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楔谢褟褏 写芯 薪械褋胁芯斜芯写懈: 袪芯褋褨褟, 袆胁褉芯锌邪, 袗屑械褉懈泻邪
芦楔谢褟褏 写芯 薪械褋胁芯斜芯写懈禄 鈥� 芯写薪邪 褨蟹 薪邪泄胁邪卸谢懈胁褨褕懈褏 写谢褟 褍泻褉邪褩薪褋褜泻芯谐芯 褔懈褌邪褔邪 泻薪懈谐 孝褨屑芯褌褨 小薪邪泄写械褉邪, 斜芯 胁芯薪邪 锌褉芯 薪邪褋, 锌褉芯 褨褋褌芯褉褨褞, 褋胁褨写泻邪屑懈 泄 褍褔邪褋薪懈泻邪屑懈 褟泻芯褩 屑懈 褦 褌褍褌 褨 褌械锌械褉. 笑械 泻薪懈卸泻邪 锌褉芯 锌芯写褨褩, 锌芯谢褨褌懈褔薪褨 褎褨谐褍褉懈 褌邪 谐谢芯斜邪谢褜薪褨 褨写械褩, 褟泻褨 锌褉懈褏芯胁邪薪褨 蟹邪 褑懈屑懈 锌芯写褨褟屑懈.
孝褨屑芯褌褨 小薪邪泄写械褉 邪薪邪谢褨蟹褍褦 褋泻谢邪写薪褨 褌邪 写褉邪屑邪褌懈褔薪褨 褌褉邪薪褋褎芯褉屑邪褑褨褩 胁 袪芯褋褨褩, 校泻褉邪褩薪褨, 袆胁褉芯锌褨 褌邪 小楔袗 胁褨写 2011 写芯 2016 褉芯泻褍. 小械褉械写 谐芯谢芯胁薪懈褏 锌芯写褨泄 鈥� 褉芯褋褨泄褋褜泻褨 锌褉芯褌械褋褌懈 薪邪 袘芯谢芯褌薪褨泄 锌谢芯褖褨 胁 袦芯褋泻胁褨, 袪械胁芯谢褞褑褨褟 袚褨写薪芯褋褌褨 胁 校泻褉邪褩薪褨, 邪薪械泻褋褨褟 袣褉懈屑褍 褌邪 胁褌芯褉谐薪械薪薪褟 袪芯褋褨褩 薪邪 袛芯薪斜邪褋, 泻褉懈蟹邪 斜褨卸械薪褑褨胁, 袘褉械泻蟹懈褌 褨 锌械褉械屑芯谐邪 袛芯薪邪谢褜写邪 孝褉邪屑锌邪 薪邪 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌褋褜泻懈褏 胁懈斜芯褉邪褏 褍 小楔袗.
孝褨屑芯褌褨 小薪邪泄写械褉 薪械 谢懈褕械 褋褌邪胁懈褌褜 锌懈褌邪薪薪褟 锌褉芯 褌械, 褔芯屑褍 卸 褨写械褟 芦泻褨薪褑褟 褨褋褌芯褉褨褩禄 斜褍谢邪 锌芯屑懈谢泻芯胁芯褞. 袙褨薪 写芯胁芯写懈褌褜, 褟泻 蟹邪泻谢邪写械薪邪 胁 芦泻褨薪械褑褜 褨褋褌芯褉褨褩禄 薪械褍薪懈泻薪褨褋褌褜, 邪斜芯 卸, 褨薪褕懈屑懈 褋谢芯胁邪屑懈, 写褍屑泻邪 锌褉芯 褌械, 褖芯 芦褨写械褩 薪械 屑邪褞褌褜 蟹薪邪褔械薪薪褟禄, 屑芯谐谢邪 写芯泻谢邪褋褌懈褋褟 写芯 褋褌胁芯褉械薪薪褟 褋褍褔邪褋薪芯谐芯 锌芯谢褨褌懈褔薪芯谐芯 泻谢褨屑邪褌褍.
孝褨屑芯褌褨 小薪邪泄写械褉 邪薪邪谢褨蟹褍褦 褋泻谢邪写薪褨 褌邪 写褉邪屑邪褌懈褔薪褨 褌褉邪薪褋褎芯褉屑邪褑褨褩 胁 袪芯褋褨褩, 校泻褉邪褩薪褨, 袆胁褉芯锌褨 褌邪 小楔袗 胁褨写 2011 写芯 2016 褉芯泻褍. 小械褉械写 谐芯谢芯胁薪懈褏 锌芯写褨泄 鈥� 褉芯褋褨泄褋褜泻褨 锌褉芯褌械褋褌懈 薪邪 袘芯谢芯褌薪褨泄 锌谢芯褖褨 胁 袦芯褋泻胁褨, 袪械胁芯谢褞褑褨褟 袚褨写薪芯褋褌褨 胁 校泻褉邪褩薪褨, 邪薪械泻褋褨褟 袣褉懈屑褍 褌邪 胁褌芯褉谐薪械薪薪褟 袪芯褋褨褩 薪邪 袛芯薪斜邪褋, 泻褉懈蟹邪 斜褨卸械薪褑褨胁, 袘褉械泻蟹懈褌 褨 锌械褉械屑芯谐邪 袛芯薪邪谢褜写邪 孝褉邪屑锌邪 薪邪 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌褋褜泻懈褏 胁懈斜芯褉邪褏 褍 小楔袗.
孝褨屑芯褌褨 小薪邪泄写械褉 薪械 谢懈褕械 褋褌邪胁懈褌褜 锌懈褌邪薪薪褟 锌褉芯 褌械, 褔芯屑褍 卸 褨写械褟 芦泻褨薪褑褟 褨褋褌芯褉褨褩禄 斜褍谢邪 锌芯屑懈谢泻芯胁芯褞. 袙褨薪 写芯胁芯写懈褌褜, 褟泻 蟹邪泻谢邪写械薪邪 胁 芦泻褨薪械褑褜 褨褋褌芯褉褨褩禄 薪械褍薪懈泻薪褨褋褌褜, 邪斜芯 卸, 褨薪褕懈屑懈 褋谢芯胁邪屑懈, 写褍屑泻邪 锌褉芯 褌械, 褖芯 芦褨写械褩 薪械 屑邪褞褌褜 蟹薪邪褔械薪薪褟禄, 屑芯谐谢邪 写芯泻谢邪褋褌懈褋褟 写芯 褋褌胁芯褉械薪薪褟 褋褍褔邪褋薪芯谐芯 锌芯谢褨褌懈褔薪芯谐芯 泻谢褨屑邪褌褍.
392 pages, Hardcover
First published April 3, 2018
2,611 people are currently reading
24.8k people want to read
About the author
Timothy Snyder
68听books4,945听followersTimothy Snyder is Housum Professor of History at Yale University and a permanent fellow at the Institute for Human Sciences. He received his doctorate from the University of Oxford in 1997, where he was a British Marshall Scholar. He has held fellowships in Paris, Vienna, and Warsaw, and an Academy Scholarship at Harvard.
His most recent book is Black Earth: The Holocaust as History and Warning, published in September 2015 by Crown Books. He is author also of Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin (2010), a history of Nazi and Soviet mass killing on the lands between Berlin and Moscow. A New York Times bestseller and a book of the year according to The Atlantic, The Independent, The Financial Times, the Telegraph, and the New Statesman, it has won twelve awards including the Emerson Prize in the Humanities, a Literature Award from the American Academy of Arts and Letters, the Leipzig Award for European Understanding, and the Hannah Arendt Prize in Political Thought.
His other award-winning publications include Nationalism, Marxism, and Modern Central Europe: A Biography of Kazimierz Kelles-Krauz (1998); The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569-1999 (2003); Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine (2005); The Red Prince: The Secret Lives of A Habsburg Archduke (2008), and Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin (2010).
Snyder helped Tony Judt to compose a thematic history of political ideas and intellectuals in politics, Thinking the Twentieth Century (2012). He is also the co-editor of Stalin and Europe: Terror, War, Domination and Wall Around the West: State Power and Immigration Controls in Europe and North America (2001).
Snyder was the recipient of an inaugural Andrew Carnegie Fellowship in 2015. He is a member of the Committee on Conscience of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and sits on the advisory council of the Yivo Institute for Jewish Research Research.
He teaches undergraduate and graduate courses in modern East European political history.
His most recent book is Black Earth: The Holocaust as History and Warning, published in September 2015 by Crown Books. He is author also of Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin (2010), a history of Nazi and Soviet mass killing on the lands between Berlin and Moscow. A New York Times bestseller and a book of the year according to The Atlantic, The Independent, The Financial Times, the Telegraph, and the New Statesman, it has won twelve awards including the Emerson Prize in the Humanities, a Literature Award from the American Academy of Arts and Letters, the Leipzig Award for European Understanding, and the Hannah Arendt Prize in Political Thought.
His other award-winning publications include Nationalism, Marxism, and Modern Central Europe: A Biography of Kazimierz Kelles-Krauz (1998); The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569-1999 (2003); Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist's Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine (2005); The Red Prince: The Secret Lives of A Habsburg Archduke (2008), and Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin (2010).
Snyder helped Tony Judt to compose a thematic history of political ideas and intellectuals in politics, Thinking the Twentieth Century (2012). He is also the co-editor of Stalin and Europe: Terror, War, Domination and Wall Around the West: State Power and Immigration Controls in Europe and North America (2001).
Snyder was the recipient of an inaugural Andrew Carnegie Fellowship in 2015. He is a member of the Committee on Conscience of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and sits on the advisory council of the Yivo Institute for Jewish Research Research.
He teaches undergraduate and graduate courses in modern East European political history.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 1,274 reviews
April 5, 2018
The Road to Unfreedom was not the book I was expecting it to be, which is not necessarily a problem, since the thing it was is at least as good as the thing I thought it would be. What I was expecting was a sort of parallel history study of Russia, the European Union, and the United States, showing how various global trends have influenced each of these entities in similar ways. What I got was a very learned history of Modern Russia under Vladimir Putin and an clear explanation of how he has influenced both Europe and the United States for his own political ends.
The book is part theory and part journalism, and the theory is important to understanding the journalism. The basic theoretical narrative that Snyder offers goes something like this: the two major dysfunctions in a society are 鈥渢he politics of inevitability鈥� and 鈥渢he politics of eternity.鈥� The politics of inevitable are fueled by wrongful optimism鈥攖he belief that history is guaranteed to take a certain direction, so there is no need to worry about anything. Classical Marxism is a manifestation of the politics of inevitability because it sees history as inevitably ending up with a socialist revolution and the overthrow of capitalism. A similar politics of inevitability saturated America after the end of the Cold War, as neoconservatives touted 鈥渢he end of history,鈥� or the belief that free-market capitalism and liberal democracy remained the only viable ideology in the world.
The politics of inevitability is pretty straightforward. The politics of eternity is harder to understand, partly, I think, because Snyder鈥檚 terminology doesn鈥檛 really work here. What he means is something more like 鈥減olitics unmoored from history.鈥� Where the politics of inevitability are driven by hope, the politics of eternity are driven by despair. In this phase, leaders portray their nation as a uniquely moral entity that has been historically misunderstood and besieged by enemies. It looks to the past for challenges and then presents those past challenges as present realities. And it presents the problems to be solved as so great that no government could ever solve them. All that a leader can do is protect the country from its eternal threats and preserve its eternal righteousness. Fascism is perhaps the clearest example of a form of government based on the politics of eternity.
The politics of eternity requires not only the suspension of historical understanding, but a suspension of truth. It cannot exist in a world of verifiable facts that motivate actions, so it must go to great lengths to separate the people from the facts. This means authoritarian suppression of speech, of course, but it also means massive propaganda. But the propaganda is not so much aimed at convincing people to believe that a lie is true as it is aimed at convincing people that NOTHING is true, so they might as well believe whatever is most convenient. The propagandists of this kind of state, as their most basic mode of communication, work to undermine people鈥檚 belief in facts. When this is gone, then the state assumes the right to declare what is true, and the leader lies with impunity simply to force other people to become complicit in the charade.
In different ways, the politics of inevitability and the politics of eternity both bolster the authoritarian state because they both relieve people of any responsibility for the future:
With this theoretical model in place, Snyder spends several chapters showing how Russia under Putin has moved from inevitability to eternity. A lot of this is fairly dense intellectual history, as the professor shows how the clearly fascist World War II-era ideas of Ivan Ilyin were rehabilitated by Putin and other Russian elite. He goes through a series of pro-fascist Russian intellectuals that produced the intellectual environment for Putin鈥檚 state.
What comes through very clearly here is that Putin is a fascist. Full stop. That he has not been quiet about that in his speeches and writings in Russia. He has openly quoted acknowledged fascist writers and promoted them to highly visible positions. He has labeled America and Western Europe decadent enemies to Russia, driven by a mad compulsion to homosexualize the world by forcing everybody to allow gay marriage. This is apparently the most important issue in Putin鈥檚 internal politics. Putin has manipulated elections (his own and others) and suppressed any kind of democratic freedom. Any gestures of friendship that he makes to America or Europe must be understood in this context: he has pledged to his home audience that he will destroy us.
Here Snyder brings in another theoretical concept, but a very easy one to understand. He calls it 鈥渟trategic relativism,鈥� which means, in his words, 鈥淩ussia cannot become stronger, so it must make others weaker. The simplest way to make others weaker is to make them more like Russia.鈥�
This principle, Snyder argues, has driven Russia鈥檚 policy towards the West since around 2008. The two primary targets have been the European Union and the United States. A part of this strategy was the invasion of Ukraine in 2014. This was done because Russia鈥檚 own geopolitical ambitions call for the creation of a Eurasian state that balances the EU. But it was also done because Ukraine was getting too close to Europe, and Putin wanted to deprive the EU and Ukraine from each other. The invasion of Ukraine was only a modest success鈥攊f even that鈥攁s a military exercise. But it was a triumph of propaganda, as Russia figured out how to manipulate world opinion through bald-faced lies, Twitter, and Facebook.
And this is the new front of the assault on both the EU and the US. The Russians have figured out how to exploit democracy鈥檚 design flaws by flooding social media channels with misinformation and by cultivating Westerners through huge capital transfers and overt blackmail. Brexit was one example of this. Donald Trump is another. Both, Snyder argues, could not have been possible without Russia.
All of this leads up to a final chapter that is as devastating an indictment of Donald Trump as we are likely to get until the Mueller investigation comes to light. Trump, he shows, has been groomed by the Russians for years, starting in the 1990s when he was deep in debt and unable to pay his bills. The Russians transferred huge amounts of money to him through unsecured loans and purchases of real estate at wildly inflated prices. Trump鈥檚 first campaign manager鈥擯aul Manafort鈥攎ade millions advising Russians and pro-Russian Ukranians on political strategies, and nearly every member of Trump鈥檚 inner circle during the campaign had extensive contact with Russian agents.
So this is not just a few post on social media. Russia created a fictional character that Snyder calls 鈥淒onald Trump, successful businessman.鈥� It capitalized a basically bankrupt real-estate developer and then started selling him to the world as a politician. This does not necessarily mean that Trump himself collaborated with the Russians. Snyder is careful to note that. It is just as likely that he is a useful tool whose ambition and ignorance made him a perfect fit for Russian intdeligierests. But there is no doubt whatsoever that pretty much everything Trump has done since becoming president is exactly what Putin and Russia wanted to happen.
And Trump has governed according to Putin鈥檚 playbook, which is what Snyder calls 鈥渢he politics of eternity.鈥� Elements of this kind of politics include
The end game here鈥攁nd there is an end game鈥攊s that Americans become so distrustful of the rule of law and the political system that they no longer believe that anything they do will matter. It does not matter to Putin if Trump is shown to be a corrupt, bumbling liar. What he wants us to believe is that everybody is a corrupt, bumbling liar, so one is just as good as another. And if we get there, we will be as miserable as the people in Russia are, and Putin will have won by making us just like him. Without increasing Russia鈥檚 actual power, he will have increased Russia鈥檚 relative power by decreasing ours.
Or we could, you know, do something else.
The book is part theory and part journalism, and the theory is important to understanding the journalism. The basic theoretical narrative that Snyder offers goes something like this: the two major dysfunctions in a society are 鈥渢he politics of inevitability鈥� and 鈥渢he politics of eternity.鈥� The politics of inevitable are fueled by wrongful optimism鈥攖he belief that history is guaranteed to take a certain direction, so there is no need to worry about anything. Classical Marxism is a manifestation of the politics of inevitability because it sees history as inevitably ending up with a socialist revolution and the overthrow of capitalism. A similar politics of inevitability saturated America after the end of the Cold War, as neoconservatives touted 鈥渢he end of history,鈥� or the belief that free-market capitalism and liberal democracy remained the only viable ideology in the world.
The politics of inevitability is pretty straightforward. The politics of eternity is harder to understand, partly, I think, because Snyder鈥檚 terminology doesn鈥檛 really work here. What he means is something more like 鈥減olitics unmoored from history.鈥� Where the politics of inevitability are driven by hope, the politics of eternity are driven by despair. In this phase, leaders portray their nation as a uniquely moral entity that has been historically misunderstood and besieged by enemies. It looks to the past for challenges and then presents those past challenges as present realities. And it presents the problems to be solved as so great that no government could ever solve them. All that a leader can do is protect the country from its eternal threats and preserve its eternal righteousness. Fascism is perhaps the clearest example of a form of government based on the politics of eternity.
The politics of eternity requires not only the suspension of historical understanding, but a suspension of truth. It cannot exist in a world of verifiable facts that motivate actions, so it must go to great lengths to separate the people from the facts. This means authoritarian suppression of speech, of course, but it also means massive propaganda. But the propaganda is not so much aimed at convincing people to believe that a lie is true as it is aimed at convincing people that NOTHING is true, so they might as well believe whatever is most convenient. The propagandists of this kind of state, as their most basic mode of communication, work to undermine people鈥檚 belief in facts. When this is gone, then the state assumes the right to declare what is true, and the leader lies with impunity simply to force other people to become complicit in the charade.
In different ways, the politics of inevitability and the politics of eternity both bolster the authoritarian state because they both relieve people of any responsibility for the future:
Whereas inevitability promises a better future for everyone, eternity places one nation at the center of a cyclical story of victimhood. Time is no longer a line into the future, but a circle that endlessly returns the same threats from the past. Within inevitability, no one is responsible because we all know that the details will sort themselves out for the better; within eternity, no one is responsible because we all know that the enemy is coming no matter what we do. Eternity politicians spread the conviction that government cannot aid society as a whole, but can only guard against threats. (8)
With this theoretical model in place, Snyder spends several chapters showing how Russia under Putin has moved from inevitability to eternity. A lot of this is fairly dense intellectual history, as the professor shows how the clearly fascist World War II-era ideas of Ivan Ilyin were rehabilitated by Putin and other Russian elite. He goes through a series of pro-fascist Russian intellectuals that produced the intellectual environment for Putin鈥檚 state.
What comes through very clearly here is that Putin is a fascist. Full stop. That he has not been quiet about that in his speeches and writings in Russia. He has openly quoted acknowledged fascist writers and promoted them to highly visible positions. He has labeled America and Western Europe decadent enemies to Russia, driven by a mad compulsion to homosexualize the world by forcing everybody to allow gay marriage. This is apparently the most important issue in Putin鈥檚 internal politics. Putin has manipulated elections (his own and others) and suppressed any kind of democratic freedom. Any gestures of friendship that he makes to America or Europe must be understood in this context: he has pledged to his home audience that he will destroy us.
Here Snyder brings in another theoretical concept, but a very easy one to understand. He calls it 鈥渟trategic relativism,鈥� which means, in his words, 鈥淩ussia cannot become stronger, so it must make others weaker. The simplest way to make others weaker is to make them more like Russia.鈥�
This principle, Snyder argues, has driven Russia鈥檚 policy towards the West since around 2008. The two primary targets have been the European Union and the United States. A part of this strategy was the invasion of Ukraine in 2014. This was done because Russia鈥檚 own geopolitical ambitions call for the creation of a Eurasian state that balances the EU. But it was also done because Ukraine was getting too close to Europe, and Putin wanted to deprive the EU and Ukraine from each other. The invasion of Ukraine was only a modest success鈥攊f even that鈥攁s a military exercise. But it was a triumph of propaganda, as Russia figured out how to manipulate world opinion through bald-faced lies, Twitter, and Facebook.
And this is the new front of the assault on both the EU and the US. The Russians have figured out how to exploit democracy鈥檚 design flaws by flooding social media channels with misinformation and by cultivating Westerners through huge capital transfers and overt blackmail. Brexit was one example of this. Donald Trump is another. Both, Snyder argues, could not have been possible without Russia.
All of this leads up to a final chapter that is as devastating an indictment of Donald Trump as we are likely to get until the Mueller investigation comes to light. Trump, he shows, has been groomed by the Russians for years, starting in the 1990s when he was deep in debt and unable to pay his bills. The Russians transferred huge amounts of money to him through unsecured loans and purchases of real estate at wildly inflated prices. Trump鈥檚 first campaign manager鈥擯aul Manafort鈥攎ade millions advising Russians and pro-Russian Ukranians on political strategies, and nearly every member of Trump鈥檚 inner circle during the campaign had extensive contact with Russian agents.
So this is not just a few post on social media. Russia created a fictional character that Snyder calls 鈥淒onald Trump, successful businessman.鈥� It capitalized a basically bankrupt real-estate developer and then started selling him to the world as a politician. This does not necessarily mean that Trump himself collaborated with the Russians. Snyder is careful to note that. It is just as likely that he is a useful tool whose ambition and ignorance made him a perfect fit for Russian intdeligierests. But there is no doubt whatsoever that pretty much everything Trump has done since becoming president is exactly what Putin and Russia wanted to happen.
And Trump has governed according to Putin鈥檚 playbook, which is what Snyder calls 鈥渢he politics of eternity.鈥� Elements of this kind of politics include
--Constant reference to a past era of greatness
--Hyperfocus on enemies who are enemies because of who they are and not what they do
--A profound belief in a zero-sum (or a negative-sum) world
--Willingness to hurt oneself if, in doing so, you can hurt someone else more
--The manufacture of crises and conflicts where none exist in order to control the news cycle
--Constant labeling of information sources as 鈥渇ake鈥� in an effort to delegitimize any source of truth
--Repetition of blatant, easily verifiable lies with no evidence to back them up other than the fact of the assertion
The end game here鈥攁nd there is an end game鈥攊s that Americans become so distrustful of the rule of law and the political system that they no longer believe that anything they do will matter. It does not matter to Putin if Trump is shown to be a corrupt, bumbling liar. What he wants us to believe is that everybody is a corrupt, bumbling liar, so one is just as good as another. And if we get there, we will be as miserable as the people in Russia are, and Putin will have won by making us just like him. Without increasing Russia鈥檚 actual power, he will have increased Russia鈥檚 relative power by decreasing ours.
Or we could, you know, do something else.
June 9, 2023
Excellent new article on Putin....
======
Putin's Puppet
By the late 1990s, Trump was generally considered to be uncreditworthy and bankrupt. He owed about four billion dollars to more than seventy banks, of which some $800 million was personally guaranteed. He never showed any inclination or capacity to pay back this debt. After his 2004 bankruptcy, no American bank would lend him money. The only bank that did so was Deutsche Bank, whose colorful history of scandal belied its staid name. Meanwhile, Deutsche Bank laundered about $10 billion for Russian clients between 2011 and 2015.
Russians had to transform a failed real estate developer into a recipient of their capital. Second, this failed real estate developer had to portray, on American television, a successful businessman. Finally, Russia intervened with purpose and success to support the fictional character 鈥淒onald Trump, successful businessman鈥� in the 2016 presidential election.
Russians knew Trump for what he was: not the 鈥淰ERY successful businessman鈥� of his tweets but an American loser who became a Russian tool.
Russian money saved him from the fate that would normally await anyone with his record of failure.
A Russian oligarch bought a house from Trump for $55 million more than Trump had paid for it. The buyer, Dmitry Rybolovlev, never showed any interest in the property and never lived there鈥攂ut later, when Trump ran for president, Rybolovlev appeared in places where Trump was campaigning. Trump鈥檚 apparent business, real estate development, had become a Russian charade. Having realized that apartment complexes could be used to launder money, Russians used Trump鈥檚 name to build more buildings.
======
"In the end, though, freedom depends upon citizens who are able to make a distinction between what is true and what they want to hear. Authoritarianism arrives not because people say that they want it, but because they lose the ability to distinguish between facts and desires."
=======
The best historian of our time and an engaging writer.
In this book the reader gets the whole story of the warped thinking that led to the 2022 invasion of Ukraine.
The Russian leader鈥檚 pretext for invasion recasts Ukraine鈥檚 Jewish president as a Nazi and Russian Christians as true victims of the Holocaust.
from the book....
Russia cannot become stronger, so it must make others weaker. The simplest way to make others weaker is to make them more like Russia. Rather than addressing its problems, Russia exports them; and one of its basic problems is the absence of a succession principle. Russian opposes European and American democracy to ensure that Russians do not see democracy might work as a succession principle in their own country.
鈥淓verything begins in mystique [religion] and ends in politics鈥�
-Charles P茅guy
Rather than governing, the leader produces crisis and spectacle. Sound familiar?
Democracy and capitalism were never going to work in Russia. Markets require the rule of law, which was the most demanding aspect of the post-Soviet transformations. Americans, taking the rule of law for granted, could fantasize that markets would create the necessary institutions. This was an error.
Some intractable foreign foe had to be linked to protestors, so that they, rather than Putin himself, could be portrayed as the danger to Russian statehood. Protestors鈥� actions had to be uncoupled from the very real domestic problem that Putin had created, and associated instead with a fake foreign threat to Russian sovereignty. The politics of eternity requires and produces problems that are insoluble because they are fictional. For Russia in 2012, the fictional problem became the designs of the European Union and the United States to destroy Russia.
Putin had discovered a new enemy of the State, homosexuals....
