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Fascist politics does not necessarily lead to an explicitly fascist state, but it is dangerous nonetheless. Fascist politics includes many distinct strategies: the mythic past, propaganda, anti-intellectualism, unreality, hierarchy, victimhood, law and order, sexual anxiety, appeals to the heartland, and a dismantling of public welfare and unity.

In book 8 of Plato鈥檚 Republic, Socrates argues that people are not naturally led to self-governance but rather seek a strong leader to follow. Democracy, by permitting freedom of speech, opens the door for a demagogue to exploit the people鈥檚 need for a strongman; the strongman will use this freedom to prey on the people鈥檚 resentments and fears. Once the strongman seizes power, he will end democracy, replacing it with tyranny. In short, book 8 of The Republic argues that democracy is a self-undermining system whose very ideals lead to its own demise. Fascists have always been well acquainted with this recipe for using democracy鈥檚 liberties against itself; Nazi propaganda minister Joseph Goebbels once declared, 鈥淭his will always remain one of the best jokes of democracy, that it gave its deadly enemies the means by which it was destroyed.鈥� Today is no different from the past. Again, we find the enemies of liberal democracy employing this strategy, pushing the freedom of speech to its limits and ultimately using it to subvert others鈥� speech.

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In a 1922 speech at the Fascist Congress in Naples, Benito Mussolini declared: We have created our myth. The myth is a faith, a passion. It is not necessary for it to be a reality鈥�.Our myth is the nation, our myth is the greatness of the nation! And to this myth, this greatness, which we want to translate into a total reality, we subordinate everything. Here, Mussolini makes clear that the fascist mythic past is intentionally mythical. The function of the mythic past, in fascist politics, is to harness the emotion of nostalgia to the central tenets of fascist ideology鈥攁uthoritarianism, hierarchy, purity, and struggle.

鈥淐heck your privilege鈥� is a call to whites to recognize the insulated social reality they navigate daily.

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Hutu power movement was a fascist ethnic supremacist movement that arose in Rwanda in the years before the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

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Nixon鈥檚 chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman: 鈥淵ou have to face the fact that the whole problem is really the blacks,鈥� Haldeman quoted Nixon as saying in a diary entry from April 1969. 鈥淭he key is to devise a system that recognizes this while not appearing to.鈥�

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Mussolini denounce{d} the world鈥檚 great cities, such as New York, for their teeming populations of nonwhites. In fascist ideology, the city is a place where members of the nation go to age and die, childless, surrounded by the vast hordes of despised others, breeding out of control, their children permanent burdens on the state.

Pratap Mehta wrote: 'The targeting of enemies鈥攎inorities, liberals, secularists, leftists, urban naxals, intellectuals, assorted protestors鈥攊s not driven by a calculus of ordinary politics鈥�.When you legitimize yourself entirely by inventing enemies, the truth ceases to matter, normal restraints of civilization and decency cease to matter, the checks and balances of normal politics cease to matter.'

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In fascist politics, women who do not fit traditional gender roles, nonwhites, homosexuals, immigrants, 鈥渄ecadent cosmopolitans,鈥� those who do not have the dominant religion, are in their very existence violations of law and order. By describing black Americans as a threat to law and order, demagogues in the United States have been able to create a strong sense of white national identity that requires protection from the nonwhite 鈥渢hreat.鈥�

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The dangers of fascist politics come from the particular way in which it dehumanizes segments of the population. By excluding these groups, it limits the capacity for empathy among other citizens, leading to the justification of inhumane treatment, from repression of freedom, mass imprisonment, and expulsion to, in extreme cases, mass extermination.

political theorists have known that democracy cannot flourish on soil poisoned by inequality. It is not merely that the resentments bred by such divisions are tempting targets for a demagogue. The more important point is that dramatic inequality poses a mortal danger to the shared reality required for a healthy liberal democracy.

There are two principal ways in which reflective human beings try, by placing their lives in a larger context, to give sense to those lives. The first is by telling the Story of their contribution to a community. This community may be the actual historical one in which they live, or another actual one, distant in time or place, or a quite imaginary one, consisting perhaps of a dozen heroes and heroines selected from history or fiction or both, The second way is to describe themselves as standing in immediate relation to a nonhuman reality.

Hitler, because in his own joyless mind he feels it with exceptional strength, knows that human beings don鈥檛 only want comfort, safety, short working-hours, hygiene, birth-control and, in general, common sense; they also, at least intermittently, want struggle and self-sacrifice, not to mention drums, flags and loyalty-parades. However they may be as economic theories, Fascism and Nazism are psychologically far sounder than any hedonistic conception of life.

The concern about this kind of writing is that it presents those who seek a natural source for inequality as brave truth-seekers, driven by reason to reject the heart's plea for equality. This research has proven to be suspect, at best. And yet, the search for the natural source of inequality . . . as fact somehow continues, grail-like.