he gets in one form from Confucius. Essentially, it's the notion that the wise man recognizes when he is utterly defeated, but fights anyway. That, Chomsky asserts, is our choice. "Not much of a choice," he adds, and it's there, after articulating this point, that the interview stops.
I honestly don't know how else to look at the world as we enter 2019. Early barometers are not encouraging. When this book was published, the UN hadn't yet released its devastating report on climate change, but activists like Chomsky, and environmental activists overall, were hardly shocked by it, I'm sure. Currently we're days into a shutdown so Trump can get his stupid wall, and the establishment GOP, like Lindsey Graham, is bending itself into knots trying to argue asinine points like "the wall is really a metaphor," and "we're not asking Mexico to pay for it; we're asking the American people to pay for it." And the stock market is still drunk/hung over.
But Chomsky's calm, wide ranging take on affairs gives, if not hope, at least the potential for it. He reminds us over and over again that change always takes place through popular movements, and that the population actually makes a lot of sense on matters related to climate change, financial regulation, education and a host of others. Institutions of power do not want democracy because it threatens their power; recognizing this, and pointing out the discrepancy where it emerges, is child's play compared to the steps that will have to be taken to save the planet, but it's important work. He's been doing it for over half a century. We need to as well.
Het boek bestaat uit hoofdstukken waarin CJ Polychroniou Noam Chomsky ondervraagt over mondiale politiek, van de groeiende ongelijkheid, de oorlogen die de VS steeds weer aangaat, klimaatverandering en de dreiging van een nucleaire oorlog. Wat zo gaaf is aan Chomsky is dat hij in 1928 is geboren en vanaf de jaren '30 de wereld heeft zien veranderen. Hij heeft dus veel van de ontwikkelingen die hij bespreekt, zelf meegemaakt. Al is het maar door het nieuws kritisch te volgen. Het is fijn dat deze best ingewikkelde onderwerpen zijn opgedeeld in hoofdstukken van ca. 10 pagina's en dat de hoofdstukken weer zijn opgedeeld in vraag-en-antwoord. Zelfs met die hapklare brokken heb ik er vier weken over gedaan om het uit te lezen. Er zijn twee minpunten aan dit boek: eerste is dat de vragen die Polychroniou stelt, nogal richting geven aan het antwoord. De achterliggende reden is dat Polychroniou enorm goed op de hoogte is van het werk van Chomsky. Tweede nadeel is dat 95% van het boek gaat over de despair. Het laatste hoofdstuk heet: Why I choose optimism over despair. En de uitwerking van het antwoord is wel heel kort. 'We have two choices. We can be pessimistic, give up, and help ensure that the worst will happen. Or we can be optimistic, grasp the opportunities that surely exist, and maybe help make the world a better place. Not much of a choice.' Daar wil ik graag bij helpen, maar iets meer handvatten waren fijn geweest. Ondanks mijn kritiek 5 sterren. Ik had dit boek niet willen missen, het maakt me een beter mens.
A nice summary on the views of one of the most influential public intellectuals of the 20th century. The book is done in the form of an interview, which cover the main questions leading up to the 2016 elections, and the future of world politics. The critique of contemporary capitalism, and the neoliberal free market economic system is well structured, and convincing, without being excessively complex. There is a strong undertone in the book of lost hope, ironic as the book is called "Optimism over Despair". Chomsky sees little way out of the oncoming climate change crisis, the increasingly low living standards, and the disparagingly high wealth inequality, which is now at its highest in history.
the book then also ends with,
"We have two choices. We can be pessimistic, give up, and help ensure that the worst will happen. Or we can be optimistic, grasp the opportunities that surely exist, and maybe help make the world a better place. Not much of a choice."
The usual Chomsky with his view of the world with whom I agree, even because otherwise I wouldn't read his books. My only question is why the title is optimism over despair when, after reading the book, despair overwhelms optimism by far....
Il solito Chomsky con la sua visione del mondo, che io ovviamente condivido altrimenti non leggerei i suoi libri. La mi unica domanda riguarda in effetti il titolo, considerato che dopo aver finito il libro la disperazione superava di gran lunga l'ottimismo....
It's one of those Chomsky books that's mainly a collation of relevant interviews, some very recent to the book's publication date of 2017. It's refreshing to see that even though there may be various interviews spanning different periods there is a lot of consistency in Chomsky's thought and general scholarly directions. He has investigated very deeply in the various topics he covers and it's always an enlightening read. As for the title 'Optimism over Despair', I'd disagree - I think the book gave me a more pessimistic outlook!
Nunca 茅 demais ler o que tem Chomsky a dizer sobre o que quer que seja: 茅 sempre instrutivo e, no m铆nimo, leva-nos a questionar a vers茫o oficial dos acontecimentos. Por isso, a nota莽茫o atribu铆da prende-se muito mais com a tradu莽茫o, que me parece executada de forma mec芒nica, muito literal, sem o cuidado de adequar o significado das express玫es utilizadas 脿s correspondentes em portugu锚s, ignorando assim as idiossincrasias sem芒nticas de cada idioma, do que propriamente com o m茅rito de conte煤do, este sempre de elevad铆ssimo n铆vel.
I considered giving this just 4 stars out of spite since there is exactly one paragraph of optimism in the entire book, and it's the final paragraph:
"We have two choices. We can be pessimistic, give up, and help ensure the worst will happen. Or we can be optimistic, grasp the opportunities that surely exist, and maybe help make the world a better place. Not much of a choice."
Este es mi primer acercamiento a Chomsky desde el punto de vista pol铆tico. Ha sido muy 煤til, puesto que soy una ne贸fita sobre el asunto. La desventaja (o ventaja) es que es muy reiterativo. Fuera de ello, el contenido es excepcional. Muy valioso si queremos cuestionarnos la situaci贸n pol铆tica y econ贸mica de EUA y el mundo.
In the face of a crushing class war and an environmental catastrophe has brought on an extinction event that will surpass the one six million years ago, Chomsky calls for optimism. A depressed resignation, though completely natural will never lead to the change we need. Chomsky calls instead for action.
I have to agree with an earlier reviewer who felt after reading the book that optimism is less appropriate than despair at this point. Still, Chomsky鈥檚 assessment of where we are and how we got here is well worth reading.
Easy reading but not very uplifting. The optimism in the title is only titular. Chomsky concludes his book of interviews by saying that choosing optimism is the only logical choice to make. A philosopher's argument, yes, but not particularly warming. Honest, though.
There are some very interesting takes and discussions throughout. Heavy going though and lost me at times when it was a bit repetitive. Still very interesting, Noam is a smart dude with some very interesting opinions worth listening to