Gay rights were nothing more than the chosen weapon of a global neoliberal conspiracy, meant to prepare virtuous traditional societies such as Russia and China for exploitation....He associated gay rights with a Western model that 鈥渙pens a direct path to degradation and primitivism, resulting in a profound demographic and moral crisis.鈥� The Russian parliament had by then passed a law 鈥淔or the Purpose of Protecting Children from Information Advocating for a Denial of Traditional Family Values."
Sound familiar?
The purpose of the anti-gay campaign was to transform demands for democracy into a nebulous threat to Russian innocence: voting = West = sodomy. Russia had to be innocent, and all problems had to be the responsibility of others.
In the previous four years, when Putin had been prime minister, propaganda chief, Surkov, had placed him in a series of fur-and-feathers photo shoots. Putin and Medvedev鈥檚 attempt to present themselves as manly friends by posing in matching whites after badminton matches....it became a criminal offense to portray Putin as a gay clown.
During self-inflicted catastrophes, a certain kind of man always finds a way to blame a woman. In Vladimir Putin鈥檚 case, that woman was Hillary Clinton....On December 8, 2011, three days after the protests began, Putin blamed Hillary Clinton for initiating them: 鈥渟he gave the signal."
Putin, moving very quickly, had formulated a politics of eternity that transformed Russians鈥� protests against his fake elections into a European and American offensive against Russia in which Ukraine would be the field of battle. It was not, according to Putin, that individual Russians had been wronged because their votes did not count. It was that Russia as a civilization had been wronged because the West did not understand that Ukraine was Russian.
We've been here before....
Whether or not the U.S. would become a democracy was an open question; many of its influential men thought not. George Kennan, an American diplomat who would become his country鈥檚 outstanding strategic thinker, proposed in 1938 that the United States should 鈥済o along the road which leads through constitutional change to the authoritarian state.鈥� Using the slogan 鈥淎merica First,鈥� the famous aviator Charles Lindbergh called for sympathy with Nazis.
Information warfare, has been going on for decades....
In April 2007, Estonia was crippled for weeks in a major cyberattack. Although the event was confusing at the time, it was later understood to be the first salvo in a Russian cyberwar against Europe and the United States. In August 2008, Russia invaded its neighbor Georgia and occupied some of its territories. The conventional assault was accompanied by cyberwar: the president of Georgia lost control of his website.
Both Russia and China constantly pound on our systems. There are cyberattacks against Ukraine happening right now.
Brexit
A persuasion campaign on the internet, although unnoticed at the time, was probably more important. Russian internet trolls, live people who participated in exchanges with British voters, and Russian Twitter bots, computer programs that sent out millions of targeted messages, engaged massively on behalf of the Leave campaign. Four hundred and nineteen Twitter accounts that posted on Brexit were localized to Russia鈥檚 Internet Research Agency鈥攍ater, every single one of them would also post on behalf of Donald Trump鈥檚 presidential campaign. About a third of the discussion of Brexit on Twitter was generated by bots鈥攁nd more than 90% of the bots tweeting political material were not located in the United Kingdom. Britons who considered their choices had no idea at the time that they were reading material disseminated by bots, nor that the bots were part of a Russian foreign policy to weaken their country. The margin of the vote was 52% for leaving and 48% for staying.
Brexit was a major triumph for Russian foreign policy, and a sign that a cyber campaign directed from Moscow could change reality.
from a leaked message....
The world inadvertently caught a glimpse when official guidance to the media on how to treat the Russian invasion was briefly posted online. A senior editor at Xinhua, the official Chinese news agency, wrote on social media that China has to give Russia emotional and moral support but to refrain from 鈥渢reading on the toes鈥� of the United States and the E.U. In the future, the editor added revealingly, China will need Russia鈥檚 support on Taiwan, the independent island-state Beijing is determined to bring under its control.
Who does this remind us of?
If citizens can be kept uncertain by the regular manufacture of crisis, their emotions can be managed and directed.
Russian TV subverted the format of the news broadcast by its straight-faced embrace of baroque contradiction: inviting a Holocaust denier to speak and identifying him as a human rights activist; hosting a neo-Nazi and referring to him as a specialist on the Middle East.
Meanwhile, people on the Left got suckered by Putin, including "The Nation" and a Guardian writer who wrote: that Putin 鈥渨as the only leader to condemn the rise of fascism.鈥� Guardian associate editor Seumas Milne opined in January 2014 that 鈥渇ar-right nationalists and fascists have been at the heart of the protests鈥� in Ukraine.
How were opinion leaders of the Left seduced by Vladimir Putin, the global leader of the extreme Right? Russia generated tropes targeted at what cyberwar professionals call 鈥渟usceptibilities鈥�: what people seem likely to believe given their utterances and behavior. It was possible to claim that Ukraine was a Jewish construction (for one audience) and also that Ukraine was a fascist construction (for another audience). People on the Left were drawn in by stimuli on social media that spoke to their own commitments.
On the other end, Ron Paul said Russia had done nothing wrong, and Europeans and Americans were to blame for the Russian invasion.
"Nothing was more to be desired than that every practicable obstacle should be opposed to cabal, intrigue, and corruption. These most deadly adversaries of republican government might naturally have been expected to make their approaches from more than one querter, but chiefly from the desire in foreign powers to gain an improper ascendant in our councils. How could they better gratify this, than by raising a creature of their own to the chief magistracy of the Union?"
鈥擜LEXANDER HAMILTON, 1788
The rise of Donald Trump was the attack by 鈥渢hese most deadly adversaries of republican government鈥� that Alexander Hamilton had feared.
Alexei Pushkov, the chair of the foreign relations committee of the lower house of the Russian parliament, expressed the general hope that 鈥淭rump can lead the Western locomotive right off the rails."
When Trump won the presidential election that November, he was applauded in the Russian parliament. Trump quickly telephoned Putin to be congratulated.
It is common practice for Russians to place someone in their debt by providing easy money and naming the price later. As a candidate for the office of president, Trump broke with decades of tradition by not releasing his tax returns, presumably because they would reveal his profound dependence on Russian capital.
It was an American and not a Russian innovation to present the news as national entertainment, which made the news vulnerable to an entertainer. Trump got his chance in the second half of 2015 because American television networks were pleased with the spectacle he provided. The chief executive officer of a television network said that the Trump campaign 鈥渕ay not be good for America, but it鈥檚 damn good for CBS.鈥�
.
News that draws viewers tends to wear a neural path between prejudice and outrage. When each day is devoted to emotional venting about supposed enemies, the present becomes endless, eternal. In these conditions, a fictional candidate enjoyed a considerable advantage.
It is easy to see the appeal of eternity to wealthy and corrupt men in control of a lawless state. They cannot offer social advance to their population, and so must find some other form of motion in politics. Rather than discuss reforms, eternity politicians designate threats. Rather than presenting a future with possibilities and hopes, they offer an eternal present with defined enemies and artificial crises.
Demoralized by their inability to change their station in life, they must accept that the meaning of politics lies not in institutional reform but in daily emotion. They must stop thinking about a better future for themselves, their friends, and their families, and prefer the constant invocation of a proud past.
======
The Russians are masters of cyber warfare. It's directed at their enemies all the time. It's unseen, but in many ways more dangerous and destructive than conventional war. And, as we now know, Russia engaged in a comprehensive cyber campaign to help Trump win.
The Perfect Weapon: How Russian Cyberpower Invaded the U.S.
========
In parts, the Snyder book is pretty dense. Some might find this podcast interview more accessible....
======
Putin's Puppet
By the late 1990s, Trump was generally considered to be uncreditworthy and bankrupt. He owed about four billion dollars to more than seventy banks, of which some $800 million was personally guaranteed. He never showed any inclination or capacity to pay back this debt. After his 2004 bankruptcy, no American bank would lend him money. The only bank that did so was Deutsche Bank, whose colorful history of scandal belied its staid name. Meanwhile, Deutsche Bank laundered about $10 billion for Russian clients between 2011 and 2015.
Russians had to transform a failed real estate developer into a recipient of their capital. Second, this failed real estate developer had to portray, on American television, a successful businessman. Finally, Russia intervened with purpose and success to support the fictional character 鈥淒onald Trump, successful businessman鈥� in the 2016 presidential election.
Russians knew Trump for what he was: not the 鈥淰ERY successful businessman鈥� of his tweets but an American loser who became a Russian tool.
Russian money saved him from the fate that would normally await anyone with his record of failure.
A Russian oligarch bought a house from Trump for $55 million more than Trump had paid for it. The buyer, Dmitry Rybolovlev, never showed any interest in the property and never lived there鈥攂ut later, when Trump ran for president, Rybolovlev appeared in places where Trump was campaigning. Trump鈥檚 apparent business, real estate development, had become a Russian charade. Having realized that apartment complexes could be used to launder money, Russians used Trump鈥檚 name to build more buildings.
======
"In the end, though, freedom depends upon citizens who are able to make a distinction between what is true and what they want to hear. Authoritarianism arrives not because people say that they want it, but because they lose the ability to distinguish between facts and desires."
=======
The best historian of our time and an engaging writer.
In this book the reader gets the whole story of the warped thinking that led to the 2022 invasion of Ukraine.
The Russian leader鈥檚 pretext for invasion recasts Ukraine鈥檚 Jewish president as a Nazi and Russian Christians as true victims of the Holocaust.
from the book....
Russia cannot become stronger, so it must make others weaker. The simplest way to make others weaker is to make them more like Russia. Rather than addressing its problems, Russia exports them; and one of its basic problems is the absence of a succession principle. Russian opposes European and American democracy to ensure that Russians do not see democracy might work as a succession principle in their own country.
鈥淓verything begins in mystique [religion] and ends in politics鈥�
-Charles P茅guy
Rather than governing, the leader produces crisis and spectacle. Sound familiar?
Democracy and capitalism were never going to work in Russia. Markets require the rule of law, which was the most demanding aspect of the post-Soviet transformations. Americans, taking the rule of law for granted, could fantasize that markets would create the necessary institutions. This was an error.
Some intractable foreign foe had to be linked to protestors, so that they, rather than Putin himself, could be portrayed as the danger to Russian statehood. Protestors鈥� actions had to be uncoupled from the very real domestic problem that Putin had created, and associated instead with a fake foreign threat to Russian sovereignty. The politics of eternity requires and produces problems that are insoluble because they are fictional. For Russia in 2012, the fictional problem became the designs of the European Union and the United States to destroy Russia.
Putin had discovered a new enemy of the State, homosexuals....
Gay rights were nothing more than the chosen weapon of a global neoliberal conspiracy, meant to prepare virtuous traditional societies such as Russia and China for exploitation....He associated gay rights with a Western model that 鈥渙pens a direct path to degradation and primitivism, resulting in a profound demographic and moral crisis.鈥� The Russian parliament had by then passed a law 鈥淔or the Purpose of Protecting Children from Information Advocating for a Denial of Traditional Family Values."
Sound familiar?
The purpose of the anti-gay campaign was to transform demands for democracy into a nebulous threat to Russian innocence: voting = West = sodomy. Russia had to be innocent, and all problems had to be the responsibility of others.
In the previous four years, when Putin had been prime minister, propaganda chief, Surkov, had placed him in a series of fur-and-feathers photo shoots. Putin and Medvedev鈥檚 attempt to present themselves as manly friends by posing in matching whites after badminton matches....it became a criminal offense to portray Putin as a gay clown.
During self-inflicted catastrophes, a certain kind of man always finds a way to blame a woman. In Vladimir Putin鈥檚 case, that woman was Hillary Clinton....On December 8, 2011, three days after the protests began, Putin blamed Hillary Clinton for initiating them: 鈥渟he gave the signal."
Putin, moving very quickly, had formulated a politics of eternity that transformed Russians鈥� protests against his fake elections into a European and American offensive against Russia in which Ukraine would be the field of battle. It was not, according to Putin, that individual Russians had been wronged because their votes did not count. It was that Russia as a civilization had been wronged because the West did not understand that Ukraine was Russian.
We've been here before....
Whether or not the U.S. would become a democracy was an open question; many of its influential men thought not. George Kennan, an American diplomat who would become his country鈥檚 outstanding strategic thinker, proposed in 1938 that the United States should 鈥済o along the road which leads through constitutional change to the authoritarian state.鈥� Using the slogan 鈥淎merica First,鈥� the famous aviator Charles Lindbergh called for sympathy with Nazis.
Information warfare, has been going on for decades....
In April 2007, Estonia was crippled for weeks in a major cyberattack. Although the event was confusing at the time, it was later understood to be the first salvo in a Russian cyberwar against Europe and the United States. In August 2008, Russia invaded its neighbor Georgia and occupied some of its territories. The conventional assault was accompanied by cyberwar: the president of Georgia lost control of his website.
Both Russia and China constantly pound on our systems. There are cyberattacks against Ukraine happening right now.
Brexit
A persuasion campaign on the internet, although unnoticed at the time, was probably more important. Russian internet trolls, live people who participated in exchanges with British voters, and Russian Twitter bots, computer programs that sent out millions of targeted messages, engaged massively on behalf of the Leave campaign. Four hundred and nineteen Twitter accounts that posted on Brexit were localized to Russia鈥檚 Internet Research Agency鈥攍ater, every single one of them would also post on behalf of Donald Trump鈥檚 presidential campaign. About a third of the discussion of Brexit on Twitter was generated by bots鈥攁nd more than 90% of the bots tweeting political material were not located in the United Kingdom. Britons who considered their choices had no idea at the time that they were reading material disseminated by bots, nor that the bots were part of a Russian foreign policy to weaken their country. The margin of the vote was 52% for leaving and 48% for staying.
Brexit was a major triumph for Russian foreign policy, and a sign that a cyber campaign directed from Moscow could change reality.
from a leaked message....
The world inadvertently caught a glimpse when official guidance to the media on how to treat the Russian invasion was briefly posted online. A senior editor at Xinhua, the official Chinese news agency, wrote on social media that China has to give Russia emotional and moral support but to refrain from 鈥渢reading on the toes鈥� of the United States and the E.U. In the future, the editor added revealingly, China will need Russia鈥檚 support on Taiwan, the independent island-state Beijing is determined to bring under its control.
Who does this remind us of?
If citizens can be kept uncertain by the regular manufacture of crisis, their emotions can be managed and directed.
Russian TV subverted the format of the news broadcast by its straight-faced embrace of baroque contradiction: inviting a Holocaust denier to speak and identifying him as a human rights activist; hosting a neo-Nazi and referring to him as a specialist on the Middle East.
Meanwhile, people on the Left got suckered by Putin, including "The Nation" and a Guardian writer who wrote: that Putin 鈥渨as the only leader to condemn the rise of fascism.鈥� Guardian associate editor Seumas Milne opined in January 2014 that 鈥渇ar-right nationalists and fascists have been at the heart of the protests鈥� in Ukraine.
How were opinion leaders of the Left seduced by Vladimir Putin, the global leader of the extreme Right? Russia generated tropes targeted at what cyberwar professionals call 鈥渟usceptibilities鈥�: what people seem likely to believe given their utterances and behavior. It was possible to claim that Ukraine was a Jewish construction (for one audience) and also that Ukraine was a fascist construction (for another audience). People on the Left were drawn in by stimuli on social media that spoke to their own commitments.
On the other end, Ron Paul said Russia had done nothing wrong, and Europeans and Americans were to blame for the Russian invasion.
"Nothing was more to be desired than that every practicable obstacle should be opposed to cabal, intrigue, and corruption. These most deadly adversaries of republican government might naturally have been expected to make their approaches from more than one querter, but chiefly from the desire in foreign powers to gain an improper ascendant in our councils. How could they better gratify this, than by raising a creature of their own to the chief magistracy of the Union?"
鈥擜LEXANDER HAMILTON, 1788
The rise of Donald Trump was the attack by 鈥渢hese most deadly adversaries of republican government鈥� that Alexander Hamilton had feared.
Alexei Pushkov, the chair of the foreign relations committee of the lower house of the Russian parliament, expressed the general hope that 鈥淭rump can lead the Western locomotive right off the rails."
When Trump won the presidential election that November, he was applauded in the Russian parliament. Trump quickly telephoned Putin to be congratulated.
It is common practice for Russians to place someone in their debt by providing easy money and naming the price later. As a candidate for the office of president, Trump broke with decades of tradition by not releasing his tax returns, presumably because they would reveal his profound dependence on Russian capital.
It was an American and not a Russian innovation to present the news as national entertainment, which made the news vulnerable to an entertainer. Trump got his chance in the second half of 2015 because American television networks were pleased with the spectacle he provided. The chief executive officer of a television network said that the Trump campaign 鈥渕ay not be good for America, but it鈥檚 damn good for CBS.鈥�
.
News that draws viewers tends to wear a neural path between prejudice and outrage. When each day is devoted to emotional venting about supposed enemies, the present becomes endless, eternal. In these conditions, a fictional candidate enjoyed a considerable advantage.
It is easy to see the appeal of eternity to wealthy and corrupt men in control of a lawless state. They cannot offer social advance to their population, and so must find some other form of motion in politics. Rather than discuss reforms, eternity politicians designate threats. Rather than presenting a future with possibilities and hopes, they offer an eternal present with defined enemies and artificial crises.
Demoralized by their inability to change their station in life, they must accept that the meaning of politics lies not in institutional reform but in daily emotion. They must stop thinking about a better future for themselves, their friends, and their families, and prefer the constant invocation of a proud past.
======
The Russians are masters of cyber warfare. It's directed at their enemies all the time. It's unseen, but in many ways more dangerous and destructive than conventional war. And, as we now know, Russia engaged in a comprehensive cyber campaign to help Trump win.
The Perfect Weapon: How Russian Cyberpower Invaded the U.S.
========
In parts, the Snyder book is pretty dense. Some might find this podcast interview more accessible....
January 21, 2023
"
Fiction is free, every fact has a price.
"
Snyder shows how sophisticated propaganda of the modern day convinces people that truth does not exist. You are encouraged to start to doubt everything and allowed to believe whatever feels best to you.
Information war is designed to undermine factuality.
The author tells the tragic story of Russia鈥檚 2014 invasion of Ukraine and explores Russia鈥檚 attempts to prove its 'innocence'.
Telling obvious lies and proposing interpretations that contradict each other (one of the examples is how Russia tried to explain what happened to a Malaysian airliner that had been brought down by a Russian missile) may become a strategy.
Political fiction deliberately mocks factuality and seeks to replace it.
Snyder defines a politics of inevitability as a sense that "the future is just more of the present, that the laws of progress are known, that there are no alternatives." Such an approach prevailed during many years.
Thus, Soviet communism was a politics of inevitability that yielded to a politics of eternity.
The Russian politics of eternity has been cultivated during recent years by finding a mythical moment of innocence some thousand years ago (the baptism of Volodymyr of Kyiv) and reviving the totalitarian ideas of the political philosopher Ivan Ilyin. Attempts to apply a Russian politics of eternity beyond Russia鈥檚 borders, to export it, have been undertaken with certain success. Snyder defines it as a calculated effort to undo logic and factual evidence.
A politics of eternity invites people to live in an alternative reality. It aims at doing away with responsibility and destroying a sense of time. If change is impossible and the past and the future are the same, why should we bother in the present?
In addition, the logic of eternity denies the simple idea that there are truths that can be understood regardless of perspective. Perspective is reality, according to those who embrace fascist ideas today.
The author introduces a new variety of fascism, which could be called schizofascism - 'actual fascists calling their opponents 鈥渇ascists,鈥� blaming the Holocaust on the Jews, treating the Second World War as an argument for more violence.'
Snyder criticize both far-right and far-left public figures in the West. He reveals their connivance and contribution to what the author calls implausible deniability, which represents a direct assault on factuality.
"Enormous amounts of time were wasted in Britain, the United States, and Europe in 2014 and 2015 on discussions about whether Ukraine existed and whether Russia had invaded it. That triumph of informational warfare was instructive for Russian leaders. In the invasion of Ukraine, the main Russian victories were in the minds of Europeans and Americans, not on the battlefields. Far-Right politicians spread Russia鈥檚 messages, and left-wing journalists helped to bring them to the center. One of the left-wing journalists then entered the corridors of power. In October 2015, Seumas Milne, having chaired Putin鈥檚 Valdai summit, became chief of communications for Jeremy Corbyn, the leader of Britain鈥檚 Labour Party. With Milne as his chief press officer, Corbyn proved a poor advocate for EU membership. British voters chose to leave, and Moscow celebrated."
Snyder posits that the European Union and the level of integration it has made possible is rather a necessity than a choice for European countries. Contrary to the fable of the wise nation that is taught at schools (European nation-states learned a lesson from war and began to integrate), Snyder sees the EU as a first workable postimperial solution in the sense that it offered former European empires and former imperial peripheries a place to go.
The point is that most European countries never were nation-states.
Snyder argues that there is no period of sustained nation-states in European history except for the Balkans in the nineteenth century or the Weimar Rebuplic. This makes the very idea of 'let's go back to the nation-state' not viable.
If you want to learn more about the Russian war on Ukraine and how it began in February 2014, you can read chapters 4 and 5. I reckon that the author could also have mentioned Russia's invasion of Georgia in 2008 while discussing the Russian politics of the past two decades.
Snyder shows how sophisticated propaganda of the modern day convinces people that truth does not exist. You are encouraged to start to doubt everything and allowed to believe whatever feels best to you.
Information war is designed to undermine factuality.
The author tells the tragic story of Russia鈥檚 2014 invasion of Ukraine and explores Russia鈥檚 attempts to prove its 'innocence'.
Telling obvious lies and proposing interpretations that contradict each other (one of the examples is how Russia tried to explain what happened to a Malaysian airliner that had been brought down by a Russian missile) may become a strategy.
Political fiction deliberately mocks factuality and seeks to replace it.
Snyder defines a politics of inevitability as a sense that "the future is just more of the present, that the laws of progress are known, that there are no alternatives." Such an approach prevailed during many years.
Thus, Soviet communism was a politics of inevitability that yielded to a politics of eternity.
The Russian politics of eternity has been cultivated during recent years by finding a mythical moment of innocence some thousand years ago (the baptism of Volodymyr of Kyiv) and reviving the totalitarian ideas of the political philosopher Ivan Ilyin. Attempts to apply a Russian politics of eternity beyond Russia鈥檚 borders, to export it, have been undertaken with certain success. Snyder defines it as a calculated effort to undo logic and factual evidence.
A politics of eternity invites people to live in an alternative reality. It aims at doing away with responsibility and destroying a sense of time. If change is impossible and the past and the future are the same, why should we bother in the present?
In addition, the logic of eternity denies the simple idea that there are truths that can be understood regardless of perspective. Perspective is reality, according to those who embrace fascist ideas today.
The author introduces a new variety of fascism, which could be called schizofascism - 'actual fascists calling their opponents 鈥渇ascists,鈥� blaming the Holocaust on the Jews, treating the Second World War as an argument for more violence.'
Snyder criticize both far-right and far-left public figures in the West. He reveals their connivance and contribution to what the author calls implausible deniability, which represents a direct assault on factuality.
"Enormous amounts of time were wasted in Britain, the United States, and Europe in 2014 and 2015 on discussions about whether Ukraine existed and whether Russia had invaded it. That triumph of informational warfare was instructive for Russian leaders. In the invasion of Ukraine, the main Russian victories were in the minds of Europeans and Americans, not on the battlefields. Far-Right politicians spread Russia鈥檚 messages, and left-wing journalists helped to bring them to the center. One of the left-wing journalists then entered the corridors of power. In October 2015, Seumas Milne, having chaired Putin鈥檚 Valdai summit, became chief of communications for Jeremy Corbyn, the leader of Britain鈥檚 Labour Party. With Milne as his chief press officer, Corbyn proved a poor advocate for EU membership. British voters chose to leave, and Moscow celebrated."
Snyder posits that the European Union and the level of integration it has made possible is rather a necessity than a choice for European countries. Contrary to the fable of the wise nation that is taught at schools (European nation-states learned a lesson from war and began to integrate), Snyder sees the EU as a first workable postimperial solution in the sense that it offered former European empires and former imperial peripheries a place to go.
The point is that most European countries never were nation-states.
Snyder argues that there is no period of sustained nation-states in European history except for the Balkans in the nineteenth century or the Weimar Rebuplic. This makes the very idea of 'let's go back to the nation-state' not viable.
If you want to learn more about the Russian war on Ukraine and how it began in February 2014, you can read chapters 4 and 5. I reckon that the author could also have mentioned Russia's invasion of Georgia in 2008 while discussing the Russian politics of the past two decades.
February 3, 2023
"You have to learn to see a holy war underneath the everyday. Democracy is a fallen state. To split the left and right is to divide. In the Kingdom of God there is only above and below. All is one. It is why the Russian soul is holy. It can unite everything, like in an icon; Stalin and God." - Leader of Putin's Biker Gang
**
Timothy Snyder, a Yale based historian of eastern Europe, proposes in his prologue two types of political discourse. A politics of inevitability, prevalent in both capitalist and communist ideologies, argues that whatever is done will not effect the eventual outcome of history, as in free markets will result in fair elections or that capitalism will inexorably lead to revolution and socialism. The politics of eternity invoke such myths as the unity of spirit in a people and the rise of a charismatic leader who will restore the nation's destiny, seen in past fascist and monarchist movements.
Philosophy
Snyder discusses the state revival of Ivan Ilyin, an obscure Russian pro-fascist philosopher and contemporary of Lenin, by Putin and his circle of wealthy friends after the fall of the Soviet Union. Ilyin believed the original sin in the world's creation could only be rectified when a redeemer arose from the Russian people, who would be followed implicitly and supplant individualism with totalitarianism. The problem as a political model is there is no succession principle to replace such a leader, as was the case in the USSR and now Russia. Ilyin's ideas were adapted to be dispersed by modern media.
Evolution
In the 60's and 70's, after Stalin's death, the inevitability of world communism was replaced by an eternity of heroism in WWII and of persecution by the West. It was the time Putin came of age. He held an undistinguished career in the East German KGB, as a St Petersburg politician where he enriched himself, and then as prime minister to Yeltsin. When it was time for a new president Putin was chosen by his oligarch allies but he didn't have national recognition. Bombs planted by the security service exploded killing civilians, war against Chechnya was declared and Putin became a fake news hero.
Integration
After two terms as president from 2000-2008, he was prime minister for one term, changed the term limits and returned in an election he admitted as fraudulent. In 2004 Baltic and eastern states joined the EU and NATO grew. Russia aspired to a rapprochement with Europe but with no rule of law, free markets or fair elections there wasn't path for entrance. The economy had crashed in 2008 and Putin's re-election in 2012 was greeted with massive protests. A foreign foe was needed, and fictions created that the US and EU were determined to destroy Russia and pollute her with western decadence.
Mythology
Putin wrote in 2012 that Russia was a supranational entity, which encompassed all ethnic groups from the Carpathians to Kamchatka, and Ukraine would never be divided from her. In his victory speech he declared himself the fulfillment of an eternal cycle, Lord Valdemar of Kyiv 988 AD, patriarch of Russian civilization. In 2013 a new confederation of Eurasian states was proposed, to counter the West and bring the East under Russia's sphere of influence. Ukraine began to discuss EU entry, a threat to restoring Russian hegemony. The first step in imperial expansion is to claim a state doesn't exist.
Eurasia
Political parties from Austria, Hungary, Britain and France returned to nationalist rhetoric, arguing for withdrawal from the EU. Exporting chaos through cyberwar, as a contrast to domestic order, became Putin's strategy. Along with Ilyan he began to read and quote books written by neo-nazis, anti-semites and alien theorists, installing authors in an Eurasian think tank. The group embraced political fiction as a means to sway opinion. Sexual deviance in the West was a favorite theme. Only a redeemer could save the world from a liberal conspiracy. Their goal was to resurrect a Russian empire.
History
Snyder provides a brief overview of how Ukraine came to be, and dispenses with the notion it was always part of Russia. Valdemar's Kingdom of Rus was taken by Mongols in 1240, and Lithuanian and Polish kingdoms formed the boundaries of Ukraine in the 14th C. In the 16th C. it was fought over by Cossacks and Tatars, and fell to Moscow in 1667. Kiev had passed through 800 years with no connection to Russia or Tsar. By 1721 it was part of the Russian Empire. Catherine the Great deployed Cossacks to conquer Crimea in 1783. In 1917 Ukraine broke away, but was seized by the Red Army.
Revolution
Snyder chronicles the Kremlin's project to disunify the EU, discredit democratic institutions and disrupt elections, from Marine Le Pen to Nigel Farage. Moscow worked diligently to undermine the EU as Kyiv finalized an agreement with it. In 2013 Putin's cronies warned Russia would invade Ukraine if it didn't join the Eurasian Union. President Yanukovych had promised entrance into the EU but when he reneged, under pressure from Putin, protesters demanded he resign. He also delayed joining the Eurasian Union, for fear of a grass roots revolution, so Russia attacked and annexed Crimea in 2014.
Propaganda
Snyder analyzes disinformation campaigns of the time. Putin cynically suggested the uniforms worn could be bought at second hand stores. He later smirked Russian soldiers were fighting against western fascism and sodomy, it was a false flag operation by right wing Ukrainians or righteous defense of Russians. As the invasion continued thousands of civilans died. An anti-aircraft missile downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 was a plot to kill Putin in Russian news. A Kremlin endorsed biker gang followed fabricated freedom fighters into Sevastopol as he held a nationally televised victory rally.
Cyberwars
Hackers had attacked railways, power grids and government systems in the largest cyberwar in history. By late 2015 US systems had been penetrated in the White House, State and Defense departments. Americans were found who could help with more sophisticated meddling in US politics, including Steve Bannon, VP of a data analysis company which tested 'build that wall' and 'drain the swamp' for Donald Trump. He began to study public messaging in the US for Putin as well. Paul Manafort, Kremlin puppet Yanukovych's former adviser in Ukraine became Trump's 2016 campaign manager.
Transformation
Russians had begun to launder money into Trump properties in 1984, and he started to talk about running for president. In deep debt and bankrupt Deutsche Bank began to loan him money in 2004 he didn't have to pay back. He earned huge profits from Russian backed developments, with no money down, was paid to manage Miss Universe in Moscow no work required. In 2010 he spread Kremlin lies that Obama was not an American. In 2016, financed by Russian shell companies, assisted by hacking of opponents email and filling the inet with robots, Putin gained an asset inside the White House.
If you can't compete fairly the next best thing is to weaken your adversaries, sow doubts in their systems and promote dysfunctional or compromised governments. In democratic societies there isn't the control over information and speech possible in authoritarian regimes. This will be a challenge in the foreseeable future. Snyder presents a plausible account in 2018 of what happened and continues in current events. These are not conspiracy theories or alternative facts, they are genuine threats to world peace and rights. 'The Road To Unfreedom' clearly demonstrates how liberties can be lost.
**
Timothy Snyder, a Yale based historian of eastern Europe, proposes in his prologue two types of political discourse. A politics of inevitability, prevalent in both capitalist and communist ideologies, argues that whatever is done will not effect the eventual outcome of history, as in free markets will result in fair elections or that capitalism will inexorably lead to revolution and socialism. The politics of eternity invoke such myths as the unity of spirit in a people and the rise of a charismatic leader who will restore the nation's destiny, seen in past fascist and monarchist movements.
Philosophy
Snyder discusses the state revival of Ivan Ilyin, an obscure Russian pro-fascist philosopher and contemporary of Lenin, by Putin and his circle of wealthy friends after the fall of the Soviet Union. Ilyin believed the original sin in the world's creation could only be rectified when a redeemer arose from the Russian people, who would be followed implicitly and supplant individualism with totalitarianism. The problem as a political model is there is no succession principle to replace such a leader, as was the case in the USSR and now Russia. Ilyin's ideas were adapted to be dispersed by modern media.
Evolution
In the 60's and 70's, after Stalin's death, the inevitability of world communism was replaced by an eternity of heroism in WWII and of persecution by the West. It was the time Putin came of age. He held an undistinguished career in the East German KGB, as a St Petersburg politician where he enriched himself, and then as prime minister to Yeltsin. When it was time for a new president Putin was chosen by his oligarch allies but he didn't have national recognition. Bombs planted by the security service exploded killing civilians, war against Chechnya was declared and Putin became a fake news hero.
Integration
After two terms as president from 2000-2008, he was prime minister for one term, changed the term limits and returned in an election he admitted as fraudulent. In 2004 Baltic and eastern states joined the EU and NATO grew. Russia aspired to a rapprochement with Europe but with no rule of law, free markets or fair elections there wasn't path for entrance. The economy had crashed in 2008 and Putin's re-election in 2012 was greeted with massive protests. A foreign foe was needed, and fictions created that the US and EU were determined to destroy Russia and pollute her with western decadence.
Mythology
Putin wrote in 2012 that Russia was a supranational entity, which encompassed all ethnic groups from the Carpathians to Kamchatka, and Ukraine would never be divided from her. In his victory speech he declared himself the fulfillment of an eternal cycle, Lord Valdemar of Kyiv 988 AD, patriarch of Russian civilization. In 2013 a new confederation of Eurasian states was proposed, to counter the West and bring the East under Russia's sphere of influence. Ukraine began to discuss EU entry, a threat to restoring Russian hegemony. The first step in imperial expansion is to claim a state doesn't exist.
Eurasia
Political parties from Austria, Hungary, Britain and France returned to nationalist rhetoric, arguing for withdrawal from the EU. Exporting chaos through cyberwar, as a contrast to domestic order, became Putin's strategy. Along with Ilyan he began to read and quote books written by neo-nazis, anti-semites and alien theorists, installing authors in an Eurasian think tank. The group embraced political fiction as a means to sway opinion. Sexual deviance in the West was a favorite theme. Only a redeemer could save the world from a liberal conspiracy. Their goal was to resurrect a Russian empire.
History
Snyder provides a brief overview of how Ukraine came to be, and dispenses with the notion it was always part of Russia. Valdemar's Kingdom of Rus was taken by Mongols in 1240, and Lithuanian and Polish kingdoms formed the boundaries of Ukraine in the 14th C. In the 16th C. it was fought over by Cossacks and Tatars, and fell to Moscow in 1667. Kiev had passed through 800 years with no connection to Russia or Tsar. By 1721 it was part of the Russian Empire. Catherine the Great deployed Cossacks to conquer Crimea in 1783. In 1917 Ukraine broke away, but was seized by the Red Army.
Revolution
Snyder chronicles the Kremlin's project to disunify the EU, discredit democratic institutions and disrupt elections, from Marine Le Pen to Nigel Farage. Moscow worked diligently to undermine the EU as Kyiv finalized an agreement with it. In 2013 Putin's cronies warned Russia would invade Ukraine if it didn't join the Eurasian Union. President Yanukovych had promised entrance into the EU but when he reneged, under pressure from Putin, protesters demanded he resign. He also delayed joining the Eurasian Union, for fear of a grass roots revolution, so Russia attacked and annexed Crimea in 2014.
Propaganda
Snyder analyzes disinformation campaigns of the time. Putin cynically suggested the uniforms worn could be bought at second hand stores. He later smirked Russian soldiers were fighting against western fascism and sodomy, it was a false flag operation by right wing Ukrainians or righteous defense of Russians. As the invasion continued thousands of civilans died. An anti-aircraft missile downing of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 was a plot to kill Putin in Russian news. A Kremlin endorsed biker gang followed fabricated freedom fighters into Sevastopol as he held a nationally televised victory rally.
Cyberwars
Hackers had attacked railways, power grids and government systems in the largest cyberwar in history. By late 2015 US systems had been penetrated in the White House, State and Defense departments. Americans were found who could help with more sophisticated meddling in US politics, including Steve Bannon, VP of a data analysis company which tested 'build that wall' and 'drain the swamp' for Donald Trump. He began to study public messaging in the US for Putin as well. Paul Manafort, Kremlin puppet Yanukovych's former adviser in Ukraine became Trump's 2016 campaign manager.
Transformation
Russians had begun to launder money into Trump properties in 1984, and he started to talk about running for president. In deep debt and bankrupt Deutsche Bank began to loan him money in 2004 he didn't have to pay back. He earned huge profits from Russian backed developments, with no money down, was paid to manage Miss Universe in Moscow no work required. In 2010 he spread Kremlin lies that Obama was not an American. In 2016, financed by Russian shell companies, assisted by hacking of opponents email and filling the inet with robots, Putin gained an asset inside the White House.
If you can't compete fairly the next best thing is to weaken your adversaries, sow doubts in their systems and promote dysfunctional or compromised governments. In democratic societies there isn't the control over information and speech possible in authoritarian regimes. This will be a challenge in the foreseeable future. Snyder presents a plausible account in 2018 of what happened and continues in current events. These are not conspiracy theories or alternative facts, they are genuine threats to world peace and rights. 'The Road To Unfreedom' clearly demonstrates how liberties can be lost.
July 25, 2018
The Road to Unfreedom is written by Timothy Snyder, who also recently published . On Tyranny is short and brilliant. The Road to Unfreedom is also good, but it takes more work and concentration. But I highly recommend it to anyone trying to understand all the quickly moving pieces in Russia - US relations these days. If I had read this a few years ago, it would have sounded like the paranoid musings of a conspiracy theorist. Today, unfortunately, it rings all too true.
I listened to this as an audio, but had also received a copy from Netgalley. It works well as an audio, but I suspect it works better as a print book because it would allow for going back over some of the dense information.
I listened to this as an audio, but had also received a copy from Netgalley. It works well as an audio, but I suspect it works better as a print book because it would allow for going back over some of the dense information.
June 1, 2018
"All of the virtues depend upon truth, and truth depends upon them all. Final truth in this world is unattainable, but its pursuit leads the individual away from unfreedom. The temptation to believe what feels right assails us at all times from all directions. Authoritarianism begins when we can no longer tell the difference between the true and the appealing. The cynic who decides that there is no truth is the citizen who welcomes the tyrant."
Flipping brilliant. If you decide to read only one non-fiction book this year make it this one.
Flipping brilliant. If you decide to read only one non-fiction book this year make it this one.
March 3, 2024
鈥嬧€嬓⑿靶�-褋, 褑械 斜褍谢芯 芯褔械胁懈写薪芯, 邪谢械 褑褟 泻薪懈谐邪 写芯锌芯屑芯谐谢邪 屑械薪褨 蟹褉芯蟹褍屑褨褌懈 褑械 谐谢懈斜懈薪薪芯 鈥� 孝褉邪屑锌邪 写芯 锌褉械蟹懈写械薪褌褋褌胁邪 胁 小楔袗 写芯锌褍褋泻邪褌懈 袣袗孝袝袚袨袪袠效袧袨 薪械 屑芯卸薪邪. 携 褍褋胁褨写芯屑谢褞胁邪胁 褑械 胁 泻芯薪褌械泻褋褌褨 锌芯谢褨褌懈褔薪懈褏 锌芯谐谢褟写褨胁 褌邪 褨写械泄, 邪谢械 孝褨屑芯褌褨 小薪邪泄写械褉 锌芯褟褋薪懈胁 褌邪泻 写械褌邪谢褜薪芯, 蟹 褌邪泻懈屑懈 泻芯薪泻褉械褌薪懈屑懈 锌邪褉邪谢械谢褟屑懈 褌邪 褎邪泻褌邪屑懈, 褖芯 褌械锌械褉 褉芯蟹褍屑褨褦褕 鈥� 斜谢褟褏邪, 邪 褑械 薪械 锌褉芯褋褌芯 锌懈褌邪薪薪褟 鈥溠呅狙囇�/薪械 褏芯褔褍鈥�, 褑械 锌懈褌邪薪薪褟 卸懈褌褌褟 褨 褋屑械褉褌褨. 校泻褉邪褩薪褑褨胁 鈥� 斜械蟹锌芯褋械褉械写薪褜芯.
鈥溞ㄐ谎徰� 写芯 薪械褋胁芯斜芯写懈. 袪芯褋褨褟, 袆胁褉芯锌邪, 袗屑械褉懈泻邪鈥� 孝褨屑芯褌褨 小薪邪泄写械褉邪 鈥� 褑械 薪械锌褉芯褋褌邪 泻薪懈谐邪. 袙芯薪邪 胁斜鈥櫻� 胁邪褕褍 胁薪褍褌褉褨褕薪褞 谢褞写懈薪泻褍, 褟泻邪 蟹胁懈泻谢邪 写芯 泻谢褨锌芯胁芯谐芯 屑懈褋谢械薪薪褟. 袙械谢懈泻褨, 褉芯蟹谢芯谐褨 褉芯蟹写褨谢懈, 写褍卸械 斜邪谐邪褌芯 褌械泻褋褌褍, 写褍卸械 斜邪谐邪褌芯 泻芯薪褌械泻褋褌褨胁, 薪褨斜懈 褔懈褌邪褦褕 写懈锌谢芯屑薪褍 褉芯斜芯褌褍. 袛谢褟 谢褞写械泄 (褟泻 褟), 褟泻褨 蟹胁懈泻谢懈 写芯 褌芯谐芯, 褖芯 锌懈褋褜屑械薪薪懈泻懈 薪芯薪-褎褨泻褕薪褍 褌褍褉斜褍褞褌褜褋褟 锌褉芯 褌械, 褖芯斜 褉芯蟹写褨谢懈 斜褍谢懈 薪械胁械谢懈褔泻褨, 褖芯斜 锌械褉械斜懈胁邪谢芯褋褜 泻邪褉褌懈薪泻邪屑懈, 褖芯斜 屑芯胁邪 斜褍谢邪 锌褉芯褋褌褨褕芯褞, 褌邪泻褨 锌褉邪褑褨 鈥� 褑械 褟泻 锌褉芯胁械褋褌懈 褌懈卸写械薪褜 胁 褋锌芯褉褌蟹邪谢褨, 写械 褌褉械薪械褉 谐邪薪褟褦 褌械斜械 写芯 泻褉芯胁褨, 邪谢械 蟹邪屑褨褋褌褜 褌褉懈褑械锌褋邪 褨 斜褨褑械锌褋褍 泻邪褔邪褦褕 屑芯蟹芯泻. 袉 锌褨褋谢褟 锌褉芯褔懈褌邪薪薪褟 屑芯蟹芯泻 褖械 写械泻褨谢褜泻邪 写薪褨胁 薪邪屑邪谐邪褦褌褜褋褟 褉芯蟹褋谢邪斜懈褌懈褋褜 褨 胁褨写褉械褎谢械泻褋褍胁邪褌懈 褌械屑褍. 袉 锌褨褋谢褟 褑褜芯谐芯 鈥� 斜谢邪卸械薪薪械 褉芯蟹褋谢邪斜谢械薪薪褟 褨 锌芯褌褍卸薪褨褕懈泄 屑芯蟹芯泻.
袙褋械 锌褨蟹薪邪褦褌褜褋褟 胁 泻芯薪褌械泻褋褌邪褏, 薪邪锌褨胁褌芯薪邪褏. 小薪邪泄写械褉 锌芯褔懈薪邪褦 蟹 褉芯蟹泻褉懈褌褌褟 褉械卸懈屑褍 袩褍褌褨薪邪, 胁褨薪 泄芯谐芯 褌芯褌邪谢褜薪芯 芯谐芯谢褞褦 褨 锌芯泻邪蟹褍褦, 褟泻 褑械 褏胁芯褉械 褔褍写芯胁懈褋褜泻芯 褍褌褉懈屑邪谢芯褋褜 锌褉懈 胁谢邪写褨 褍 2010-褏 褉芯泻邪褏, 褟泻褍 褉芯谢褜 胁 褑褜芯屑褍 胁褨写褨谐褉邪谢懈 褌邪泻褨 卸 褏胁芯褉褨 褨褋褌芯褉懈泻懈 褌邪 写褨褟褔褨 褋褍褔邪褋薪芯褋褌褨 褨 屑懈薪褍谢芯谐芯. 袩芯褋械褉械写懈薪褨 褉芯蟹泻褉懈胁邪褦褌褜褋褟 褉芯谢褜 褨 胁邪卸谢懈胁褨褋褌褜 校泻褉邪褩薪懈 胁 褑褨泄 锌邪褉邪写懈谐屑褨, 褨 褎褨薪邪谢 鈥� 褕谢褟褏 孝褉邪屑锌邪.
袉 胁褋械 褑械 写褍卸械 锌芯胁鈥櫻徯沸靶叫� 屑褨卸 褋芯斜芯褞. 袪械褔褨, 褟泻褨 屑芯卸褍褌褜 薪邪 锌械褉褕懈泄 锌芯谐谢褟写 蟹写邪胁邪褌懈褋褜 薪械芯褔械胁懈写薪懈屑懈, 褉褨蟹薪懈屑懈, 薪械锌芯褦写薪邪薪懈屑懈, 薪邪褋锌褉邪胁写褨 褦 褔邪褋褌懈薪泻邪屑懈 褉褨蟹薪懈褏 锌邪蟹谢褨胁. 袨写懈薪 斜褨泻 褋胁褨褌褍 褋泻谢邪写邪褦 锌邪蟹谢 鈥溞啃拘谎栄傂感盒� 薪械屑懈薪褍褔芯褋褌褨鈥� (褨写械泄 薪械屑邪褦, 褉芯蟹胁懈薪械薪邪 写械屑芯泻褉邪褌褨褟 褋邪屑芯褌褍卸泻懈 褉褍褏邪褦褌褜褋褟 写芯 锌芯胁薪芯褩 泄 芯褋褌邪褌芯褔薪芯褩 锌械褉械屑芯谐懈 褍 褋胁褨褌褨) 褨 鈥溞啃拘谎栄傂感盒� 胁褨褔薪芯褋褌褨鈥� (锌芯褋褌褨泄薪械 褉芯蟹写屑褍褏褍胁邪薪薪褟 屑褋褌懈胁芯褩 薪械薪邪胁懈褋褌褨, 胁褨写芯屑芯褩 褎褨谢芯褋芯褎邪屑 锌褨写 薪邪蟹胁芯褞 "褉械褋械薪褌懈屑械薪褌").
袛谢褟 屑械薪械 褑褨 写胁褨 锌芯谢褨褌懈泻懈 鈥� 褑械 褖芯褋褜, 褖芯 褟 褉邪薪褨褕械 胁谢芯胁谢褞胁邪胁, 邪谢械 薪械 褍褋胁褨写芯屑谢褞胁邪胁. 小薪邪泄写械褉褍 胁写邪谢芯褋褜 锌芯褟褋薪懈褌懈 褑械 薪邪 锌褉懈泻谢邪写邪褏, 褨 褑褨 褨写械褩 芯褌褉懈屑邪谢懈 褎芯褉屑褍.
笑械 泻薪懈谐邪 锌褉芯 褉械邪谢褜薪褍 斜芯褉芯褌褜斜褍 袛芯斜褉邪 褌邪 袟谢邪.
鈥溞貉壭� 屑懈 褏芯褔械屑芯 泻褉邪褖械 褉芯蟹褍屑褨褌懈 写芯斜褉芯 褨 蟹谢芯, 薪邪屑 褋谢褨写 褉械邪薪褨屑褍胁邪褌懈 褨褋褌芯褉褨褞.鈥�
些械 斜褨谢褜褕械 胁褨写谐褍泻褨胁 褌邪 芯泻芯谢芯谢褨褌械褉邪褌褍褉薪芯谐芯 褕褍泻邪泄褌械 胁 屑芯褦屑褍 泻薪懈卸泻芯胁芯屑褍 斜谢芯蟹褨 胁
鈥溞ㄐ谎徰� 写芯 薪械褋胁芯斜芯写懈. 袪芯褋褨褟, 袆胁褉芯锌邪, 袗屑械褉懈泻邪鈥� 孝褨屑芯褌褨 小薪邪泄写械褉邪 鈥� 褑械 薪械锌褉芯褋褌邪 泻薪懈谐邪. 袙芯薪邪 胁斜鈥櫻� 胁邪褕褍 胁薪褍褌褉褨褕薪褞 谢褞写懈薪泻褍, 褟泻邪 蟹胁懈泻谢邪 写芯 泻谢褨锌芯胁芯谐芯 屑懈褋谢械薪薪褟. 袙械谢懈泻褨, 褉芯蟹谢芯谐褨 褉芯蟹写褨谢懈, 写褍卸械 斜邪谐邪褌芯 褌械泻褋褌褍, 写褍卸械 斜邪谐邪褌芯 泻芯薪褌械泻褋褌褨胁, 薪褨斜懈 褔懈褌邪褦褕 写懈锌谢芯屑薪褍 褉芯斜芯褌褍. 袛谢褟 谢褞写械泄 (褟泻 褟), 褟泻褨 蟹胁懈泻谢懈 写芯 褌芯谐芯, 褖芯 锌懈褋褜屑械薪薪懈泻懈 薪芯薪-褎褨泻褕薪褍 褌褍褉斜褍褞褌褜褋褟 锌褉芯 褌械, 褖芯斜 褉芯蟹写褨谢懈 斜褍谢懈 薪械胁械谢懈褔泻褨, 褖芯斜 锌械褉械斜懈胁邪谢芯褋褜 泻邪褉褌懈薪泻邪屑懈, 褖芯斜 屑芯胁邪 斜褍谢邪 锌褉芯褋褌褨褕芯褞, 褌邪泻褨 锌褉邪褑褨 鈥� 褑械 褟泻 锌褉芯胁械褋褌懈 褌懈卸写械薪褜 胁 褋锌芯褉褌蟹邪谢褨, 写械 褌褉械薪械褉 谐邪薪褟褦 褌械斜械 写芯 泻褉芯胁褨, 邪谢械 蟹邪屑褨褋褌褜 褌褉懈褑械锌褋邪 褨 斜褨褑械锌褋褍 泻邪褔邪褦褕 屑芯蟹芯泻. 袉 锌褨褋谢褟 锌褉芯褔懈褌邪薪薪褟 屑芯蟹芯泻 褖械 写械泻褨谢褜泻邪 写薪褨胁 薪邪屑邪谐邪褦褌褜褋褟 褉芯蟹褋谢邪斜懈褌懈褋褜 褨 胁褨写褉械褎谢械泻褋褍胁邪褌懈 褌械屑褍. 袉 锌褨褋谢褟 褑褜芯谐芯 鈥� 斜谢邪卸械薪薪械 褉芯蟹褋谢邪斜谢械薪薪褟 褨 锌芯褌褍卸薪褨褕懈泄 屑芯蟹芯泻.
袙褋械 锌褨蟹薪邪褦褌褜褋褟 胁 泻芯薪褌械泻褋褌邪褏, 薪邪锌褨胁褌芯薪邪褏. 小薪邪泄写械褉 锌芯褔懈薪邪褦 蟹 褉芯蟹泻褉懈褌褌褟 褉械卸懈屑褍 袩褍褌褨薪邪, 胁褨薪 泄芯谐芯 褌芯褌邪谢褜薪芯 芯谐芯谢褞褦 褨 锌芯泻邪蟹褍褦, 褟泻 褑械 褏胁芯褉械 褔褍写芯胁懈褋褜泻芯 褍褌褉懈屑邪谢芯褋褜 锌褉懈 胁谢邪写褨 褍 2010-褏 褉芯泻邪褏, 褟泻褍 褉芯谢褜 胁 褑褜芯屑褍 胁褨写褨谐褉邪谢懈 褌邪泻褨 卸 褏胁芯褉褨 褨褋褌芯褉懈泻懈 褌邪 写褨褟褔褨 褋褍褔邪褋薪芯褋褌褨 褨 屑懈薪褍谢芯谐芯. 袩芯褋械褉械写懈薪褨 褉芯蟹泻褉懈胁邪褦褌褜褋褟 褉芯谢褜 褨 胁邪卸谢懈胁褨褋褌褜 校泻褉邪褩薪懈 胁 褑褨泄 锌邪褉邪写懈谐屑褨, 褨 褎褨薪邪谢 鈥� 褕谢褟褏 孝褉邪屑锌邪.
袉 胁褋械 褑械 写褍卸械 锌芯胁鈥櫻徯沸靶叫� 屑褨卸 褋芯斜芯褞. 袪械褔褨, 褟泻褨 屑芯卸褍褌褜 薪邪 锌械褉褕懈泄 锌芯谐谢褟写 蟹写邪胁邪褌懈褋褜 薪械芯褔械胁懈写薪懈屑懈, 褉褨蟹薪懈屑懈, 薪械锌芯褦写薪邪薪懈屑懈, 薪邪褋锌褉邪胁写褨 褦 褔邪褋褌懈薪泻邪屑懈 褉褨蟹薪懈褏 锌邪蟹谢褨胁. 袨写懈薪 斜褨泻 褋胁褨褌褍 褋泻谢邪写邪褦 锌邪蟹谢 鈥溞啃拘谎栄傂感盒� 薪械屑懈薪褍褔芯褋褌褨鈥� (褨写械泄 薪械屑邪褦, 褉芯蟹胁懈薪械薪邪 写械屑芯泻褉邪褌褨褟 褋邪屑芯褌褍卸泻懈 褉褍褏邪褦褌褜褋褟 写芯 锌芯胁薪芯褩 泄 芯褋褌邪褌芯褔薪芯褩 锌械褉械屑芯谐懈 褍 褋胁褨褌褨) 褨 鈥溞啃拘谎栄傂感盒� 胁褨褔薪芯褋褌褨鈥� (锌芯褋褌褨泄薪械 褉芯蟹写屑褍褏褍胁邪薪薪褟 屑褋褌懈胁芯褩 薪械薪邪胁懈褋褌褨, 胁褨写芯屑芯褩 褎褨谢芯褋芯褎邪屑 锌褨写 薪邪蟹胁芯褞 "褉械褋械薪褌懈屑械薪褌").
袛谢褟 屑械薪械 褑褨 写胁褨 锌芯谢褨褌懈泻懈 鈥� 褑械 褖芯褋褜, 褖芯 褟 褉邪薪褨褕械 胁谢芯胁谢褞胁邪胁, 邪谢械 薪械 褍褋胁褨写芯屑谢褞胁邪胁. 小薪邪泄写械褉褍 胁写邪谢芯褋褜 锌芯褟褋薪懈褌懈 褑械 薪邪 锌褉懈泻谢邪写邪褏, 褨 褑褨 褨写械褩 芯褌褉懈屑邪谢懈 褎芯褉屑褍.
笑械 泻薪懈谐邪 锌褉芯 褉械邪谢褜薪褍 斜芯褉芯褌褜斜褍 袛芯斜褉邪 褌邪 袟谢邪.
鈥溞貉壭� 屑懈 褏芯褔械屑芯 泻褉邪褖械 褉芯蟹褍屑褨褌懈 写芯斜褉芯 褨 蟹谢芯, 薪邪屑 褋谢褨写 褉械邪薪褨屑褍胁邪褌懈 褨褋褌芯褉褨褞.鈥�
些械 斜褨谢褜褕械 胁褨写谐褍泻褨胁 褌邪 芯泻芯谢芯谢褨褌械褉邪褌褍褉薪芯谐芯 褕褍泻邪泄褌械 胁 屑芯褦屑褍 泻薪懈卸泻芯胁芯屑褍 斜谢芯蟹褨 胁
June 16, 2018
This book is astonishingly bad. 鈥淏loodlands,鈥� by this author, was a decent book. This one is confused in theory, biased in orientation, and paranoid in psychology.
Essentially, the book is a Russophobic rant, with Vladimir Putin at the center of a global web of evil, with Donald Trump at one of its outer nodes. Putin, in the author鈥檚 narrative, pulls the strands connected to the Donald.
I have many quarrels with this book. I will list them until I run out of wrath and gas.
First: As a conceit to give a theme to his work, Snyder contrasts two concepts of history as employed in political language--the "eternity" view, e.g. we are victims and we have forever enemies, vs. the view of the present as culmination, as in the much-discussed, albeit trivial "The End of History." This distinction makes little sense either in terms of intellectual history or as an analysis of propaganda. It's just kind of goofy.
Second: Snyder constantly uses the word "fascist," with as much vigor as the Stalinists did when they denounced social democrats as "social fascists," or Jonah Goldberg does when he finds fascism in contemporary liberalism. Because it's a term of political abuse, "fascism" has lost much of its meaning, and there is certainly little consistency in what it means from one writer to another. I don't think it has much use beyond Mussolini's Italy and perhaps those who consciously emulated it.
Third: Snyder completely ignores the geopolitical factors that frequently drive Russian policy. Russia has no strong natural barriers to the West or to the East as nd has frequently been invaded from both directions. Europe鈥檚 insistence on swallowing up Central Europe and Russia鈥檚 near abroad was bound to provoke a reaction. Tsar, commissar, oligarch, or even a hypothetical neoliberal regime, would have the same concerns. By ignoring geopolitics and wallowing in righteous indignation over Russian concerns about Western designs on the Ukraine, Georgia, etc., Snyder is geopolitically blind.
Fourth: Snyder depicts the Maidan uprising as some kind of Kumbaya festival. He ignores the r么le of Soros, Victoria Nuland and her minions, etc. in these 鈥渃olor revolutions鈥� that always seems to go nowhere.
Fifth: Snyder ignores Putin鈥檚 achievements while harping on his real and perceived faults. Yeltsin, abetted by Jeffrey Sachs and his ilk, nearly destroyed Russia. Putin pieced it back together and is building it up again. Similarly, Snyder glorifies the neoliberal world, with its sterile sexuality, materialism, and ethnic self-immolation.
Sixth: There is no social analysis. All we see is discussion of various writers, who may or may not be influential, and a Putin conspiratorial center. There are no institutions, classes, economics, nationalities, churches, laws鈥攋ust 鈥渇ascist鈥� ideologues and a Putin-centered conspiracy. Hardly a way for a trained historian to explain the world.
Seventh: Snyder ultimately notices some flaws in the US (although not in the EU), but only as conditions to be exploited by a Russia-centered Trump conspiracy. This is blindness. I鈥檓 not going to take the time here to enumerate the economic, demographic, and cultural destruction wrought in our country in recent years鈥攊t would take me too far afield鈥攂ut to suggest that it鈥檚 all a Russo-Trumpian conspiracy, and not a collective failure of the American political class, is blindness. Jeb! and 鈥淚鈥檓 With Her鈥� failed for good reasons.
In short, this is a boring, incompetent, stupid, misleading, paranoid book. Truly a loathsome piece of work.
Essentially, the book is a Russophobic rant, with Vladimir Putin at the center of a global web of evil, with Donald Trump at one of its outer nodes. Putin, in the author鈥檚 narrative, pulls the strands connected to the Donald.
I have many quarrels with this book. I will list them until I run out of wrath and gas.
First: As a conceit to give a theme to his work, Snyder contrasts two concepts of history as employed in political language--the "eternity" view, e.g. we are victims and we have forever enemies, vs. the view of the present as culmination, as in the much-discussed, albeit trivial "The End of History." This distinction makes little sense either in terms of intellectual history or as an analysis of propaganda. It's just kind of goofy.
Second: Snyder constantly uses the word "fascist," with as much vigor as the Stalinists did when they denounced social democrats as "social fascists," or Jonah Goldberg does when he finds fascism in contemporary liberalism. Because it's a term of political abuse, "fascism" has lost much of its meaning, and there is certainly little consistency in what it means from one writer to another. I don't think it has much use beyond Mussolini's Italy and perhaps those who consciously emulated it.
Third: Snyder completely ignores the geopolitical factors that frequently drive Russian policy. Russia has no strong natural barriers to the West or to the East as nd has frequently been invaded from both directions. Europe鈥檚 insistence on swallowing up Central Europe and Russia鈥檚 near abroad was bound to provoke a reaction. Tsar, commissar, oligarch, or even a hypothetical neoliberal regime, would have the same concerns. By ignoring geopolitics and wallowing in righteous indignation over Russian concerns about Western designs on the Ukraine, Georgia, etc., Snyder is geopolitically blind.
Fourth: Snyder depicts the Maidan uprising as some kind of Kumbaya festival. He ignores the r么le of Soros, Victoria Nuland and her minions, etc. in these 鈥渃olor revolutions鈥� that always seems to go nowhere.
Fifth: Snyder ignores Putin鈥檚 achievements while harping on his real and perceived faults. Yeltsin, abetted by Jeffrey Sachs and his ilk, nearly destroyed Russia. Putin pieced it back together and is building it up again. Similarly, Snyder glorifies the neoliberal world, with its sterile sexuality, materialism, and ethnic self-immolation.
Sixth: There is no social analysis. All we see is discussion of various writers, who may or may not be influential, and a Putin conspiratorial center. There are no institutions, classes, economics, nationalities, churches, laws鈥攋ust 鈥渇ascist鈥� ideologues and a Putin-centered conspiracy. Hardly a way for a trained historian to explain the world.
Seventh: Snyder ultimately notices some flaws in the US (although not in the EU), but only as conditions to be exploited by a Russia-centered Trump conspiracy. This is blindness. I鈥檓 not going to take the time here to enumerate the economic, demographic, and cultural destruction wrought in our country in recent years鈥攊t would take me too far afield鈥攂ut to suggest that it鈥檚 all a Russo-Trumpian conspiracy, and not a collective failure of the American political class, is blindness. Jeb! and 鈥淚鈥檓 With Her鈥� failed for good reasons.
In short, this is a boring, incompetent, stupid, misleading, paranoid book. Truly a loathsome piece of work.
Read
July 4, 2021Snyder's nauseous comic opera is mostly a close reading of some of the ideological structure of the Putin regime in Russia, the events of the Maidan protest in the Ukraine and the 2016 presidential election in the USA.
It is all very interesting but I do feel that the absence of a wider ranging analysis stamps a 'best consumed before' date on this book that is rather short.
It is a book that comes across as written with some sorrow and bitterness, his prescription is to hope for a politically engaged citizenry that knows history fairly well, since current democratic systems are representative and citizens required input is limited to choosing a proxy I don't see much basis for optimism, though on the other hand from his close reading I would say that although upsetting or biasing electoral political systems seems to be easy enough if you have the resources, being able to produce the precise outcomes that you wish for appears to be elusive.
I am hesitant to fully endorse everything that Synder says, I am conflicted over the role that manipulation of the internet by the Russians or dark money plays - I don't doubt that it is happening, just I suspect that messages from such interests only have traction because some people are already thinking along such lines, then again I have not subjected myself to a situation in which all of my media are shouting a particular political message, maybe if for the sake of argument all your news comes from your Facebook feed and it increasingly is pushing a certain message then maybe it would convince you to believe anything - after all there are examples of self-radicalisation which curiously rather quickly seem to turn people into would be mass murders.
Synder's basic point is that there is a politics of inevitability (there is no alternative...) and a politics of eternity, the latter is wide spread in totalitarian regimes and implies to the citizens that change is impossible, inevitability politics can be found in democratic regimes but you can see how it can flow into the idea of eternity. Furthermore, most people are ignorant of history and so tend to believe a myth of the 'wise country' that their state made certain political decisions out of pure disembodied wisdom rather than in a particular political context and this leaves people vulnerable to mythologising. The example that is most pertinent is of European states imagining that they were or could become again nation states, ignoring that in history they were empires. This leads to an interesting reading of the EU, that it and its predecessors are a mechanism that allow states to transition out of empire .
Coupled to this Synder sees empire and colonisation as central to European history in a way that is unusual, but refreshing. He also points to empire as a more politically relevant form of organisation than we usually think. From this he points to the vulnerability of the post imperial states that briefly flowered in eastern and central europe in the 1920s and 1930s and in particular to Russia's drive to empire.
Much of this I imagine is explored in his book . I was interested in his discussion of Eurasianism, which I had rather naively imagined was simply a way to transcend the Slavophile and westerniser debate in nineteenth century Russia, but here emerges as a belief in Russian imperial domination over Europe as far as Lisbon.
The link to sexuality both made sense of what had seen to me Putin's Russia's bizarre obsession with homosexuality and reminded me of an old favourite book and of the entomological link in English between Buggery and Bulgaria . However this also reminds me that the lack of a wider analysis is a weakness in this book when one recalls that Hungary's and Poland's governments are using similar rhetoric .
There is a lot that is interesting in this book, depressingly it reminded me of how much the USA in the too long Trump years was reminiscent of with it's daily five minutes of hate: It is easy to see the appeal of eternity to wealthy and corrupt men in control of a lawless state. They cannot offer social advance to their population, and so must find some other form of motion in politics. Rather than discuss reforms, eternity politicians designate threats. Rather than presenting a future with possibilities and hopes, they offer an eternal present with defined enemies and artificial crises. for this to work, citizens have to meet their eternity politicians half way. demoralized by their inability to change their station in life, they must accept that the meaning of politics lies not in institutional reform but in daily emotion (p.257)
I forgot to mention; this book was on the 'To read' list of the late and still lamented Ted Schmeckpeper.
It is all very interesting but I do feel that the absence of a wider ranging analysis stamps a 'best consumed before' date on this book that is rather short.
It is a book that comes across as written with some sorrow and bitterness, his prescription is to hope for a politically engaged citizenry that knows history fairly well, since current democratic systems are representative and citizens required input is limited to choosing a proxy I don't see much basis for optimism, though on the other hand from his close reading I would say that although upsetting or biasing electoral political systems seems to be easy enough if you have the resources, being able to produce the precise outcomes that you wish for appears to be elusive.
I am hesitant to fully endorse everything that Synder says, I am conflicted over the role that manipulation of the internet by the Russians or dark money plays - I don't doubt that it is happening, just I suspect that messages from such interests only have traction because some people are already thinking along such lines, then again I have not subjected myself to a situation in which all of my media are shouting a particular political message, maybe if for the sake of argument all your news comes from your Facebook feed and it increasingly is pushing a certain message then maybe it would convince you to believe anything - after all there are examples of self-radicalisation which curiously rather quickly seem to turn people into would be mass murders.
Synder's basic point is that there is a politics of inevitability (there is no alternative...) and a politics of eternity, the latter is wide spread in totalitarian regimes and implies to the citizens that change is impossible, inevitability politics can be found in democratic regimes but you can see how it can flow into the idea of eternity. Furthermore, most people are ignorant of history and so tend to believe a myth of the 'wise country' that their state made certain political decisions out of pure disembodied wisdom rather than in a particular political context and this leaves people vulnerable to mythologising. The example that is most pertinent is of European states imagining that they were or could become again nation states, ignoring that in history they were empires. This leads to an interesting reading of the EU, that it and its predecessors are a mechanism that allow states to transition out of empire .
Coupled to this Synder sees empire and colonisation as central to European history in a way that is unusual, but refreshing. He also points to empire as a more politically relevant form of organisation than we usually think. From this he points to the vulnerability of the post imperial states that briefly flowered in eastern and central europe in the 1920s and 1930s and in particular to Russia's drive to empire.
Much of this I imagine is explored in his book . I was interested in his discussion of Eurasianism, which I had rather naively imagined was simply a way to transcend the Slavophile and westerniser debate in nineteenth century Russia, but here emerges as a belief in Russian imperial domination over Europe as far as Lisbon.
The link to sexuality both made sense of what had seen to me Putin's Russia's bizarre obsession with homosexuality and reminded me of an old favourite book and of the entomological link in English between Buggery and Bulgaria . However this also reminds me that the lack of a wider analysis is a weakness in this book when one recalls that Hungary's and Poland's governments are using similar rhetoric .
There is a lot that is interesting in this book, depressingly it reminded me of how much the USA in the too long Trump years was reminiscent of with it's daily five minutes of hate: It is easy to see the appeal of eternity to wealthy and corrupt men in control of a lawless state. They cannot offer social advance to their population, and so must find some other form of motion in politics. Rather than discuss reforms, eternity politicians designate threats. Rather than presenting a future with possibilities and hopes, they offer an eternal present with defined enemies and artificial crises. for this to work, citizens have to meet their eternity politicians half way. demoralized by their inability to change their station in life, they must accept that the meaning of politics lies not in institutional reform but in daily emotion (p.257)
I forgot to mention; this book was on the 'To read' list of the late and still lamented Ted Schmeckpeper.
June 16, 2018
More information with links to my review coming soon- stay tuned!
October 13, 2019
Timothy Snyder has coined two terms to reflect political states of mind that are ahistorical. The first is inevitablilty, as in "the politics of inevitability;" the second is eternity, as in "the politics of eternity." Once defined, both will feel familiar to us.
The politics of inevitability is a childlike state in which we assume the way things are is inevitable, unchangeable, and meant to be, since we've gotten used to it and forgotten about alternatives. In the West, once the Berlin wall came down, and once the Soviet Union had collapsed, we thought liberal (small l) democracy had won, once and for all. After a while, too, no one had experienced anything else. This is akin to the logical error that says because things have always been some way, they always will be. When the politics of inevitability prevails, we as individuals really have no meaningful political responsibility, since the current situation is, after all, inevitable. And, for the same reason, we don't have concern for caution or limits, since what is inevitable can neither need support nor suffer damage.
Then some new mental framework or attitude against which we have no ready defenses descends on society, perhaps in response to some unexpected trauma or shock to the system (think Trump, or Brexit), perhaps aided and abetted by a new disruptive form of media. In the sixteenth century, that disruptive media was the printing press; at some earlier point, it was writing itself. Now we're talking the internet and social media. After the politics of inevitability is dispatched, the politics of eternity settles in. The politics of eternity is "us-them" on steroids. "We" are innocent victims of "them" for all eternity, in an endlessly repeating cycle of drama and spectacle, with nothing to be done except get with the program, get on board, get brainwashed, and accept, along with everyone else, the acceptable beliefs. Don't think (and without thought there is no dissent). A modicum of coercion and a dash of violence will season the stew.
Between the two--inevitability and eternity--is a space for history. Only in history can we think and act and make a difference. That's what the author is aiming for. That's the good. His heroes are the investigative journalists who see and observe, often at risk to themselves, enabling us to remove from our eyes the enveloping and blinding shroud of eternity. His book's dedication:
Snyder organizes his book into six chapters with the title of each a political virtue juxtaposed to its opposite. The first is "Individualism or Totalitarianism." In that first chapter he describes Ivan Ilyin, the rehabilitated fascist and conspiracy theorist of the early-to-mid-twentieth century, whose thinking informs the political ideology of Putin's Russia where the politics of eternity is in full sway--helped by the fact that most Russians receive their news via state-controlled TV and at the national (not local) level. Russia, white and Christian, and meant to be at the forefront of the nations, is for all time the pure and innocent victim of fascist violation; the West, along with its liberalism, freedom, and factuality, is by definition that violator, and in the defense against it, all is justified. The individual, too, is evil except as a part of the state, about which status the individual has no choice. The second chapter is "Succession or Failure:" either the state has a succession principle by which power changes hands lawfully, or it doesn't--the Ilyin ideal being a manly leader who mystically embodies and represents his country and retains power, the model that supports Putin's Russia in its current oligarchical manifestation. In contrast, if the rule of law prevails at the top, meaning a real principle of succession, then imperfections in the system, such as corruption or inequality, are potentially correctable. Chapter Three is "Integration or Empire." In contrast to Yoram Hazony's book , which has been making waves lately, Snyder argues that our notion of independent states is rooted in myth. He says that in actuality, what we formerly had were empires whose attempted persistence as independent states could not be maintained, and from which failed effort they were rescued by the EU. The imperial mode is colonization, which is familiar so far; but what Snyder points to is colonization within Europe, with disputes settled, not by diplomacy, but by invasion and annexation. That's the mode to which a Russia looking backward to the age of empire aspires and which its fascist and totalitarian ideology aims to justify. Inherent in those views is that circa 2010 or 2012 Russia gave up early efforts to modernize and liberalize, that is, to compete with the West on its own terms, embarking instead on its current course.
Next comes Chapter Four, "Novelty or Eternity." About halfway into that chapter, Snyder gets to what happened in Ukraine in 2013 and, eventually, 2014. Novelty means Ukraine as an independent, democracy-pursuing country intent on closer integration with Europe, while eternity as used here refers to Russian mythology that Ukraine is and always has been Russian, so that Russia was going to put its foot down and put a halt to Ukrainian independence. Thus, Snyder at this point in his book reaches recent history. He movingly describes the solidarity resulting from the Maidan protests (some of which I believe found expression in his earlier book ). And he tells what happened--a lot of which received inadequate attention in the West. In Chapter Five, "Truth or Lies," he continues with the information war: how Russia played Ukrainian and Russian speakers within Ukraine against each other, created propaganda that the Maidan independence demonstrations were fascist endeavors engineered by the US, and also propagandized its own citizens from outlying parts of the country with outrageous stories--for example, that Ukrainians had crucified a three-year-old Russian boy--in order to galvanize them to come fight, and sometimes die. Again, Snyder highlights what journalists were doing--as long as they could--to get out the truth of what was happening. Russia had limited success on the ground in Ukraine but practiced its infowar techniques for use in Europe and then in the US. And that last area is the subject of Chapter Six, "Equality or Oligarchy," regarding the election of their man in Washington, Donald Trump.
Discussion of whether Ukraine is a fascist state still persists, and during 2014, the country was hamstrung by what Snyder terms propagandistic accusations--schizofascist propaganda that in essence accused Ukraine of being what Russia was. (Another example of schizofascism is accusing Jews of causing the Holocaust.) Snyder argues his case well, though, and he supports his argument, on this point and otherwise, with ongoing references to reports of journalists and other documentation. He does not use conventional footnote markers but instead provides running references by page and paragraph at the back of the book.
In a manner of speaking, what Timothy Snyder does in this book is celebrate and defend our institutions, even as Michael Lewis does in another, very different, book I recently read, . Many, it seems, are content to condemn the institutions that support them, with the far-Right now co-opting and outdoing the Left in that endeavor. Since nothing is perfect, warts can always be uncovered, yet Snyder looks to the conditions that support improvement. He looks, in other words, to history, change, thinking, individual effort and heroism, and solidarity. The conditions we regard as virtues, he says, cannot exist in the abstract. The virtues can exist only in the institutions that embody them.
Also, understand that the contrast between factuality and fiction is not a debate. I recently received an email from my local paper thanking me for my support and making reference to a "debate" about the news media. There is no debate, as the attacks on news are not fact-based. In fact the attack on the mainstream media for being "fake news" is another example of schizofascism. Similarly, there is no debating Trump on his wall since his story of why the wall is needed represents a departure from reality. This is my point, although based, I hope, on what Snyder says about political fiction.
Snyder has heard a call and has written this book to try and educate and alert us. He has a difficult task. What he is saying can be hard to understand. It takes study. I had to read the first part of the book twice to understand all the historical phenomena and related mythologizing, not to mention all the Russian names--I who once upon a time studied Russian. Meanwhile, a succinct slur can lodge in the mind and rally the wrong troops. The fact that the truth is more complicated than fiction can appear to be a weakness. Not only is the simplistic easier, it's also convenient. And the fact is that Trump (and Russia) won. Many people here are going around saying that nothing has changed, this is just more of the same, and this, too, will pass. In other words it's all an anomaly--a bad dream--and the inevitable will soon resume. Just as "This is not really happening" is not a good strategy to deal with a mugging, neither will it work in these times.
In a sense, Snyder has done what Nassim Nicholas Taleb says he did in : create a story to fight a story. Most of the time he does well, the complications and difficulties notwithstanding. Sometimes when he's talking about the US, I can see him painting with too-wide brushstrokes that could catapult him into difficulties--for example, writing as though "Southern whites" are a monolith. If he does that in areas of the globe with which I'm relatively more familiar, perhaps others would notice the same for their areas.
Also, he focuses on racial and economic inequality as fueling divestiture from democracy, but perhaps instead the problem at bottom is the lack of dignity and recognition: people not finding worth, meaning or any sense of belonging. Anomie, in other words. Money, after all, is a form of recognition.
Nevertheless in writing this book he's done us a major service. Kudos, Timothy Snyder.
Even though the subtitle of this book is Russia > Europe > America, here are a couple of quotes from , about Nigeria, showing that people elsewhere know about the politics of eternity. How other people in the world have heretofore looked toward America and the West!
A highly touted National Affairs article by Jonathan Rauch entitled "The Constitution of Language" shows how disinformation works. Rauch is more sanguine about our institutions than Snyder, I think, and he focuses directly on Trump (not via Russia or Putin), yet the article is very good.
A 2015 piece for Foreign Affairs with more on Ivan Ilyin:
April 13, 2019
I've only read Timothy Snyder's two most recent books, and this one. Here's a new article reviewing his work that puts those two books into a context and could help with perspective:
October 13, 2019
Here is a current New York Times piece that is in line with Snyder's contentions about Russia:
The politics of inevitability is a childlike state in which we assume the way things are is inevitable, unchangeable, and meant to be, since we've gotten used to it and forgotten about alternatives. In the West, once the Berlin wall came down, and once the Soviet Union had collapsed, we thought liberal (small l) democracy had won, once and for all. After a while, too, no one had experienced anything else. This is akin to the logical error that says because things have always been some way, they always will be. When the politics of inevitability prevails, we as individuals really have no meaningful political responsibility, since the current situation is, after all, inevitable. And, for the same reason, we don't have concern for caution or limits, since what is inevitable can neither need support nor suffer damage.
Then some new mental framework or attitude against which we have no ready defenses descends on society, perhaps in response to some unexpected trauma or shock to the system (think Trump, or Brexit), perhaps aided and abetted by a new disruptive form of media. In the sixteenth century, that disruptive media was the printing press; at some earlier point, it was writing itself. Now we're talking the internet and social media. After the politics of inevitability is dispatched, the politics of eternity settles in. The politics of eternity is "us-them" on steroids. "We" are innocent victims of "them" for all eternity, in an endlessly repeating cycle of drama and spectacle, with nothing to be done except get with the program, get on board, get brainwashed, and accept, along with everyone else, the acceptable beliefs. Don't think (and without thought there is no dissent). A modicum of coercion and a dash of violence will season the stew.
Between the two--inevitability and eternity--is a space for history. Only in history can we think and act and make a difference. That's what the author is aiming for. That's the good. His heroes are the investigative journalists who see and observe, often at risk to themselves, enabling us to remove from our eyes the enveloping and blinding shroud of eternity. His book's dedication:
For the reporters, the heroes of our time
Snyder organizes his book into six chapters with the title of each a political virtue juxtaposed to its opposite. The first is "Individualism or Totalitarianism." In that first chapter he describes Ivan Ilyin, the rehabilitated fascist and conspiracy theorist of the early-to-mid-twentieth century, whose thinking informs the political ideology of Putin's Russia where the politics of eternity is in full sway--helped by the fact that most Russians receive their news via state-controlled TV and at the national (not local) level. Russia, white and Christian, and meant to be at the forefront of the nations, is for all time the pure and innocent victim of fascist violation; the West, along with its liberalism, freedom, and factuality, is by definition that violator, and in the defense against it, all is justified. The individual, too, is evil except as a part of the state, about which status the individual has no choice. The second chapter is "Succession or Failure:" either the state has a succession principle by which power changes hands lawfully, or it doesn't--the Ilyin ideal being a manly leader who mystically embodies and represents his country and retains power, the model that supports Putin's Russia in its current oligarchical manifestation. In contrast, if the rule of law prevails at the top, meaning a real principle of succession, then imperfections in the system, such as corruption or inequality, are potentially correctable. Chapter Three is "Integration or Empire." In contrast to Yoram Hazony's book , which has been making waves lately, Snyder argues that our notion of independent states is rooted in myth. He says that in actuality, what we formerly had were empires whose attempted persistence as independent states could not be maintained, and from which failed effort they were rescued by the EU. The imperial mode is colonization, which is familiar so far; but what Snyder points to is colonization within Europe, with disputes settled, not by diplomacy, but by invasion and annexation. That's the mode to which a Russia looking backward to the age of empire aspires and which its fascist and totalitarian ideology aims to justify. Inherent in those views is that circa 2010 or 2012 Russia gave up early efforts to modernize and liberalize, that is, to compete with the West on its own terms, embarking instead on its current course.
Next comes Chapter Four, "Novelty or Eternity." About halfway into that chapter, Snyder gets to what happened in Ukraine in 2013 and, eventually, 2014. Novelty means Ukraine as an independent, democracy-pursuing country intent on closer integration with Europe, while eternity as used here refers to Russian mythology that Ukraine is and always has been Russian, so that Russia was going to put its foot down and put a halt to Ukrainian independence. Thus, Snyder at this point in his book reaches recent history. He movingly describes the solidarity resulting from the Maidan protests (some of which I believe found expression in his earlier book ). And he tells what happened--a lot of which received inadequate attention in the West. In Chapter Five, "Truth or Lies," he continues with the information war: how Russia played Ukrainian and Russian speakers within Ukraine against each other, created propaganda that the Maidan independence demonstrations were fascist endeavors engineered by the US, and also propagandized its own citizens from outlying parts of the country with outrageous stories--for example, that Ukrainians had crucified a three-year-old Russian boy--in order to galvanize them to come fight, and sometimes die. Again, Snyder highlights what journalists were doing--as long as they could--to get out the truth of what was happening. Russia had limited success on the ground in Ukraine but practiced its infowar techniques for use in Europe and then in the US. And that last area is the subject of Chapter Six, "Equality or Oligarchy," regarding the election of their man in Washington, Donald Trump.
Discussion of whether Ukraine is a fascist state still persists, and during 2014, the country was hamstrung by what Snyder terms propagandistic accusations--schizofascist propaganda that in essence accused Ukraine of being what Russia was. (Another example of schizofascism is accusing Jews of causing the Holocaust.) Snyder argues his case well, though, and he supports his argument, on this point and otherwise, with ongoing references to reports of journalists and other documentation. He does not use conventional footnote markers but instead provides running references by page and paragraph at the back of the book.
In a manner of speaking, what Timothy Snyder does in this book is celebrate and defend our institutions, even as Michael Lewis does in another, very different, book I recently read, . Many, it seems, are content to condemn the institutions that support them, with the far-Right now co-opting and outdoing the Left in that endeavor. Since nothing is perfect, warts can always be uncovered, yet Snyder looks to the conditions that support improvement. He looks, in other words, to history, change, thinking, individual effort and heroism, and solidarity. The conditions we regard as virtues, he says, cannot exist in the abstract. The virtues can exist only in the institutions that embody them.
Also, understand that the contrast between factuality and fiction is not a debate. I recently received an email from my local paper thanking me for my support and making reference to a "debate" about the news media. There is no debate, as the attacks on news are not fact-based. In fact the attack on the mainstream media for being "fake news" is another example of schizofascism. Similarly, there is no debating Trump on his wall since his story of why the wall is needed represents a departure from reality. This is my point, although based, I hope, on what Snyder says about political fiction.
Snyder has heard a call and has written this book to try and educate and alert us. He has a difficult task. What he is saying can be hard to understand. It takes study. I had to read the first part of the book twice to understand all the historical phenomena and related mythologizing, not to mention all the Russian names--I who once upon a time studied Russian. Meanwhile, a succinct slur can lodge in the mind and rally the wrong troops. The fact that the truth is more complicated than fiction can appear to be a weakness. Not only is the simplistic easier, it's also convenient. And the fact is that Trump (and Russia) won. Many people here are going around saying that nothing has changed, this is just more of the same, and this, too, will pass. In other words it's all an anomaly--a bad dream--and the inevitable will soon resume. Just as "This is not really happening" is not a good strategy to deal with a mugging, neither will it work in these times.
In a sense, Snyder has done what Nassim Nicholas Taleb says he did in : create a story to fight a story. Most of the time he does well, the complications and difficulties notwithstanding. Sometimes when he's talking about the US, I can see him painting with too-wide brushstrokes that could catapult him into difficulties--for example, writing as though "Southern whites" are a monolith. If he does that in areas of the globe with which I'm relatively more familiar, perhaps others would notice the same for their areas.
Also, he focuses on racial and economic inequality as fueling divestiture from democracy, but perhaps instead the problem at bottom is the lack of dignity and recognition: people not finding worth, meaning or any sense of belonging. Anomie, in other words. Money, after all, is a form of recognition.
Nevertheless in writing this book he's done us a major service. Kudos, Timothy Snyder.
Even though the subtitle of this book is Russia > Europe > America, here are a couple of quotes from , about Nigeria, showing that people elsewhere know about the politics of eternity. How other people in the world have heretofore looked toward America and the West!
Alexa and the other guests, and perhaps even Georgina, all understood the fleeing from war, from the kind of poverty that crushed human souls, but they would not understand the need to escape from the oppressive lethargy of choicelessness. They would not understand why people like him, who were raised well-fed and watered but mired in dissatisfaction, conditioned from birth to look toward somewhere else, eternally convinced that real lives happened in that somewhere else, were now resolved to do dangerous things, illegal things, so as to leave, none of them starving, or raped, or from burned villages, but merely hungry for choice and certainty.
Obinze envied them for what they were, men who casually changed names and passports, who would plan and come back and do it over again because they had nothing to lose. He didn't have their savoir faire; he was soft, a boy who had grown up eating cornflakes and reading books, raised by a mother during a time when truth-telling was not yet a luxury.
A highly touted National Affairs article by Jonathan Rauch entitled "The Constitution of Language" shows how disinformation works. Rauch is more sanguine about our institutions than Snyder, I think, and he focuses directly on Trump (not via Russia or Putin), yet the article is very good.
A 2015 piece for Foreign Affairs with more on Ivan Ilyin:
April 13, 2019
I've only read Timothy Snyder's two most recent books, and this one. Here's a new article reviewing his work that puts those two books into a context and could help with perspective:
October 13, 2019
Here is a current New York Times piece that is in line with Snyder's contentions about Russia:
...Western security officials have now concluded that these operations, and potentially many others, are part of a coordinated and ongoing campaign to destabilize Europe.... ...
...The Kremlin sees Russia as being at war with a Western liberal order that it views as an existential threat. ...
...A former intelligence officer himself, Mr. Putin drew a direct line between the Red Army spies who helped defeat the Nazis in World War II and officers of the G.R.U., whose 鈥渦nique capabilities鈥� are now deployed against a different kind of enemy.... ...
June 14, 2018
The only good portion of this book was Snyder's breakdown of the Russian war against Ukraine. Acute, historically-grounded, elegantly written. Every single Far-Right and Far-Left talking point on Ukraine is dispelled one point at a time with such precision that I don't think it could've been bettered.
Unfortunately, everything else in the book is really not worth anyone's time. He subscribes to a Cold-War ideological framework of an evil East and a Freedom-loving West; that if it doesn't get it's act together it will be trapped in an equally irrational, dangerous, insane "politics of eternity" - where everything is spectacle, the future doesn't exist, and "problems are invented to combat enemies that aren't real".
For Snyder, anything even remotely destabilizing in the West is the product of Russian meddling (Brexit, Trump's victory, the Scottish Referendum, American Racial tensions, etc.). He can't bring himself to mention the myriad of indigenous reasons as to why these events took place, inconvenient from so many points of view. He doesn't mention that many Britons actually had genuine reasons for wanting out of the EU, like for the fact that since the Euro crisis, it has shown itself for what it is: a bureaucratic, austerity-imposing, bank-controlling, undemocratic institution. Maybe that might be the reason? Certainly more plausible than Snyder's "well, the Bots are to blame for duping people into leaving the Union because people are dumb". Or the fact that many Americans (the majority) did not vote in the 2016 elections because maybe - just maybe - Hilary Clinton was an extremely problematic candidate with an awful track-record.
Snyder goes even more bat-shit conspiratorial when he suggests that the Opiod crisis lead to many Americans damaging the part of the brain that's used for rational decision making, and thus making them more susceptible to Russian bots and voting for Trump. How is this taken seriously?
I really can't see this book appealing or persuading anyone outside the confines of the already converted. Very disappointed to be frank.
Unfortunately, everything else in the book is really not worth anyone's time. He subscribes to a Cold-War ideological framework of an evil East and a Freedom-loving West; that if it doesn't get it's act together it will be trapped in an equally irrational, dangerous, insane "politics of eternity" - where everything is spectacle, the future doesn't exist, and "problems are invented to combat enemies that aren't real".
For Snyder, anything even remotely destabilizing in the West is the product of Russian meddling (Brexit, Trump's victory, the Scottish Referendum, American Racial tensions, etc.). He can't bring himself to mention the myriad of indigenous reasons as to why these events took place, inconvenient from so many points of view. He doesn't mention that many Britons actually had genuine reasons for wanting out of the EU, like for the fact that since the Euro crisis, it has shown itself for what it is: a bureaucratic, austerity-imposing, bank-controlling, undemocratic institution. Maybe that might be the reason? Certainly more plausible than Snyder's "well, the Bots are to blame for duping people into leaving the Union because people are dumb". Or the fact that many Americans (the majority) did not vote in the 2016 elections because maybe - just maybe - Hilary Clinton was an extremely problematic candidate with an awful track-record.
Snyder goes even more bat-shit conspiratorial when he suggests that the Opiod crisis lead to many Americans damaging the part of the brain that's used for rational decision making, and thus making them more susceptible to Russian bots and voting for Trump. How is this taken seriously?
I really can't see this book appealing or persuading anyone outside the confines of the already converted. Very disappointed to be frank.
March 3, 2023
袧褍 褑械 屑邪褋褌褉褨写. 袛械褟泻褨 褋褌芯褉褨薪泻懈 谢械谐褕械 褔懈褌邪褌懈, 斜芯 胁褋械 锌褨褕谢芯 薪邪 泻褉邪褖械 (褩褏 屑械薪褕褨褋褌褜 蟹胁褨褋薪芯), 写械褟泻褨 胁邪卸褔械 (斜芯 薪褍 芯褌 卸械 胁邪褋 锌芯锌械褉械写卸邪谢懈), 写械褟泻褨 写褍卸械 胁邪卸泻芯 (斜芯 芯褌 锌芯锌械褉械写卸邪谢懈 卸, 邪谢械 褌械锌械褉 褍泻褉邪褩薪褑褨 褑械 胁褋械 胁懈谐褉褨斜邪褞褌褜 褋胁芯褩屑 卸懈褌褌褟屑). 楔泻芯写邪, 褖芯 褌邪泻懈泄 褌懈锌 谢褨褌械褉邪褌褍褉懈 薪械 蟹薪邪泄写械 屑邪褋芯胁芯谐芯 褔懈褌邪褔邪 褨 蟹薪芯胁 褑械 锌褉芯褔懈褌邪褞褌褜 褌褨, 褏褌芯 褨 褌邪泻 胁 泻褍褉褋褨.
December 17, 2019
This is a very focused investigation centered solely on Russia's more recent history since the fall of the Berlin Wall, it's becoming a pure Oligarchy, or rather: a Kleptocracy. What's more, we get some rather startling and almost unbelievable details into the nature of Putin's aim.
Let me be more clear: end aim is very clear. He's stated it about a million times. He's so confident in his power and methods that I can't see any truly viable method to stop him. And so he is open and honest about just how many lies he can get away with.
What's unbelievable is how he's been able to revise history on such a massive scale as to make Stalin a hero, rewrite his involvement in WW2 drastically, or taking a relatively obscure philosopher who was a contemporary of Lenin and elegize him to the point of near godhood, projecting his text as the grand narrative of Putin's Russia. Literally. He's had the book printed everywhere, talked about everywhere, and it all boils down to some CRAZY S**t.
Like the unfettered belief that the leader is the soul of the nation, and that nations are always innocent. Harm can be done to Russia, but it will always remain innocent. There can be no double standards if there are no standards. Facts are for other people. Use facts as weapons against those who rely on them, but never be fettered by them.
Trust the leader who will always steer you right.
People in Russia may not believe this s**t, but remember, every media source will be spouting it. Anyone who has ties to America or Europe are immediately branded enemy collaborators. All the western countries are ruled by the Homosexual Agenda and Russia must never fall before them.
This is just a taste of the reality under Putin. He is a master at reality control. After the devastation of the 90's when practically all otherwise well off USSR populace was cashed in and the full reserves of the government power and wealth was transferred to a handful of men, it was absurdly easy to lock down everything. Putin has an amazing amount of combatant hackers at his disposal. Full media control. Banking. And of course the military.
Remember when the Ukraine was urged to give up over a thousand nuclear missiles in 2010? And then Putin invaded them, annexed them, and completely rewrote history about 5 times in order to justify everything about it in 2012? You know, like things saying there is no such thing as Ukraine. Or there is no Ukraine language. It has always been Russia.
This book has an amazing wealth of information in it. Don't take my word for it. It'll shock you.
Let me steal this from another review of this book (and btw, thank you!):
Methods of control:
{--Constant reference to a past era of greatness
--Hyperfocus on enemies who are enemies because of who they are and not what they do
--A profound belief in a zero-sum (or a negative-sum) world
--Willingness to hurt oneself if, in doing so, you can hurt someone else more
--The manufacture of crises and conflicts where none exist in order to control the news cycle
--Constant labeling of information sources as 鈥渇ake鈥� in an effort to delegitimize any source of truth
--Repetition of blatant, easily verifiable lies with no evidence to back them up other than the fact of the assertion}
His stated goal is to always keep Europe and America as eternal enemies, a-la Eurasia in Orwell's 1984. That means always being on an antagonistic footing, flooding his population with propaganda, and just plain telling any kind of lies he likes, so long as he gets the results he wants. There is no need for any kind of verifiability. He is an Eternal Leader who is Always Innocent and he does NOT need Facts. He just needs to control every narrative. And he does.
The next part of this book is just plain scary.
We've heard all about Russia's supposed involvement with Trump. We've heard both sides make a lot of noise and get nowhere because the signal-to-noise ratio is absolutely atrocious here.
When investigative journalism ACTUALLY does its job, however, a lot of truly damming facts come to light. You know, those pesky little things that Putin cares crap over?
Russian hackers, fully bankrolled by Putin's media empire, is attacking America. This statement isn't just some silly conflation. He's on record of saying it and there are MANY records proving it. Millions of fake facebook accounts with targeted marketing to tight demographics, pandering to prejudices and conspiracy theories, fake movements all across the internet, including millions of tweets by bots trying to influence the political debates. (Successfully, I might add.) Many attempts were also made on the voting machines.
Note the direction almost every convenient "leak" came from during the election cycles. The republican party knew about Trump's many economic connections to Putin, including a Trump Tower with MANY rooms bought by placeholder corporations whose paperwork all led back to Russia, many new real estate deals. The official line was to hush it up. Fire officials that tried to investigate it. And all the while, overwhelming hacker support flowed toward Trump. Let's not forget Trump and Putin's long-standing friendship. They're both fictional characters, after all, telling many interesting narratives, (read lies) that don't need any factual basis. They just need to be plausible for the moment until the power base can be firmed up.
Please refer to the list of power-grabbing methods. Does anyone else see a similarity between Russia and America?
It's almost like all the super-rich looters are playing by the exact same handbook. The goal is to get rich at everyone else's expense. If you don't make the 1% bracket, you're nothing. Just watch for the new grabs.
Look. I said it was nearly unbelievable. But I, unlike radical revisionist leaders, actually LIKE facts.
If this book tells me anything at all, it's to look beyond the noise. We can all be so involved in our little crazy lives so much that we fail to see the big picture. That goes for politics, too. What happens when we realize that a MASSIVE concerted effort to game America's political system actually SUCCEEDS?
Oh, nothing. We're still bickering between blues and reds. Of course, since we do most of that online, it's actually absurdly easy to focus all of one's resources on this choke point. Russia has a veritable army of hackers fanning the flames of all lefts and all rights, stirring up racial prejudices, sexist prejudices, and any other conflict they can dream up. And we buy it. Hell, most of all these "events" might be pure fabrication, but none of us seem to be doing ANYTHING to confirm or deny them. Certainly not our media. They're too busy running ideological platforms, themselves.
See how easy it is to sow SO MUCH confusion and chaos on your enemy...? And the best thing is, WE LAP IT UP, use it all as proof we are right, yet again.
Where are our antibodies? Where is the strong Press that digs up all this crap and shows it for what it is?
Oh, wait... that's what this book is trying to be!
Let me be more clear: end aim is very clear. He's stated it about a million times. He's so confident in his power and methods that I can't see any truly viable method to stop him. And so he is open and honest about just how many lies he can get away with.
What's unbelievable is how he's been able to revise history on such a massive scale as to make Stalin a hero, rewrite his involvement in WW2 drastically, or taking a relatively obscure philosopher who was a contemporary of Lenin and elegize him to the point of near godhood, projecting his text as the grand narrative of Putin's Russia. Literally. He's had the book printed everywhere, talked about everywhere, and it all boils down to some CRAZY S**t.
Like the unfettered belief that the leader is the soul of the nation, and that nations are always innocent. Harm can be done to Russia, but it will always remain innocent. There can be no double standards if there are no standards. Facts are for other people. Use facts as weapons against those who rely on them, but never be fettered by them.
Trust the leader who will always steer you right.
People in Russia may not believe this s**t, but remember, every media source will be spouting it. Anyone who has ties to America or Europe are immediately branded enemy collaborators. All the western countries are ruled by the Homosexual Agenda and Russia must never fall before them.
This is just a taste of the reality under Putin. He is a master at reality control. After the devastation of the 90's when practically all otherwise well off USSR populace was cashed in and the full reserves of the government power and wealth was transferred to a handful of men, it was absurdly easy to lock down everything. Putin has an amazing amount of combatant hackers at his disposal. Full media control. Banking. And of course the military.
Remember when the Ukraine was urged to give up over a thousand nuclear missiles in 2010? And then Putin invaded them, annexed them, and completely rewrote history about 5 times in order to justify everything about it in 2012? You know, like things saying there is no such thing as Ukraine. Or there is no Ukraine language. It has always been Russia.
This book has an amazing wealth of information in it. Don't take my word for it. It'll shock you.
Let me steal this from another review of this book (and btw, thank you!):
Methods of control:
{--Constant reference to a past era of greatness
--Hyperfocus on enemies who are enemies because of who they are and not what they do
--A profound belief in a zero-sum (or a negative-sum) world
--Willingness to hurt oneself if, in doing so, you can hurt someone else more
--The manufacture of crises and conflicts where none exist in order to control the news cycle
--Constant labeling of information sources as 鈥渇ake鈥� in an effort to delegitimize any source of truth
--Repetition of blatant, easily verifiable lies with no evidence to back them up other than the fact of the assertion}
His stated goal is to always keep Europe and America as eternal enemies, a-la Eurasia in Orwell's 1984. That means always being on an antagonistic footing, flooding his population with propaganda, and just plain telling any kind of lies he likes, so long as he gets the results he wants. There is no need for any kind of verifiability. He is an Eternal Leader who is Always Innocent and he does NOT need Facts. He just needs to control every narrative. And he does.
The next part of this book is just plain scary.
We've heard all about Russia's supposed involvement with Trump. We've heard both sides make a lot of noise and get nowhere because the signal-to-noise ratio is absolutely atrocious here.
When investigative journalism ACTUALLY does its job, however, a lot of truly damming facts come to light. You know, those pesky little things that Putin cares crap over?
Russian hackers, fully bankrolled by Putin's media empire, is attacking America. This statement isn't just some silly conflation. He's on record of saying it and there are MANY records proving it. Millions of fake facebook accounts with targeted marketing to tight demographics, pandering to prejudices and conspiracy theories, fake movements all across the internet, including millions of tweets by bots trying to influence the political debates. (Successfully, I might add.) Many attempts were also made on the voting machines.
Note the direction almost every convenient "leak" came from during the election cycles. The republican party knew about Trump's many economic connections to Putin, including a Trump Tower with MANY rooms bought by placeholder corporations whose paperwork all led back to Russia, many new real estate deals. The official line was to hush it up. Fire officials that tried to investigate it. And all the while, overwhelming hacker support flowed toward Trump. Let's not forget Trump and Putin's long-standing friendship. They're both fictional characters, after all, telling many interesting narratives, (read lies) that don't need any factual basis. They just need to be plausible for the moment until the power base can be firmed up.
Please refer to the list of power-grabbing methods. Does anyone else see a similarity between Russia and America?
It's almost like all the super-rich looters are playing by the exact same handbook. The goal is to get rich at everyone else's expense. If you don't make the 1% bracket, you're nothing. Just watch for the new grabs.
Look. I said it was nearly unbelievable. But I, unlike radical revisionist leaders, actually LIKE facts.
If this book tells me anything at all, it's to look beyond the noise. We can all be so involved in our little crazy lives so much that we fail to see the big picture. That goes for politics, too. What happens when we realize that a MASSIVE concerted effort to game America's political system actually SUCCEEDS?
Oh, nothing. We're still bickering between blues and reds. Of course, since we do most of that online, it's actually absurdly easy to focus all of one's resources on this choke point. Russia has a veritable army of hackers fanning the flames of all lefts and all rights, stirring up racial prejudices, sexist prejudices, and any other conflict they can dream up. And we buy it. Hell, most of all these "events" might be pure fabrication, but none of us seem to be doing ANYTHING to confirm or deny them. Certainly not our media. They're too busy running ideological platforms, themselves.
See how easy it is to sow SO MUCH confusion and chaos on your enemy...? And the best thing is, WE LAP IT UP, use it all as proof we are right, yet again.
Where are our antibodies? Where is the strong Press that digs up all this crap and shows it for what it is?
Oh, wait... that's what this book is trying to be!
Read
February 8, 2022This is a book that should be part of everyone's library. It should also be part of every high school curriculum. The author is the Levin Professor of History at Yale, and in each of his six chapters he gives the reader an either/or exploration. For example, his first chapter is "Individualism or Totalitarianism." Using this either/or method throughout the book, he explains how Putin gained control of Russia; how European integration (via the EU) strengthened the positions of the individual nations who belonged to it and, as a result, prompted Putin to promote various false narratives to destroy the EU through giving support to far right politicians like Marine Le Pen in France and Nigel Farage in the UK; what happens when Empires fall and there is no given process for the succession of leadership; how lies become the reality in which people live and to which they cling; how citizens are manipulated to fear and hate others upon whom they place the blame for economic inequalities; how one person rises who promises to fix everything if he is given the unrestricted power to do so; how lies become accepted as truth; how the media begin to promulgate the lies; how spectacle becomes more important than facts; how powerful individuals dominated by self-interest gain power through the ridicule, false narratives, imprisonment, and even murder of those who threaten to topple them. Ultimately through careful exposition, the author turns the reader's attention to the US. By then the reader has already seen the patterns and the forces that either threaten or completely destroy Democracy. Considering the recent past of the US from 2015 until this very moment, it becomes clear that the world's greatest experiment of Democracy is cooperating in its own destruction. This probably sounds like a very dry reading experience. I assure you, it is not.
January 30, 2022
You can basically feel the seams in this one where Snyder decided he wasn't just writing a recent history of Ukraine and Russia, but an indictment of Russia's role in the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. Like his shorter, pithier book "On Tyranny", Snyder often styles himself as a prophet speaking against power. Frankly, that's what he's best at doing. The parts where he speaks broadly about what authoritarianism looks like in practice, the steps it takes to get there, what institutions need to do to resist, etc., are all gold. The part where he lays out the intellectual framework under which Putin is operating is also very well done. But this book wobbles some because he's trying to do two things that don't always mesh well: (1) write an essentially historical account of our present predicament, and (2) provide a theoretical framework for understanding the allure of authoritarianism and why western democracies are susceptible to it.
The first aim falters because he treats various still very much disputed recent events as definitive historical fact. It's mostly (all) anti-Trump, so it's kinda red meat to me. However, it seriously weakens his credibility as a historian when he consistently delivers the most partisan version of events as factual. Further, it undercuts his own point about the post-factual nature of (pre-)authoritarian thinking, because he's basically doing propaganda. Not that I didn't enjoy him dunking on Bannon et al., but it weakens his moral position to speak objectively about the dangers of authoritarianism when it's couched in such lop-sided and often hysterical terms.
Secondly, his framework of "the politics of inevitability" and "the politics of eternity", while cute, is frankly overly simplistic and often short-circuits an otherwise incisive political critique of the structures of power and influence. By "inevitability", Snyder means post-Enlightenment ideas of "the end of history" and the complacent optimism of western democracies that see free market liberal democracy as inherently self-perpetuating and therefore likely to be victorious. "The politics of eternity" are a little less clear, but focus largely on a return to mythological understandings of "the nation" or "the people" that operate to create insularity by fomenting fear of the Other, often effectuated by an ahistorical emphasis on nostalgia for a non-existent golden age or innocence. Think Nazis. Or Trumpers. But I repeat myself.
I don't necessarily disagree with the broader sweep of his categories, but he often uses them as shorthand to wave away behaviors that really deserve a deeper examination. Further, his categories seem to elide at points. At times they're described as essentially opposites, and at others, as though they are effectively the same. I think he's right that the "politics of inevitability" creates the necessary conditions for a reaction towards "eternity", but I'd really like to see that spelled out better. Snyder does present some interesting case studies on how Russia leveraged this slippage in its cyberwar on a gullible populace who never believed the Internet could be turned into the instrument of its own undoing.
Snyder's heart is in the right place, and I 100% agree that historical perspective and a shared pursuit of more-or-less objective truth are necessary preconditions for the survival of liberal democracy. I just wish he would have kept a handle on his emotions a little more and written a less hysterical, over the top account. This book won't convince anybody already in the thrall of Fox News, but it's worth reading for those who are already sympathetic to the premise that we're slipping into authoritarianism because we haven't allowed ourselves to see the dangers and the rot within.
The first aim falters because he treats various still very much disputed recent events as definitive historical fact. It's mostly (all) anti-Trump, so it's kinda red meat to me. However, it seriously weakens his credibility as a historian when he consistently delivers the most partisan version of events as factual. Further, it undercuts his own point about the post-factual nature of (pre-)authoritarian thinking, because he's basically doing propaganda. Not that I didn't enjoy him dunking on Bannon et al., but it weakens his moral position to speak objectively about the dangers of authoritarianism when it's couched in such lop-sided and often hysterical terms.
Secondly, his framework of "the politics of inevitability" and "the politics of eternity", while cute, is frankly overly simplistic and often short-circuits an otherwise incisive political critique of the structures of power and influence. By "inevitability", Snyder means post-Enlightenment ideas of "the end of history" and the complacent optimism of western democracies that see free market liberal democracy as inherently self-perpetuating and therefore likely to be victorious. "The politics of eternity" are a little less clear, but focus largely on a return to mythological understandings of "the nation" or "the people" that operate to create insularity by fomenting fear of the Other, often effectuated by an ahistorical emphasis on nostalgia for a non-existent golden age or innocence. Think Nazis. Or Trumpers. But I repeat myself.
I don't necessarily disagree with the broader sweep of his categories, but he often uses them as shorthand to wave away behaviors that really deserve a deeper examination. Further, his categories seem to elide at points. At times they're described as essentially opposites, and at others, as though they are effectively the same. I think he's right that the "politics of inevitability" creates the necessary conditions for a reaction towards "eternity", but I'd really like to see that spelled out better. Snyder does present some interesting case studies on how Russia leveraged this slippage in its cyberwar on a gullible populace who never believed the Internet could be turned into the instrument of its own undoing.
Snyder's heart is in the right place, and I 100% agree that historical perspective and a shared pursuit of more-or-less objective truth are necessary preconditions for the survival of liberal democracy. I just wish he would have kept a handle on his emotions a little more and written a less hysterical, over the top account. This book won't convince anybody already in the thrall of Fox News, but it's worth reading for those who are already sympathetic to the premise that we're slipping into authoritarianism because we haven't allowed ourselves to see the dangers and the rot within.
April 26, 2018
For the first time, enabled me to see the relationship between the lies and fascism of Vladimir Putin, Russian interference in the politics of the United States and Europe, and the lies and fascism of Donald Trump. Seeing the big picture is no less depressing, but at least gives us a coherent sense of what is ailing us, and a chance to defeat these monsters. Everyone should hear his message before the United States embraces "the politics of eternity," as Snyder calls it, in which lies, manipulation, and artificial nostalgia for times that never were propel us into the abyss.
I have also been reading lately much of the history of Nazism, including the extraordinarily expert manipulation of the German people by Hitler and Joseph Goebbels. Putin, though intelligent and cunning, lacks the maniacal ideological commitment of Hitler and his cronies. But he does understand how to establish an oligarchy of outrageously rich kleptocrats (including himself and his family), while keeping the common people confused and repressed. Trump can aspire to that idea, given that inequality and racism in the United States parallels that of Russia, that billionaires like the Koch brothers, the Murdochs, the Mercers, and the Trumps have been empowered by Citizens United, and that the political deck is stacked, but Trump is too stupid in himself to implement it. I do believe, given America's overall wealth, power, and proud political traditions, not to mention common decency, that we can avoid the sad fate of the Russians鈥攁nd the unfortunate Ukrainians.
We must, however, recognize that Putin's cyberwar against the United States and Europe threatens us all. He has already done great damage. Barack Obama gave a mild reproof, and Trump is delighted. Let us use our superior digital capabilities to ensure that Putin fails, and takes Trump with him.
I have also been reading lately much of the history of Nazism, including the extraordinarily expert manipulation of the German people by Hitler and Joseph Goebbels. Putin, though intelligent and cunning, lacks the maniacal ideological commitment of Hitler and his cronies. But he does understand how to establish an oligarchy of outrageously rich kleptocrats (including himself and his family), while keeping the common people confused and repressed. Trump can aspire to that idea, given that inequality and racism in the United States parallels that of Russia, that billionaires like the Koch brothers, the Murdochs, the Mercers, and the Trumps have been empowered by Citizens United, and that the political deck is stacked, but Trump is too stupid in himself to implement it. I do believe, given America's overall wealth, power, and proud political traditions, not to mention common decency, that we can avoid the sad fate of the Russians鈥攁nd the unfortunate Ukrainians.
We must, however, recognize that Putin's cyberwar against the United States and Europe threatens us all. He has already done great damage. Barack Obama gave a mild reproof, and Trump is delighted. Let us use our superior digital capabilities to ensure that Putin fails, and takes Trump with him.
October 22, 2023
鈥炐⌒靶夹秆徰� 褍卸邪褋 芯褌 褌芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 褖械 锌芯褋谢械写胁邪, 锌芯褉邪卸写邪 褍褋械褖邪薪械 蟹邪 褋褌褉邪褏, 泻芯械褌芯 屑芯卸械 写邪 斜褗写械 锌褉芯械泻褌懈褉邪薪芯 胁褗褉褏褍 写褉褍谐懈褌械 泻邪褌芯 胁褗薪褕薪邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪. 孝芯褌邪谢懈褌邪褉懈蟹屑褗褌 械 懈褋褌懈薪褋泻懈 胁褉邪谐 薪邪 褋邪屑懈褟 褋械斜械 褋懈 懈 褌芯胁邪 械 褌邪泄薪邪褌邪, 泻芯褟褌芯 褌芯泄 泻褉懈械 芯褌 褋械斜械 褋懈, 薪邪锌邪写邪泄泻懈 写褉褍谐懈褌械.鈥�
鈥炐熝娧傃徰� 泻褗屑 薪械褋胁芯斜芯写邪褌邪鈥� 械 褔褍写械褋薪邪 泻薪懈谐邪, 泻芯褟褌芯 褋懈 褋褌褉褍胁邪 写邪 斜褗写械 锌褉芯褔械褌械薪邪 芯褌 胁褋械泻懈 屑懈褋谢械褖 褔芯胁械泻... 袠褋褌芯褉懈泻褗褌 孝懈屑褗褌懈 小薪邪泄写褗褉 蟹邪写褗谢斜芯褔械薪芯 械 锌褉械写褋褌邪胁懈谢 褋褗胁褉械屑械薪薪邪褌邪 褏懈斜褉懈写薪邪 胁芯泄薪邪 薪邪 袪褍褋懈褟, 泻芯褟褌芯 胁褋褗褖薪芯褋褌 胁芯写褟褌 褋褉械褖褍 褋褗褖械褋褌胁褍胁邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 褑懈胁懈谢懈蟹芯胁邪薪懈 芯斜褖械褋褌胁邪, 胁褗褉褏芯胁械薪褋褌胁芯 薪邪 蟹邪泻芯薪邪 懈 褎邪泻褌懈, 泻芯懈褌芯 锌褉械褔邪褌 薪邪 斜械蟹泻褉邪泄薪邪褌邪 邪谢褔薪芯褋褌 懈 屑懈褋褌懈褔薪懈褌械 褲 锌褉械写褋褌邪胁懈 蟹邪 薪邪谢邪谐邪薪械 薪邪 褌芯褌邪谢懈褌邪褉薪邪 胁谢邪褋褌... 袗胁褌芯褉褗褌 写邪胁邪 褋屑懈褋谢械薪懈 懈 邪褉谐褍屑械薪褌懈褉邪薪懈 锌褉懈屑械褉懈, 泻邪泻褌芯 芯褌 锌芯-写邪谢械褔薪懈 懈褋褌芯褉懈褔械褋泻懈 械锌芯褏懈, 褌邪泻邪 懈 芯褌 褋褗斜懈褌懈褟, 褋谢褍褔懈谢懈 褋械 锌褉械写懈 薪褟泻芯谢泻芯 谐芯写懈薪懈. 袨褋胁械薪 褔械 褉邪蟹谐谢械卸写邪 写械褌邪泄谢薪芯 褎懈谢芯褋芯褎懈褟褌邪 薪邪 褎邪褕懈褋褌泻懈褟 褉械卸懈屑 胁 袣褉械屑褗谢, 褌芯泄 褋褗褖芯 褌邪泻邪 锌芯胁写懈谐邪 褋械褉懈芯蟹薪懈 褌械屑懈 蟹邪 褉邪蟹屑懈褋褗谢 芯褌薪芯褋薪芯 芯斜褖械褋褌胁械薪懈褌械 锌褉芯斜谢械屑懈 胁 袝小 懈 小袗些, 泻芯懈褌芯 褋褗蟹写邪胁邪褌 锌芯褔胁邪 蟹邪 谢械褋薪芯褌芯 薪邪胁谢懈蟹邪薪械 薪邪 蟹谢芯胁械褖邪 褉褍褋泻邪 锌褉芯锌邪谐邪薪写邪. 袣薪懈谐邪褌邪 褋褗写褗褉卸邪 懈蟹泻谢褞褔懈褌械谢薪芯 褑械薪薪懈 屑懈褋谢懈 懈 褋懈谢薪懈 锌芯褋谢邪薪懈褟, 薪芯 褋褗褖械胁褉械屑械薪薪芯 械 褋褗胁褋械屑 褉邪蟹斜懈褉邪械屑芯 懈 褍胁谢械泻邪褌械谢薪芯 薪邪锌懈褋邪薪邪!
鈥炐ば靶谎埿感残� 薪芯胁懈薪懈鈥� 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪 褋褗蟹写邪胁邪薪械 薪邪 褏褍写芯卸械褋褌胁械薪 褌械泻褋褌, 泻芯泄褌芯 褋械 锌褉械写褋褌邪胁褟 蟹邪 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌懈褔械褋泻懈 屑邪褌械褉懈邪谢, 邪 锌褉械写薪邪蟹薪邪褔械薪懈械褌芯 屑褍 械 写邪 褋褗蟹写邪写械 芯斜褗褉泻胁邪薪械 芯褌薪芯褋薪芯 泻芯薪泻褉械褌薪芯 褋褗斜懈褌懈械, 芯褌 械写薪邪 褋褌褉邪薪邪, 懈 写邪 写懈褋泻褉械写懈褌懈褉邪 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌懈泻邪褌邪, 芯褌 写褉褍谐邪. 袩芯谢懈褌懈褑懈褌械 薪邪 胁械褔薪芯褋褌褌邪 锌褗褉胁芯 褋邪屑懈 褉邪蟹锌褉芯褋褌褉邪薪褟胁邪褏邪 褌邪泻懈胁邪 薪芯胁懈薪懈, 褋谢械写 褌芯胁邪 芯斜褟胁懈褏邪, 褔械 胁褋懈褔泻懈 薪芯胁懈薪懈 褋邪 褎邪谢褕懈胁懈 懈 薪邪泄-褋械褌薪械 鈥� 褔械 褋邪屑芯 褌械褏薪懈褌械 褋锌械泻褌邪泻谢懈 褋邪 写械泄褋褌胁懈褌械谢薪芯褋褌.鈥�
鈥炐愋盒� 褌芯胁邪 械 芯褋褌邪薪邪谢芯 薪械蟹邪斜械谢褟蟹邪薪芯, 褌芯 械, 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 褋屑械 锌谢械薪薪懈褑懈 薪邪 薪械懈蟹斜械卸薪芯褋褌褌邪: 薪懈械 褋屑褟褌邪屑械, 褔械 懈写械懈褌械 薪褟屑邪褌 蟹薪邪褔械薪懈械. 袛邪 屑懈褋谢懈屑 懈褋褌芯褉懈褔械褋泻懈 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪 写邪 锌褉懈械屑械屑, 褔械 薪械锌芯蟹薪邪褌芯褌芯 屑芯卸械 斜懈 械 蟹薪邪褔懈屑芯, 懈 写邪 褋械 褋褌褉械屑懈屑 写邪 谐芯 薪邪锌褉邪胁懈屑 锌芯蟹薪邪褌芯.鈥�
鈥炐毿拘承把傂� 袘芯谐 褋褗褌胁芯褉懈谢 褋胁械褌邪, 袪褍褋懈褟 薪褟泻邪泻 褋懈 懈蟹斜械谐薪邪谢邪 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟褌邪 懈 芯褋褌邪薪邪谢邪 胁褗胁 胁械褔薪芯褋褌褌邪. 袝褌芯 蟹邪褖芯, 褋屑褟褌邪 袠谢懈薪, 薪械谐芯胁邪褌邪 褉芯写懈薪邪 械 蟹邪褖懈褌械薪邪 芯褌 薪邪褋褌褗锌胁邪褖懈褟 锌芯褌芯泻 薪邪 胁褉械屑械褌芯 懈 芯褌 薪邪褌褉褍锌胁邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 褋谢褍褔邪泄薪芯褋褌 懈 懈蟹斜芯褉, 泻芯械褌芯 褌芯泄 薪邪屑懈褉邪 蟹邪 褌芯谢泻芯胁邪 薪械锌芯薪芯褋懈屑芯. 袙屑械褋褌芯 褌芯胁邪 袪褍褋懈褟 锌褉械卸懈胁褟胁邪 锌芯胁褌邪褉褟褖懈 褋械 褑懈泻谢懈 薪邪 蟹邪锌谢邪褏邪 懈 蟹邪褖懈褌邪 芯褌 蟹邪锌谢邪褏邪褌邪. 袙褋懈褔泻芯, 泻芯械褌芯 褋械 褋谢褍褔胁邪, 斜懈 褌褉褟斜胁邪谢芯 写邪 械 邪褌邪泻邪 芯褌 胁褗薪褕薪懈褟 褋胁褟褌 褋褉械褖褍 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪 薪械胁懈薪薪芯褋褌 懈谢懈 芯锌褉邪胁写邪薪邪 褉褍褋泻邪 褉械邪泻褑懈褟 薪邪 锌芯写芯斜薪邪 蟹邪锌谢邪褏邪.鈥�
鈥炐⌒啃把佇秆傂敌谎徰� 锌芯褌褗锌泻胁邪 褎邪泻褌懈褌械, 薪邪褋芯褔胁邪 褋褌褉邪褋褌懈褌械 懈 褋褗蟹写邪胁邪 屑懈褌, 泻邪褌芯 褉邪蟹锌芯褉械卸写邪 褟褉芯褋褌薪邪 邪褌邪泻邪 褋褉械褖褍 懈蟹斜褉邪薪 胁褉邪谐. 肖邪褕懈褋褌褗褌 锌褉械蟹懈褉邪 胁褋褟泻邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪, 泻芯褟褌芯 褋械 泻芯褉械薪懈 胁 芯斜褖械褋褌胁芯褌芯 褋 薪械谐芯胁懈褌械 锌褉械写锌芯褔懈褌邪薪懈褟, 懈薪褌械褉械褋懈, 胁懈蟹懈懈 蟹邪 斜褗写械褖械褌芯, 锌褉邪胁邪 懈 褌.薪. 肖邪褕懈蟹屑褗褌 薪械 蟹邪锌芯褔胁邪 褋 芯褑械薪泻邪 薪邪 芯薪芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 械 胁褗褌褉械, 邪 褋 芯褌褏胁褗褉谢褟薪械 薪邪 芯薪芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 械 芯褌胁褗薪.鈥�
鈥炐熝€邪胁薪懈褌械 懈薪褋褌懈褌褍褑懈懈, 泻芯懈褌芯 锌芯蟹胁芯谢褟胁邪褌 褋屑褟薪邪 薪邪 胁谢邪褋褌褌邪, 写邪胁邪褌 胁褗蟹屑芯卸薪芯褋褌 薪邪 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈褌械 写邪 褋褗蟹懈褉邪褌 斜褗写械褖械, 胁 泻芯械褌芯 谢懈写械褉懈褌械 褋械 褋屑械薪褟褌, 薪芯 写褗褉卸邪胁懈褌械 芯褋褌邪胁邪褌. 肖邪褕懈蟹屑褗褌 芯斜邪褔械 褋械 芯褌薪邪褋褟 写芯 褋胁械褖械薪邪褌邪 懈 胁械褔薪邪 胁褉褗蟹泻邪 屑械卸写褍 褋锌邪褋懈褌械谢褟 懈 薪械谐芯胁懈褟 薪邪褉芯写. 肖邪褕懈褋褌褗褌 褉邪蟹谐谢械卸写邪 懈薪褋褌懈褌褍褑懈懈褌械 懈 蟹邪泻芯薪懈褌械 泻邪褌芯 泻芯胁邪褉薪懈 斜邪褉懈械褉懈 屑械卸写褍 谢懈写械褉邪 懈 薪邪褉芯写邪, 泻芯懈褌芯 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 斜褗写邪褌 蟹邪芯斜懈泻芯谢械薪懈 懈谢懈 褉邪蟹褉褍褕械薪懈.鈥�
鈥炐Ｐ毙敌葱敌叫� 胁 褋胁芯懈褌械 懈泻芯薪芯屑懈褔械褋泻懈 锌褉懈薪褑懈锌懈, 邪屑械褉懈泻邪薪褑懈褌械 写芯锌褉懈薪邪褋褟褌 蟹邪 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪 泻邪褌邪褋褌褉芯褎邪, 泻邪褌芯 蟹邪褟胁褟胁邪褌, 褔械 锌邪蟹邪褉懈褌械 褖械 锌芯褉芯写褟褌 懈薪褋褌懈褌褍褑懈懈, 胁屑械褋褌芯 写邪 薪邪褋褌芯褟胁邪褌, 褔械 薪邪 锌邪蟹邪褉懈褌械 褋邪 薪褍卸薪懈 懈薪褋褌懈褌褍褑懈懈.鈥�
鈥炐溞笛呅靶叫感沸佳娧�, 泻芯泄褌芯 谐邪褉邪薪褌懈褉邪, 褔械 械写薪邪 写褗褉卸邪胁邪 薪邪写卸懈胁褟胁邪 褋胁芯褟 谢懈写械褉, 褋械 薪邪褉懈褔邪 锌褉懈薪褑懈锌 薪邪 锌褉懈械屑褋褌胁械薪芯褋褌褌邪. 袨斜褖懈褟褌 蟹薪邪屑械薪邪褌械谢 械 写械屑芯泻褉邪褑懈褟褌邪. 小屑懈褋褗谢褗褌 薪邪 胁褋械泻懈 胁芯褌 械 芯斜械褖邪薪懈械褌芯, 褔械 褖械 懈屑邪 褋谢械写胁邪褖. 孝褗泄 泻邪褌芯 胁褋械泻懈 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈薪 屑芯卸械 写邪 褋谐褉械褕懈, 写械屑芯泻褉邪褑懈褟褌邪 褌褉邪薪褋褎芯褉屑懈褉邪 薪邪褌褉褍锌邪薪懈褌械 谐褉械褕泻懈 胁 泻芯谢械泻褌懈胁薪邪 胁褟褉邪 胁 斜褗写械褖械褌芯. 袠褋褌芯褉懈褟褌邪 锌褉芯写褗谢卸邪胁邪.鈥�
鈥炐熜靶沸把€懈褌械 懈蟹懈褋泻胁邪褌 胁褗褉褏芯胁械薪褋褌胁芯 薪邪 蟹邪泻芯薪邪, 泻芯械褌芯 械 薪邪泄-锌褉械写懈蟹胁懈泻邪褌械谢薪懈褟褌 邪褋锌械泻褌 薪邪 锌芯褋褌褋褗胁械褌褋泻邪褌邪 褌褉邪薪褋褎芯褉屑邪褑懈褟. 袩褉懈械屑邪泄泻懈 蟹邪 写邪写械薪芯褋褌 胁褗褉褏芯胁械薪褋褌胁芯褌芯 薪邪 蟹邪泻芯薪邪, 邪屑械褉懈泻邪薪褑懈褌械 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 褋懈 褎邪薪褌邪蟹懈褉邪褌, 褔械 锌邪蟹邪褉懈褌械 褖械 锌芯褉芯写褟褌 薪械芯斜褏芯写懈屑懈褌械 懈薪褋褌懈褌褍褑懈懈. 孝芯胁邪 芯斜邪褔械 械 谐褉械褕泻邪. 袠屑邪 谐芯谢褟屑芯 蟹薪邪褔械薪懈械 写邪谢懈 锌芯谢褍褔懈谢懈褌械 薪械蟹邪胁懈褋懈屑芯褋褌 写褗褉卸邪胁懈 薪邪谢邪谐邪褌 胁褗褉褏芯胁械薪褋褌胁芯 薪邪 蟹邪泻芯薪邪 懈 锌褉械写懈 胁褋懈褔泻芯 写邪谢懈 褌械 褍褋锌褟胁邪褌 写邪 锌芯械屑邪褌 泻褍褉褋 泻褗屑 谢械谐邪谢薪芯 锌褉械写邪胁邪薪械 薪邪 胁谢邪褋褌褌邪 褔褉械蟹 褋胁芯斜芯写薪懈 懈蟹斜芯褉懈.鈥�
鈥炐斝敌夹拘貉€邪褑懈褟褌邪 械 锌褉芯褑械写褍褉邪 薪邪 褋屑褟薪邪 薪邪 褍锌褉邪胁谢褟胁邪褖懈褌械. 袣胁邪谢锟斤拷褎懈褑懈褉邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 写械屑芯泻褉邪褑懈褟褌邪 褋 锌褉懈谢邪谐邪褌械谢薪芯 鈥� 鈥炐叫把€芯写薪邪 写械屑芯泻褉邪褑懈褟鈥� 锌芯 胁褉械屑械褌芯 薪邪 泻芯屑褍薪懈蟹屑邪, 鈥炑佈冃残笛€械薪薪邪 写械屑芯泻褉邪褑懈褟鈥� 褋谢械写 褌芯胁邪 鈥� 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪 械谢懈屑懈薪懈褉邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 褌邪蟹懈 锌褉芯褑械写褍褉邪.鈥�
鈥炐⌒佳娧€褌褌邪 薪邪 胁褋械泻懈 胁懈泻懈薪谐褋泻懈 胁芯械薪邪褔邪谢薪懈泻 锌褉械写懈蟹胁懈泻胁邪 泻褗褉胁邪胁懈 斜懈褌泻懈.鈥�
鈥炐曅� 薪懈泻芯谐邪 薪械 褋械 械 芯锌懈褌邪谢 写邪 薪邪谢芯卸懈 芯斜褖芯 芯斜褍褔械薪懈械 锌芯 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟 薪邪 械胁褉芯锌械泄褑懈褌械. 袙 褉械蟹褍谢褌邪褌 薪邪 褌芯胁邪 斜邪褋薪褟褌邪 蟹邪 屑褗写褉邪褌邪 薪邪褑懈褟 胁薪褍褕邪胁邪 褍褋械褖邪薪械褌芯, 褔械 泻邪泻褌芯 薪邪褑懈芯薪邪谢薪懈褌械 写褗褉卸邪胁懈 褋邪 懈蟹斜褉邪谢懈 写邪 胁谢褟蟹邪褌 胁 袝胁褉芯锌邪, 褌邪泻邪 懈 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 褟 薪邪锌褍褋薪邪褌. 袥褍锌懈薪谐褗褌 泻褗屑 械写薪芯 胁褗芯斜褉邪卸邪械屑芯 屑懈薪邪谢芯 褋褌邪胁邪 胁褗蟹屑芯卸械薪 懈 写芯褉懈 卸械谢邪薪. 孝邪泻邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪褌邪 薪邪 薪械懈蟹斜械卸薪芯褋褌 芯褌胁邪褉褟 胁褉邪褌邪 泻褗屑 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪 薪邪 胁械褔薪芯褋褌褌邪.鈥�
鈥炐撗冃夹感谎屝拘� 褋褗褖芯 褌邪泻邪 写芯斜邪胁褟 褋锌械褑懈褎懈褔薪邪 褎芯褉屑邪 薪邪 邪薪褌懈褋械屑懈褌懈蟹褗屑 泻褗屑 械胁褉邪蟹懈泄褋泻邪褌邪 褌褉邪写懈褑懈褟, 泻芯褟褌芯 锌芯蟹胁芯谢褟胁邪 薪邪 褉褍褋薪邪褑懈褌械 写邪 褋褌芯胁邪褉胁邪褌 褋芯斜褋褌胁械薪懈褌械 褋懈 锌褉芯胁邪谢懈 械写薪芯胁褉械屑械薪薪芯 薪邪 械胁褉械懈褌械 懈 薪邪 袟邪锌邪写邪. 袣谢褞褔芯胁芯褌芯 锌芯薪褟褌懈械 褌褍泻 械 鈥炑呅感夹笛€邪鈥�, 懈谢懈 褎邪谢褕懈胁邪 薪邪褑懈褟. 袟写褉邪胁懈褌械 薪邪褑懈懈, 泻邪泻胁邪褌芯 械 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪, 锌褉械写褍锌褉械卸写邪胁邪 袚褍屑懈谢褜芯胁, 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 褋械 锌邪蟹褟褌 芯褌 褏懈屑械褉懈褔薪懈褌械 谐褉褍锌懈, 泻芯懈褌芯 褔械褉锌褟褌 卸懈胁芯褌 薪械 芯褌 泻芯褋屑懈褔械褋泻懈褌械 谢褗褔懈, 邪 芯褌 写褉褍谐懈 谐褉褍锌懈. 孝褍泻 褌芯泄 懈屑邪 锌褉械写胁懈写 械胁褉械懈褌械.鈥�
鈥炐熜秆埿敌剐盒� 胁 薪邪褔邪谢芯褌芯 薪邪 XXI 胁., 袛褍谐懈薪 械 褋胁懈写械褌械谢 薪邪 褍褋锌械褏邪 薪邪 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褟 褋褗褞蟹, 泻芯泄褌芯 褋锌邪褋褟胁邪 写褗褉卸邪胁懈褌械 褋谢械写 懈屑锌械褉懈褟褌邪. 袛褍谐懈薪 薪懈泻芯谐邪 薪械 锌褉芯懈蟹薪邪褋褟 褌芯胁邪 懈屑械. 袩芯屑芯谢械薪 写邪 泻芯屑械薪褌懈褉邪 袝小, 袛褍谐懈薪 蟹邪褟胁褟胁邪, 褔械 褌芯泄 械 芯斜褉械褔械薪. 袦薪芯谐芯 锌褉械写懈 袩褍褌懈薪 写邪 蟹邪谐芯胁芯褉懈 蟹邪 袝胁褉邪蟹懈褟, 泻芯褟褌芯 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 胁泻谢褞褔胁邪 校泻褉邪泄薪邪 泻邪褌芯 械谢械屑械薪褌 芯褌 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪 褑懈胁懈谢懈蟹邪褑懈褟, 袛褍谐懈薪 写械褎懈薪懈褉邪 薪械蟹邪胁懈褋懈屑邪褌邪 褍泻褉邪懈薪褋泻邪 写褗褉卸邪胁邪 泻邪褌芯 斜邪褉懈械褉邪 锌褉械写 械胁褉邪蟹懈泄褋泻邪褌邪 褋褗写斜邪 薪邪 袪褍褋懈褟.鈥�
鈥炐⒀娦� 泻邪褌芯 袙械谢懈泻芯斜褉懈褌邪薪懈褟 懈 肖褉邪薪褑懈褟 薪褟屑邪褌 屑芯写械褉薪邪 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟 泻邪褌芯 薪邪褑懈芯薪邪谢薪懈 写褗褉卸邪胁懈, 械写薪芯 懈蟹谢懈蟹邪薪械 芯褌 袝小 斜懈 斜懈谢芯 锌芯-褋泻芯褉芯 褋褌褗锌泻邪 胁 薪械懈蟹胁械褋褌薪芯褌芯, 芯褌泻芯谢泻芯褌芯 泻芯屑褎芯褉褌薪芯 蟹邪胁褉褗褖邪薪械 褍 写芯屑邪, 芯斜械褖邪薪芯 芯褌 薪邪褑懈芯薪邪谢懈蟹屑邪. 孝芯胁邪 斜懈 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪谢芯 锌褉懈褋褗械写懈薪褟胁邪薪械 泻褗屑 袪褍褋懈褟 泻邪褌芯 芯褋褌邪褌褗褔薪邪 写褗褉卸邪胁邪 薪邪 械胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻邪 懈屑锌械褉懈褟 芯褌胁褗写 芯斜褋械谐邪 薪邪 械胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻邪褌邪 懈薪褌械谐褉邪褑懈褟...鈥�
鈥炐溞狙佇盒残� 胁蟹械屑邪 薪邪 胁褗芯褉褗卸械薪懈械 斜邪褋薪褟褌邪 蟹邪 屑褗写褉邪褌邪 薪邪褑懈褟. 袙 写械泄褋褌胁懈褌械谢薪芯褋褌 袙械谢懈泻芯斜褉懈褌邪薪懈褟 薪懈泻芯谐邪 薪械 械 斜懈谢邪 写褗褉卸邪胁邪, 泻芯褟褌芯 械 褉械褕邪胁邪谢邪 写邪 锌芯写泻褉械锌褟 写褉褍谐懈褌械, 邪 褉邪蟹锌邪写邪褖邪 褋械 懈屑锌械褉懈褟, 褔懈褟褌芯 写褗褉卸邪胁薪芯褋褌 械 褋锌邪褋械薪邪 斜谢邪谐芯写邪褉械薪懈械 薪邪 械胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻邪褌邪 懈薪褌械谐褉邪褑懈褟. 袩褗褉胁懈 泻邪薪邪谢, 薪邪泄-胁邪卸薪邪褌邪 褉褍褋泻邪 褌械谢械胁懈蟹懈芯薪薪邪 褋褌邪薪褑懈褟, 褍褋锌芯泻芯懈褌械谢薪芯 锌芯褌胁褗褉卸写邪胁邪 屑懈褌邪, 褔械 袙械谢懈泻芯斜褉懈褌邪薪懈褟 斜懈 屑芯谐谢邪 写邪 褋械 褋锌褉邪胁褟 褋邪屑邪, 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 胁懈薪邪谐懈 谐芯 械 锌褉邪胁懈谢邪...鈥�
鈥炐� 褋褗褖懈褟 屑芯屑械薪褌, 胁 泻芯泄褌芯 袩褍褌懈薪 锌褉懈谢邪谐邪 袠谢懈薪芯胁邪褌邪 懈写械褟 蟹邪 锌褉邪胁芯 胁 袪褍褋懈褟, 褍泻褉邪懈薪褑懈褌械 写械屑芯薪褋褌褉懈褉邪褌, 褔械 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 褋械 斜谢芯泻懈褉邪 锌褉械泻懈褟褌 锌褗褌 泻褗屑 邪胁褌芯褉懈褌邪褉懈蟹屑邪.
袗泻芯 褍泻褉邪懈薪褑懈褌械 褋邪 胁 褋褗褋褌芯褟薪懈械 写邪 褉邪蟹褉械褕邪褌 袠谢懈薪芯胁邪褌邪 锌褉邪胁芯胁邪 谐谢邪胁芯斜谢褗褋泻邪薪懈褑邪, 芯斜褉褗褖邪泄泻懈 褋械 泻褗屑 袝胁褉芯锌邪 懈 泻褗屑 褋芯谢懈写邪褉薪芯褋褌褌邪, 蟹邪褖芯 褉褍褋薪邪褑懈褌械 写邪 薪械 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 谐芯 薪邪锌褉邪胁褟褌? 孝芯胁邪 械 胁褗锌褉芯褋, 泻芯泄褌芯 褉褍褋泻懈褌械 谢懈写械褉懈 薪械 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 锌芯蟹胁芯谢褟褌 写邪 褋械 蟹邪谐薪械蟹写懈 胁 褋褗蟹薪邪薪懈械褌芯 薪邪 褌械褏薪懈褌械 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈.鈥�
鈥炐熝€芯斜谢械屑褗褌 薪邪 褎芯褉屑褍谢懈褉芯胁泻懈, 胁 泻芯懈褌芯 褋褗褖械褋褌胁懈褌械谢薪芯褌芯 鈥炐残拘剐叫扳€� 褋械 芯锌褉械写械谢褟 芯褌 锌褉懈谢邪谐邪褌械谢薪芯 泻邪褌芯 鈥炑呅感毖€懈写薪邪鈥�, 械, 褔械 褌械 蟹胁褍褔邪褌 泻邪褌芯 鈥炐啃�-屑邪谢泻芯 胁芯泄薪邪鈥�, 屑邪泻邪褉 胁 写械泄褋褌胁懈褌械谢薪芯褋褌 写邪 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪褌 鈥炐啃拘残笛囆� 胁芯泄薪邪鈥�.
鈥炐曅惭€芯锌械泄褑懈褌械 褋械 芯泻邪蟹胁邪褌 褍褟蟹胁懈屑懈 蟹邪 锌褉懈褋锌懈胁薪邪褌邪 褉褍褋泻邪 锌褉芯锌邪谐邪薪写邪, 泻芯褟褌芯 褌胁褗褉写懈, 褔械 锌褉芯斜谢械屑懈褌械 薪邪 校泻褉邪泄薪邪 锌芯泻邪蟹胁邪褌 泻芯谢泻芯 械 写邪谢械褔械 芯褌 袝小.鈥�
鈥炐⑿狙傂靶恍秆傂把€懈蟹屑褗褌 蟹邪谢懈褔邪胁邪 谐褉邪薪懈褑邪褌邪 屑械卸写褍 褔邪褋褌薪芯 懈 锌褍斜谢懈褔薪芯, 褌邪泻邪 褔械 懈蟹谐谢械卸写邪 薪芯褉屑邪谢薪芯 胁褋懈褔泻懈 写邪 褋邪 锌褉芯蟹褉邪褔薪懈 锌褉械蟹 褑褟谢芯褌芯 胁褉械屑械.鈥�
鈥炐斝狙€懈 泻芯谐邪褌芯 校泻褉邪泄薪邪 褋械 芯褌斜褉邪薪褟胁邪, 械胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褌械 懈 邪屑械褉懈泻邪薪褋泻懈褌械 邪胁褌芯褉懈 褋邪 锌芯胁谢懈褟薪懈 芯褌 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪 锌褉芯锌邪谐邪薪写邪. 袟邪 褉邪蟹谢懈泻邪 芯褌 褍泻褉邪懈薪褑懈褌械 邪屑械褉懈泻邪薪褑懈褌械 薪械 褋邪 褋胁懈泻薪邪谢懈 褋 懈写械褟褌邪, 褔械 懈薪褌械褉薪械褌 屑芯卸械 写邪 斜褗写械 懈蟹锌芯谢蟹胁邪薪 褋褉械褖褍 褌褟褏.鈥�
鈥炐捫夹笛佈傂� 写邪 褋械 芯锌懈褌胁邪屑械 写邪 芯褋屑懈褋谢懈屑 芯薪芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 械 芯泻芯谢芯 薪邪褋, 薪懈械 卸邪写褍胁邪屑械 蟹邪 褋谢械写胁邪褖芯褌芯 褉邪蟹泻褉懈褌懈械. 袛褗褉卸邪胁薪懈褌械 褋谢褍卸懈褌械谢懈, 褉邪蟹斜懈褉邪 褋械, 薪械褋褗胁褗褉褕械薪懈 懈 谐褉械褕邪褖懈, 褋褌邪胁邪褌 谢懈褔薪芯褋褌懈, 蟹邪 泻芯懈褌芯 褋懈 屑懈褋谢懈屑, 褔械 懈屑邪屑械 锌褉邪胁芯 写邪 锌芯蟹薪邪胁邪屑械 懈蟹褑褟谢芯. 袧芯 泻芯谐邪褌芯 褉邪蟹谢懈泻邪褌邪 屑械卸写褍 锌褍斜谢懈褔薪芯 懈 褔邪褋褌薪芯 褋械 褉邪蟹锌邪写薪械, 写械屑芯泻褉邪褑懈褟褌邪 械 锌芯写谢芯卸械薪邪 薪邪 薪械褍写褗褉卸懈屑 薪邪褌懈褋泻.鈥�
鈥炐� 薪褟泻芯懈 胁邪卸薪懈 芯褌薪芯褕械薪懈褟 邪屑械褉懈泻邪薪褋泻懈褌械 屑械写懈懈 褋邪 褋褌邪薪邪谢懈 泻邪褌芯 褉褍褋泻懈褌械 懈 褌芯胁邪 锌褉邪胁懈 邪屑械褉懈泻邪薪褑懈褌械 褍褟蟹胁懈屑懈 蟹邪 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪 褌邪泻褌懈泻邪. 袨锌懈褌褗褌 薪邪 袪褍褋懈褟 锌芯泻邪蟹胁邪 泻邪泻胁芯 褋械 褋谢褍褔胁邪 褋 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪褌邪, 泻芯谐邪褌芯 薪芯胁懈薪懈褌械 谐褍斜褟褌 蟹邪蟹械屑械薪芯褋褌褌邪 褋懈. 袧邪 袪褍褋懈褟 泄 谢懈锌褋胁邪褌 屑械褋褌薪邪 懈 褉械谐懈芯薪邪谢薪邪 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌懈泻邪. 袦薪芯谐芯 屑邪谢泻芯 芯褌 芯薪芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 褋械 锌褍斜谢懈泻褍胁邪 胁 褉褍褋泻懈褌械 屑械写懈懈, 褋械 芯褌薪邪褋褟 写芯 锌褉械卸懈胁褟胁邪薪懈褟褌邪 薪邪 褉褍褋泻懈褌械 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈. 袪褍褋泻邪褌邪 褌械谢械胁懈蟹懈褟 薪邪褋芯褔胁邪 薪械写芯胁械褉懈械褌芯, 泻芯械褌芯 褌芯胁邪 锌芯褉邪卸写邪, 褋褉械褖褍 写褉褍谐懈褌械 懈蟹胁褗薪 袪褍褋懈褟. 小褗褋 褋谢邪斜芯褋褌褌邪 薪邪 屑械褋褌薪邪褌邪 褋懈 锌褉械褋邪 袗屑械褉懈泻邪 蟹邪锌芯褔胁邪 写邪 薪邪锌芯写芯斜褟胁邪 袪褍褋懈褟.鈥�
鈥炐� 泻褉邪泄薪邪 褋屑械褌泻邪 芯斜邪褔械 褋胁芯斜芯写邪褌邪 蟹邪胁懈褋懈 芯褌 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈褌械, 泻芯懈褌芯 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 锌褉邪胁褟褌 褉邪蟹谢懈泻邪 屑械卸写褍 懈褋褌懈薪邪 懈 芯薪芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 卸械谢邪褟褌 写邪 褔褍褟褌. 袗胁褌芯褉懈褌邪褉懈蟹屑褗褌 懈写胁邪 薪械 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈褌械 泻邪蟹胁邪褌, 褔械 谐芯 懈褋泻邪褌, 邪 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 谐褍斜褟褌 褋锌芯褋芯斜薪芯褋褌褌邪 褋懈 写邪 锌褉邪胁褟褌 褉邪蟹谢懈泻邪 屑械卸写褍 褎邪泻褌懈 懈 卸械谢邪薪懈褟.鈥�
鈥炐熝娧傃徰� 泻褗屑 薪械褋胁芯斜芯写邪褌邪鈥� 械 褔褍写械褋薪邪 泻薪懈谐邪, 泻芯褟褌芯 褋懈 褋褌褉褍胁邪 写邪 斜褗写械 锌褉芯褔械褌械薪邪 芯褌 胁褋械泻懈 屑懈褋谢械褖 褔芯胁械泻... 袠褋褌芯褉懈泻褗褌 孝懈屑褗褌懈 小薪邪泄写褗褉 蟹邪写褗谢斜芯褔械薪芯 械 锌褉械写褋褌邪胁懈谢 褋褗胁褉械屑械薪薪邪褌邪 褏懈斜褉懈写薪邪 胁芯泄薪邪 薪邪 袪褍褋懈褟, 泻芯褟褌芯 胁褋褗褖薪芯褋褌 胁芯写褟褌 褋褉械褖褍 褋褗褖械褋褌胁褍胁邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 褑懈胁懈谢懈蟹芯胁邪薪懈 芯斜褖械褋褌胁邪, 胁褗褉褏芯胁械薪褋褌胁芯 薪邪 蟹邪泻芯薪邪 懈 褎邪泻褌懈, 泻芯懈褌芯 锌褉械褔邪褌 薪邪 斜械蟹泻褉邪泄薪邪褌邪 邪谢褔薪芯褋褌 懈 屑懈褋褌懈褔薪懈褌械 褲 锌褉械写褋褌邪胁懈 蟹邪 薪邪谢邪谐邪薪械 薪邪 褌芯褌邪谢懈褌邪褉薪邪 胁谢邪褋褌... 袗胁褌芯褉褗褌 写邪胁邪 褋屑懈褋谢械薪懈 懈 邪褉谐褍屑械薪褌懈褉邪薪懈 锌褉懈屑械褉懈, 泻邪泻褌芯 芯褌 锌芯-写邪谢械褔薪懈 懈褋褌芯褉懈褔械褋泻懈 械锌芯褏懈, 褌邪泻邪 懈 芯褌 褋褗斜懈褌懈褟, 褋谢褍褔懈谢懈 褋械 锌褉械写懈 薪褟泻芯谢泻芯 谐芯写懈薪懈. 袨褋胁械薪 褔械 褉邪蟹谐谢械卸写邪 写械褌邪泄谢薪芯 褎懈谢芯褋芯褎懈褟褌邪 薪邪 褎邪褕懈褋褌泻懈褟 褉械卸懈屑 胁 袣褉械屑褗谢, 褌芯泄 褋褗褖芯 褌邪泻邪 锌芯胁写懈谐邪 褋械褉懈芯蟹薪懈 褌械屑懈 蟹邪 褉邪蟹屑懈褋褗谢 芯褌薪芯褋薪芯 芯斜褖械褋褌胁械薪懈褌械 锌褉芯斜谢械屑懈 胁 袝小 懈 小袗些, 泻芯懈褌芯 褋褗蟹写邪胁邪褌 锌芯褔胁邪 蟹邪 谢械褋薪芯褌芯 薪邪胁谢懈蟹邪薪械 薪邪 蟹谢芯胁械褖邪 褉褍褋泻邪 锌褉芯锌邪谐邪薪写邪. 袣薪懈谐邪褌邪 褋褗写褗褉卸邪 懈蟹泻谢褞褔懈褌械谢薪芯 褑械薪薪懈 屑懈褋谢懈 懈 褋懈谢薪懈 锌芯褋谢邪薪懈褟, 薪芯 褋褗褖械胁褉械屑械薪薪芯 械 褋褗胁褋械屑 褉邪蟹斜懈褉邪械屑芯 懈 褍胁谢械泻邪褌械谢薪芯 薪邪锌懈褋邪薪邪!
鈥炐ば靶谎埿感残� 薪芯胁懈薪懈鈥� 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪 褋褗蟹写邪胁邪薪械 薪邪 褏褍写芯卸械褋褌胁械薪 褌械泻褋褌, 泻芯泄褌芯 褋械 锌褉械写褋褌邪胁褟 蟹邪 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌懈褔械褋泻懈 屑邪褌械褉懈邪谢, 邪 锌褉械写薪邪蟹薪邪褔械薪懈械褌芯 屑褍 械 写邪 褋褗蟹写邪写械 芯斜褗褉泻胁邪薪械 芯褌薪芯褋薪芯 泻芯薪泻褉械褌薪芯 褋褗斜懈褌懈械, 芯褌 械写薪邪 褋褌褉邪薪邪, 懈 写邪 写懈褋泻褉械写懈褌懈褉邪 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌懈泻邪褌邪, 芯褌 写褉褍谐邪. 袩芯谢懈褌懈褑懈褌械 薪邪 胁械褔薪芯褋褌褌邪 锌褗褉胁芯 褋邪屑懈 褉邪蟹锌褉芯褋褌褉邪薪褟胁邪褏邪 褌邪泻懈胁邪 薪芯胁懈薪懈, 褋谢械写 褌芯胁邪 芯斜褟胁懈褏邪, 褔械 胁褋懈褔泻懈 薪芯胁懈薪懈 褋邪 褎邪谢褕懈胁懈 懈 薪邪泄-褋械褌薪械 鈥� 褔械 褋邪屑芯 褌械褏薪懈褌械 褋锌械泻褌邪泻谢懈 褋邪 写械泄褋褌胁懈褌械谢薪芯褋褌.鈥�
鈥炐愋盒� 褌芯胁邪 械 芯褋褌邪薪邪谢芯 薪械蟹邪斜械谢褟蟹邪薪芯, 褌芯 械, 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 褋屑械 锌谢械薪薪懈褑懈 薪邪 薪械懈蟹斜械卸薪芯褋褌褌邪: 薪懈械 褋屑褟褌邪屑械, 褔械 懈写械懈褌械 薪褟屑邪褌 蟹薪邪褔械薪懈械. 袛邪 屑懈褋谢懈屑 懈褋褌芯褉懈褔械褋泻懈 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪 写邪 锌褉懈械屑械屑, 褔械 薪械锌芯蟹薪邪褌芯褌芯 屑芯卸械 斜懈 械 蟹薪邪褔懈屑芯, 懈 写邪 褋械 褋褌褉械屑懈屑 写邪 谐芯 薪邪锌褉邪胁懈屑 锌芯蟹薪邪褌芯.鈥�
鈥炐毿拘承把傂� 袘芯谐 褋褗褌胁芯褉懈谢 褋胁械褌邪, 袪褍褋懈褟 薪褟泻邪泻 褋懈 懈蟹斜械谐薪邪谢邪 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟褌邪 懈 芯褋褌邪薪邪谢邪 胁褗胁 胁械褔薪芯褋褌褌邪. 袝褌芯 蟹邪褖芯, 褋屑褟褌邪 袠谢懈薪, 薪械谐芯胁邪褌邪 褉芯写懈薪邪 械 蟹邪褖懈褌械薪邪 芯褌 薪邪褋褌褗锌胁邪褖懈褟 锌芯褌芯泻 薪邪 胁褉械屑械褌芯 懈 芯褌 薪邪褌褉褍锌胁邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 褋谢褍褔邪泄薪芯褋褌 懈 懈蟹斜芯褉, 泻芯械褌芯 褌芯泄 薪邪屑懈褉邪 蟹邪 褌芯谢泻芯胁邪 薪械锌芯薪芯褋懈屑芯. 袙屑械褋褌芯 褌芯胁邪 袪褍褋懈褟 锌褉械卸懈胁褟胁邪 锌芯胁褌邪褉褟褖懈 褋械 褑懈泻谢懈 薪邪 蟹邪锌谢邪褏邪 懈 蟹邪褖懈褌邪 芯褌 蟹邪锌谢邪褏邪褌邪. 袙褋懈褔泻芯, 泻芯械褌芯 褋械 褋谢褍褔胁邪, 斜懈 褌褉褟斜胁邪谢芯 写邪 械 邪褌邪泻邪 芯褌 胁褗薪褕薪懈褟 褋胁褟褌 褋褉械褖褍 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪 薪械胁懈薪薪芯褋褌 懈谢懈 芯锌褉邪胁写邪薪邪 褉褍褋泻邪 褉械邪泻褑懈褟 薪邪 锌芯写芯斜薪邪 蟹邪锌谢邪褏邪.鈥�
鈥炐⌒啃把佇秆傂敌谎徰� 锌芯褌褗锌泻胁邪 褎邪泻褌懈褌械, 薪邪褋芯褔胁邪 褋褌褉邪褋褌懈褌械 懈 褋褗蟹写邪胁邪 屑懈褌, 泻邪褌芯 褉邪蟹锌芯褉械卸写邪 褟褉芯褋褌薪邪 邪褌邪泻邪 褋褉械褖褍 懈蟹斜褉邪薪 胁褉邪谐. 肖邪褕懈褋褌褗褌 锌褉械蟹懈褉邪 胁褋褟泻邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪, 泻芯褟褌芯 褋械 泻芯褉械薪懈 胁 芯斜褖械褋褌胁芯褌芯 褋 薪械谐芯胁懈褌械 锌褉械写锌芯褔懈褌邪薪懈褟, 懈薪褌械褉械褋懈, 胁懈蟹懈懈 蟹邪 斜褗写械褖械褌芯, 锌褉邪胁邪 懈 褌.薪. 肖邪褕懈蟹屑褗褌 薪械 蟹邪锌芯褔胁邪 褋 芯褑械薪泻邪 薪邪 芯薪芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 械 胁褗褌褉械, 邪 褋 芯褌褏胁褗褉谢褟薪械 薪邪 芯薪芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 械 芯褌胁褗薪.鈥�
鈥炐熝€邪胁薪懈褌械 懈薪褋褌懈褌褍褑懈懈, 泻芯懈褌芯 锌芯蟹胁芯谢褟胁邪褌 褋屑褟薪邪 薪邪 胁谢邪褋褌褌邪, 写邪胁邪褌 胁褗蟹屑芯卸薪芯褋褌 薪邪 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈褌械 写邪 褋褗蟹懈褉邪褌 斜褗写械褖械, 胁 泻芯械褌芯 谢懈写械褉懈褌械 褋械 褋屑械薪褟褌, 薪芯 写褗褉卸邪胁懈褌械 芯褋褌邪胁邪褌. 肖邪褕懈蟹屑褗褌 芯斜邪褔械 褋械 芯褌薪邪褋褟 写芯 褋胁械褖械薪邪褌邪 懈 胁械褔薪邪 胁褉褗蟹泻邪 屑械卸写褍 褋锌邪褋懈褌械谢褟 懈 薪械谐芯胁懈褟 薪邪褉芯写. 肖邪褕懈褋褌褗褌 褉邪蟹谐谢械卸写邪 懈薪褋褌懈褌褍褑懈懈褌械 懈 蟹邪泻芯薪懈褌械 泻邪褌芯 泻芯胁邪褉薪懈 斜邪褉懈械褉懈 屑械卸写褍 谢懈写械褉邪 懈 薪邪褉芯写邪, 泻芯懈褌芯 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 斜褗写邪褌 蟹邪芯斜懈泻芯谢械薪懈 懈谢懈 褉邪蟹褉褍褕械薪懈.鈥�
鈥炐Ｐ毙敌葱敌叫� 胁 褋胁芯懈褌械 懈泻芯薪芯屑懈褔械褋泻懈 锌褉懈薪褑懈锌懈, 邪屑械褉懈泻邪薪褑懈褌械 写芯锌褉懈薪邪褋褟褌 蟹邪 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪 泻邪褌邪褋褌褉芯褎邪, 泻邪褌芯 蟹邪褟胁褟胁邪褌, 褔械 锌邪蟹邪褉懈褌械 褖械 锌芯褉芯写褟褌 懈薪褋褌懈褌褍褑懈懈, 胁屑械褋褌芯 写邪 薪邪褋褌芯褟胁邪褌, 褔械 薪邪 锌邪蟹邪褉懈褌械 褋邪 薪褍卸薪懈 懈薪褋褌懈褌褍褑懈懈.鈥�
鈥炐溞笛呅靶叫感沸佳娧�, 泻芯泄褌芯 谐邪褉邪薪褌懈褉邪, 褔械 械写薪邪 写褗褉卸邪胁邪 薪邪写卸懈胁褟胁邪 褋胁芯褟 谢懈写械褉, 褋械 薪邪褉懈褔邪 锌褉懈薪褑懈锌 薪邪 锌褉懈械屑褋褌胁械薪芯褋褌褌邪. 袨斜褖懈褟褌 蟹薪邪屑械薪邪褌械谢 械 写械屑芯泻褉邪褑懈褟褌邪. 小屑懈褋褗谢褗褌 薪邪 胁褋械泻懈 胁芯褌 械 芯斜械褖邪薪懈械褌芯, 褔械 褖械 懈屑邪 褋谢械写胁邪褖. 孝褗泄 泻邪褌芯 胁褋械泻懈 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈薪 屑芯卸械 写邪 褋谐褉械褕懈, 写械屑芯泻褉邪褑懈褟褌邪 褌褉邪薪褋褎芯褉屑懈褉邪 薪邪褌褉褍锌邪薪懈褌械 谐褉械褕泻懈 胁 泻芯谢械泻褌懈胁薪邪 胁褟褉邪 胁 斜褗写械褖械褌芯. 袠褋褌芯褉懈褟褌邪 锌褉芯写褗谢卸邪胁邪.鈥�
鈥炐熜靶沸把€懈褌械 懈蟹懈褋泻胁邪褌 胁褗褉褏芯胁械薪褋褌胁芯 薪邪 蟹邪泻芯薪邪, 泻芯械褌芯 械 薪邪泄-锌褉械写懈蟹胁懈泻邪褌械谢薪懈褟褌 邪褋锌械泻褌 薪邪 锌芯褋褌褋褗胁械褌褋泻邪褌邪 褌褉邪薪褋褎芯褉屑邪褑懈褟. 袩褉懈械屑邪泄泻懈 蟹邪 写邪写械薪芯褋褌 胁褗褉褏芯胁械薪褋褌胁芯褌芯 薪邪 蟹邪泻芯薪邪, 邪屑械褉懈泻邪薪褑懈褌械 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 褋懈 褎邪薪褌邪蟹懈褉邪褌, 褔械 锌邪蟹邪褉懈褌械 褖械 锌芯褉芯写褟褌 薪械芯斜褏芯写懈屑懈褌械 懈薪褋褌懈褌褍褑懈懈. 孝芯胁邪 芯斜邪褔械 械 谐褉械褕泻邪. 袠屑邪 谐芯谢褟屑芯 蟹薪邪褔械薪懈械 写邪谢懈 锌芯谢褍褔懈谢懈褌械 薪械蟹邪胁懈褋懈屑芯褋褌 写褗褉卸邪胁懈 薪邪谢邪谐邪褌 胁褗褉褏芯胁械薪褋褌胁芯 薪邪 蟹邪泻芯薪邪 懈 锌褉械写懈 胁褋懈褔泻芯 写邪谢懈 褌械 褍褋锌褟胁邪褌 写邪 锌芯械屑邪褌 泻褍褉褋 泻褗屑 谢械谐邪谢薪芯 锌褉械写邪胁邪薪械 薪邪 胁谢邪褋褌褌邪 褔褉械蟹 褋胁芯斜芯写薪懈 懈蟹斜芯褉懈.鈥�
鈥炐斝敌夹拘貉€邪褑懈褟褌邪 械 锌褉芯褑械写褍褉邪 薪邪 褋屑褟薪邪 薪邪 褍锌褉邪胁谢褟胁邪褖懈褌械. 袣胁邪谢锟斤拷褎懈褑懈褉邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 写械屑芯泻褉邪褑懈褟褌邪 褋 锌褉懈谢邪谐邪褌械谢薪芯 鈥� 鈥炐叫把€芯写薪邪 写械屑芯泻褉邪褑懈褟鈥� 锌芯 胁褉械屑械褌芯 薪邪 泻芯屑褍薪懈蟹屑邪, 鈥炑佈冃残笛€械薪薪邪 写械屑芯泻褉邪褑懈褟鈥� 褋谢械写 褌芯胁邪 鈥� 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪 械谢懈屑懈薪懈褉邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 褌邪蟹懈 锌褉芯褑械写褍褉邪.鈥�
鈥炐⌒佳娧€褌褌邪 薪邪 胁褋械泻懈 胁懈泻懈薪谐褋泻懈 胁芯械薪邪褔邪谢薪懈泻 锌褉械写懈蟹胁懈泻胁邪 泻褗褉胁邪胁懈 斜懈褌泻懈.鈥�
鈥炐曅� 薪懈泻芯谐邪 薪械 褋械 械 芯锌懈褌邪谢 写邪 薪邪谢芯卸懈 芯斜褖芯 芯斜褍褔械薪懈械 锌芯 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟 薪邪 械胁褉芯锌械泄褑懈褌械. 袙 褉械蟹褍谢褌邪褌 薪邪 褌芯胁邪 斜邪褋薪褟褌邪 蟹邪 屑褗写褉邪褌邪 薪邪褑懈褟 胁薪褍褕邪胁邪 褍褋械褖邪薪械褌芯, 褔械 泻邪泻褌芯 薪邪褑懈芯薪邪谢薪懈褌械 写褗褉卸邪胁懈 褋邪 懈蟹斜褉邪谢懈 写邪 胁谢褟蟹邪褌 胁 袝胁褉芯锌邪, 褌邪泻邪 懈 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 褟 薪邪锌褍褋薪邪褌. 袥褍锌懈薪谐褗褌 泻褗屑 械写薪芯 胁褗芯斜褉邪卸邪械屑芯 屑懈薪邪谢芯 褋褌邪胁邪 胁褗蟹屑芯卸械薪 懈 写芯褉懈 卸械谢邪薪. 孝邪泻邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪褌邪 薪邪 薪械懈蟹斜械卸薪芯褋褌 芯褌胁邪褉褟 胁褉邪褌邪 泻褗屑 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪 薪邪 胁械褔薪芯褋褌褌邪.鈥�
鈥炐撗冃夹感谎屝拘� 褋褗褖芯 褌邪泻邪 写芯斜邪胁褟 褋锌械褑懈褎懈褔薪邪 褎芯褉屑邪 薪邪 邪薪褌懈褋械屑懈褌懈蟹褗屑 泻褗屑 械胁褉邪蟹懈泄褋泻邪褌邪 褌褉邪写懈褑懈褟, 泻芯褟褌芯 锌芯蟹胁芯谢褟胁邪 薪邪 褉褍褋薪邪褑懈褌械 写邪 褋褌芯胁邪褉胁邪褌 褋芯斜褋褌胁械薪懈褌械 褋懈 锌褉芯胁邪谢懈 械写薪芯胁褉械屑械薪薪芯 薪邪 械胁褉械懈褌械 懈 薪邪 袟邪锌邪写邪. 袣谢褞褔芯胁芯褌芯 锌芯薪褟褌懈械 褌褍泻 械 鈥炑呅感夹笛€邪鈥�, 懈谢懈 褎邪谢褕懈胁邪 薪邪褑懈褟. 袟写褉邪胁懈褌械 薪邪褑懈懈, 泻邪泻胁邪褌芯 械 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪, 锌褉械写褍锌褉械卸写邪胁邪 袚褍屑懈谢褜芯胁, 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 褋械 锌邪蟹褟褌 芯褌 褏懈屑械褉懈褔薪懈褌械 谐褉褍锌懈, 泻芯懈褌芯 褔械褉锌褟褌 卸懈胁芯褌 薪械 芯褌 泻芯褋屑懈褔械褋泻懈褌械 谢褗褔懈, 邪 芯褌 写褉褍谐懈 谐褉褍锌懈. 孝褍泻 褌芯泄 懈屑邪 锌褉械写胁懈写 械胁褉械懈褌械.鈥�
鈥炐熜秆埿敌剐盒� 胁 薪邪褔邪谢芯褌芯 薪邪 XXI 胁., 袛褍谐懈薪 械 褋胁懈写械褌械谢 薪邪 褍褋锌械褏邪 薪邪 袝胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褟 褋褗褞蟹, 泻芯泄褌芯 褋锌邪褋褟胁邪 写褗褉卸邪胁懈褌械 褋谢械写 懈屑锌械褉懈褟褌邪. 袛褍谐懈薪 薪懈泻芯谐邪 薪械 锌褉芯懈蟹薪邪褋褟 褌芯胁邪 懈屑械. 袩芯屑芯谢械薪 写邪 泻芯屑械薪褌懈褉邪 袝小, 袛褍谐懈薪 蟹邪褟胁褟胁邪, 褔械 褌芯泄 械 芯斜褉械褔械薪. 袦薪芯谐芯 锌褉械写懈 袩褍褌懈薪 写邪 蟹邪谐芯胁芯褉懈 蟹邪 袝胁褉邪蟹懈褟, 泻芯褟褌芯 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 胁泻谢褞褔胁邪 校泻褉邪泄薪邪 泻邪褌芯 械谢械屑械薪褌 芯褌 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪 褑懈胁懈谢懈蟹邪褑懈褟, 袛褍谐懈薪 写械褎懈薪懈褉邪 薪械蟹邪胁懈褋懈屑邪褌邪 褍泻褉邪懈薪褋泻邪 写褗褉卸邪胁邪 泻邪褌芯 斜邪褉懈械褉邪 锌褉械写 械胁褉邪蟹懈泄褋泻邪褌邪 褋褗写斜邪 薪邪 袪褍褋懈褟.鈥�
鈥炐⒀娦� 泻邪褌芯 袙械谢懈泻芯斜褉懈褌邪薪懈褟 懈 肖褉邪薪褑懈褟 薪褟屑邪褌 屑芯写械褉薪邪 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟 泻邪褌芯 薪邪褑懈芯薪邪谢薪懈 写褗褉卸邪胁懈, 械写薪芯 懈蟹谢懈蟹邪薪械 芯褌 袝小 斜懈 斜懈谢芯 锌芯-褋泻芯褉芯 褋褌褗锌泻邪 胁 薪械懈蟹胁械褋褌薪芯褌芯, 芯褌泻芯谢泻芯褌芯 泻芯屑褎芯褉褌薪芯 蟹邪胁褉褗褖邪薪械 褍 写芯屑邪, 芯斜械褖邪薪芯 芯褌 薪邪褑懈芯薪邪谢懈蟹屑邪. 孝芯胁邪 斜懈 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪谢芯 锌褉懈褋褗械写懈薪褟胁邪薪械 泻褗屑 袪褍褋懈褟 泻邪褌芯 芯褋褌邪褌褗褔薪邪 写褗褉卸邪胁邪 薪邪 械胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻邪 懈屑锌械褉懈褟 芯褌胁褗写 芯斜褋械谐邪 薪邪 械胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻邪褌邪 懈薪褌械谐褉邪褑懈褟...鈥�
鈥炐溞狙佇盒残� 胁蟹械屑邪 薪邪 胁褗芯褉褗卸械薪懈械 斜邪褋薪褟褌邪 蟹邪 屑褗写褉邪褌邪 薪邪褑懈褟. 袙 写械泄褋褌胁懈褌械谢薪芯褋褌 袙械谢懈泻芯斜褉懈褌邪薪懈褟 薪懈泻芯谐邪 薪械 械 斜懈谢邪 写褗褉卸邪胁邪, 泻芯褟褌芯 械 褉械褕邪胁邪谢邪 写邪 锌芯写泻褉械锌褟 写褉褍谐懈褌械, 邪 褉邪蟹锌邪写邪褖邪 褋械 懈屑锌械褉懈褟, 褔懈褟褌芯 写褗褉卸邪胁薪芯褋褌 械 褋锌邪褋械薪邪 斜谢邪谐芯写邪褉械薪懈械 薪邪 械胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻邪褌邪 懈薪褌械谐褉邪褑懈褟. 袩褗褉胁懈 泻邪薪邪谢, 薪邪泄-胁邪卸薪邪褌邪 褉褍褋泻邪 褌械谢械胁懈蟹懈芯薪薪邪 褋褌邪薪褑懈褟, 褍褋锌芯泻芯懈褌械谢薪芯 锌芯褌胁褗褉卸写邪胁邪 屑懈褌邪, 褔械 袙械谢懈泻芯斜褉懈褌邪薪懈褟 斜懈 屑芯谐谢邪 写邪 褋械 褋锌褉邪胁褟 褋邪屑邪, 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 胁懈薪邪谐懈 谐芯 械 锌褉邪胁懈谢邪...鈥�
鈥炐� 褋褗褖懈褟 屑芯屑械薪褌, 胁 泻芯泄褌芯 袩褍褌懈薪 锌褉懈谢邪谐邪 袠谢懈薪芯胁邪褌邪 懈写械褟 蟹邪 锌褉邪胁芯 胁 袪褍褋懈褟, 褍泻褉邪懈薪褑懈褌械 写械屑芯薪褋褌褉懈褉邪褌, 褔械 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 褋械 斜谢芯泻懈褉邪 锌褉械泻懈褟褌 锌褗褌 泻褗屑 邪胁褌芯褉懈褌邪褉懈蟹屑邪.
袗泻芯 褍泻褉邪懈薪褑懈褌械 褋邪 胁 褋褗褋褌芯褟薪懈械 写邪 褉邪蟹褉械褕邪褌 袠谢懈薪芯胁邪褌邪 锌褉邪胁芯胁邪 谐谢邪胁芯斜谢褗褋泻邪薪懈褑邪, 芯斜褉褗褖邪泄泻懈 褋械 泻褗屑 袝胁褉芯锌邪 懈 泻褗屑 褋芯谢懈写邪褉薪芯褋褌褌邪, 蟹邪褖芯 褉褍褋薪邪褑懈褌械 写邪 薪械 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 谐芯 薪邪锌褉邪胁褟褌? 孝芯胁邪 械 胁褗锌褉芯褋, 泻芯泄褌芯 褉褍褋泻懈褌械 谢懈写械褉懈 薪械 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 锌芯蟹胁芯谢褟褌 写邪 褋械 蟹邪谐薪械蟹写懈 胁 褋褗蟹薪邪薪懈械褌芯 薪邪 褌械褏薪懈褌械 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈.鈥�
鈥炐熝€芯斜谢械屑褗褌 薪邪 褎芯褉屑褍谢懈褉芯胁泻懈, 胁 泻芯懈褌芯 褋褗褖械褋褌胁懈褌械谢薪芯褌芯 鈥炐残拘剐叫扳€� 褋械 芯锌褉械写械谢褟 芯褌 锌褉懈谢邪谐邪褌械谢薪芯 泻邪褌芯 鈥炑呅感毖€懈写薪邪鈥�, 械, 褔械 褌械 蟹胁褍褔邪褌 泻邪褌芯 鈥炐啃�-屑邪谢泻芯 胁芯泄薪邪鈥�, 屑邪泻邪褉 胁 写械泄褋褌胁懈褌械谢薪芯褋褌 写邪 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪褌 鈥炐啃拘残笛囆� 胁芯泄薪邪鈥�.
鈥炐曅惭€芯锌械泄褑懈褌械 褋械 芯泻邪蟹胁邪褌 褍褟蟹胁懈屑懈 蟹邪 锌褉懈褋锌懈胁薪邪褌邪 褉褍褋泻邪 锌褉芯锌邪谐邪薪写邪, 泻芯褟褌芯 褌胁褗褉写懈, 褔械 锌褉芯斜谢械屑懈褌械 薪邪 校泻褉邪泄薪邪 锌芯泻邪蟹胁邪褌 泻芯谢泻芯 械 写邪谢械褔械 芯褌 袝小.鈥�
鈥炐⑿狙傂靶恍秆傂把€懈蟹屑褗褌 蟹邪谢懈褔邪胁邪 谐褉邪薪懈褑邪褌邪 屑械卸写褍 褔邪褋褌薪芯 懈 锌褍斜谢懈褔薪芯, 褌邪泻邪 褔械 懈蟹谐谢械卸写邪 薪芯褉屑邪谢薪芯 胁褋懈褔泻懈 写邪 褋邪 锌褉芯蟹褉邪褔薪懈 锌褉械蟹 褑褟谢芯褌芯 胁褉械屑械.鈥�
鈥炐斝狙€懈 泻芯谐邪褌芯 校泻褉邪泄薪邪 褋械 芯褌斜褉邪薪褟胁邪, 械胁褉芯锌械泄褋泻懈褌械 懈 邪屑械褉懈泻邪薪褋泻懈褌械 邪胁褌芯褉懈 褋邪 锌芯胁谢懈褟薪懈 芯褌 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪 锌褉芯锌邪谐邪薪写邪. 袟邪 褉邪蟹谢懈泻邪 芯褌 褍泻褉邪懈薪褑懈褌械 邪屑械褉懈泻邪薪褑懈褌械 薪械 褋邪 褋胁懈泻薪邪谢懈 褋 懈写械褟褌邪, 褔械 懈薪褌械褉薪械褌 屑芯卸械 写邪 斜褗写械 懈蟹锌芯谢蟹胁邪薪 褋褉械褖褍 褌褟褏.鈥�
鈥炐捫夹笛佈傂� 写邪 褋械 芯锌懈褌胁邪屑械 写邪 芯褋屑懈褋谢懈屑 芯薪芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 械 芯泻芯谢芯 薪邪褋, 薪懈械 卸邪写褍胁邪屑械 蟹邪 褋谢械写胁邪褖芯褌芯 褉邪蟹泻褉懈褌懈械. 袛褗褉卸邪胁薪懈褌械 褋谢褍卸懈褌械谢懈, 褉邪蟹斜懈褉邪 褋械, 薪械褋褗胁褗褉褕械薪懈 懈 谐褉械褕邪褖懈, 褋褌邪胁邪褌 谢懈褔薪芯褋褌懈, 蟹邪 泻芯懈褌芯 褋懈 屑懈褋谢懈屑, 褔械 懈屑邪屑械 锌褉邪胁芯 写邪 锌芯蟹薪邪胁邪屑械 懈蟹褑褟谢芯. 袧芯 泻芯谐邪褌芯 褉邪蟹谢懈泻邪褌邪 屑械卸写褍 锌褍斜谢懈褔薪芯 懈 褔邪褋褌薪芯 褋械 褉邪蟹锌邪写薪械, 写械屑芯泻褉邪褑懈褟褌邪 械 锌芯写谢芯卸械薪邪 薪邪 薪械褍写褗褉卸懈屑 薪邪褌懈褋泻.鈥�
鈥炐� 薪褟泻芯懈 胁邪卸薪懈 芯褌薪芯褕械薪懈褟 邪屑械褉懈泻邪薪褋泻懈褌械 屑械写懈懈 褋邪 褋褌邪薪邪谢懈 泻邪褌芯 褉褍褋泻懈褌械 懈 褌芯胁邪 锌褉邪胁懈 邪屑械褉懈泻邪薪褑懈褌械 褍褟蟹胁懈屑懈 蟹邪 褉褍褋泻邪褌邪 褌邪泻褌懈泻邪. 袨锌懈褌褗褌 薪邪 袪褍褋懈褟 锌芯泻邪蟹胁邪 泻邪泻胁芯 褋械 褋谢褍褔胁邪 褋 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪褌邪, 泻芯谐邪褌芯 薪芯胁懈薪懈褌械 谐褍斜褟褌 蟹邪蟹械屑械薪芯褋褌褌邪 褋懈. 袧邪 袪褍褋懈褟 泄 谢懈锌褋胁邪褌 屑械褋褌薪邪 懈 褉械谐懈芯薪邪谢薪邪 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌懈泻邪. 袦薪芯谐芯 屑邪谢泻芯 芯褌 芯薪芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 褋械 锌褍斜谢懈泻褍胁邪 胁 褉褍褋泻懈褌械 屑械写懈懈, 褋械 芯褌薪邪褋褟 写芯 锌褉械卸懈胁褟胁邪薪懈褟褌邪 薪邪 褉褍褋泻懈褌械 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈. 袪褍褋泻邪褌邪 褌械谢械胁懈蟹懈褟 薪邪褋芯褔胁邪 薪械写芯胁械褉懈械褌芯, 泻芯械褌芯 褌芯胁邪 锌芯褉邪卸写邪, 褋褉械褖褍 写褉褍谐懈褌械 懈蟹胁褗薪 袪褍褋懈褟. 小褗褋 褋谢邪斜芯褋褌褌邪 薪邪 屑械褋褌薪邪褌邪 褋懈 锌褉械褋邪 袗屑械褉懈泻邪 蟹邪锌芯褔胁邪 写邪 薪邪锌芯写芯斜褟胁邪 袪褍褋懈褟.鈥�
鈥炐� 泻褉邪泄薪邪 褋屑械褌泻邪 芯斜邪褔械 褋胁芯斜芯写邪褌邪 蟹邪胁懈褋懈 芯褌 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈褌械, 泻芯懈褌芯 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 锌褉邪胁褟褌 褉邪蟹谢懈泻邪 屑械卸写褍 懈褋褌懈薪邪 懈 芯薪芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 卸械谢邪褟褌 写邪 褔褍褟褌. 袗胁褌芯褉懈褌邪褉懈蟹屑褗褌 懈写胁邪 薪械 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈褌械 泻邪蟹胁邪褌, 褔械 谐芯 懈褋泻邪褌, 邪 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 谐褍斜褟褌 褋锌芯褋芯斜薪芯褋褌褌邪 褋懈 写邪 锌褉邪胁褟褌 褉邪蟹谢懈泻邪 屑械卸写褍 褎邪泻褌懈 懈 卸械谢邪薪懈褟.鈥�
March 11, 2022
Having read On Tyranny, I picked up this book because I was aware of how well Snyder understood our times and its perils. I did not realize how timely it was until I began reading it. The book tells how Putin has used a Russian brand of fascism to make himself dictator of Russia and how he has attracted disciples from most parts of the world to carry out his agenda. Realizing that Trump was a failure and loser (his opinion) he was instrumental in getting him elected, in getting Britain out of the EU, in impacting countries all over the globe. He has borrowed methods right out of the Nazi playbook and up until now, has been very successful. What he has not done is to create a policy of succession in his own country and has destroyed the idea there that the rule of law must be respected for a country to enjoy any prosperity or future.
Now, with his latest invasion of Ukraine, the world appears to have awakened to what a danger that this man poses. Even his own citizens are protesting. Maybe there is some hope for a return to full democracy in countries like our own, and for some sense of normalcy and security for the citizens of his own country and Ukraine. What is clear is that the road back to normalcy, if the world should find its way there, will be a long one fraught with danger.
Now, with his latest invasion of Ukraine, the world appears to have awakened to what a danger that this man poses. Even his own citizens are protesting. Maybe there is some hope for a return to full democracy in countries like our own, and for some sense of normalcy and security for the citizens of his own country and Ukraine. What is clear is that the road back to normalcy, if the world should find its way there, will be a long one fraught with danger.
May 9, 2023
The appeal of the politics of eternity to such men is all too understandable. Far better to shackle a nation and rattle the world than to risk the loss of so much.
Finding a certain upheaval in my life presently and Dr Snyder adroitly details a politics of upheaval, a public culture and foreign policy of manufactured chaos and I am all the worse for it. This is an analysis of the highest order, one illustrating the origins of the 2014 phony war in the Dombas and the collusion which dare not speak its name on Pennsylvania Avenue during the reign of DT45. Frank Capra has been replaced by Sergey Lavrov and now nuclear angst is our pastime, a human diversion from the wrenching costs of the Anthropocene. Snyder describes an epistemological crisis and a permanent distrust. Snyder is a fine philosopher (though I doubt he'd admit such) and a scholar for the ages.
Finding a certain upheaval in my life presently and Dr Snyder adroitly details a politics of upheaval, a public culture and foreign policy of manufactured chaos and I am all the worse for it. This is an analysis of the highest order, one illustrating the origins of the 2014 phony war in the Dombas and the collusion which dare not speak its name on Pennsylvania Avenue during the reign of DT45. Frank Capra has been replaced by Sergey Lavrov and now nuclear angst is our pastime, a human diversion from the wrenching costs of the Anthropocene. Snyder describes an epistemological crisis and a permanent distrust. Snyder is a fine philosopher (though I doubt he'd admit such) and a scholar for the ages.
January 6, 2019
Early on in the Mueller investigation and the Trump鈥揜ussia scandal, Steve Doocy of Fox & Friends looked into the camera and asked rhetorically, 鈥淒o you even care?,鈥� seemingly asking a question, but really, telling his audience how they should think. This book explains why everyone should care about Trump-Russia.
First, it explains who Putin is, what he believes, and what he wants. Spoiler alert: Putin is not a communist holdover trying rebuild the old U.S.S.R. Rather, he is influenced by far-right fascist 鈥減hilosophers鈥� who believe in the innocence of Russia in the face of an immoral, decadent, and homosexual west, and he wants to weaken western democracies, destroy the European Union, and replace it with a 鈥淓urasian Union鈥� stretching from the Pacific to the Atlantic and led by Russia.
Next, the book examines the many actions Putin has taken to undermine democracy. It鈥檚 now common knowledge that millions of Russian fake social media accounts promoted emails hacked from the DNC and attacked Hillary Clinton while promoting Donald Trump. But Russian influence operations were also involved with Brexit, the move for Scottish independence, the French Presidential election, and many others. In 2012, Putin fixed his own election by electronically adding votes, and when thousands of Russians took to the streets in protest, he said they were paid as part of a plot initiated by Hillary Clinton and the decadent, homosexual west. Sound familiar? Worst of all, Putin invaded Ukraine and managed to convince people that the Ukrainians themselves were the fascists. In 2014, Russian forces crossed into Ukrainian territory and shot down a civilian aircraft. Nearly three hundred people including children died on flight MH17 from Amsterdam to Kuala Lumpur, and the Russian government put out numerous stories in the aftermath, including that this was a Ukrainian plot to assassinate Putin.
Finally, this book delves into the many connections between Trump and Russia and how Trump willingly accepted Putin鈥檚 help in the 2016 election. It talks about how Russian money helped create the fictional character of Donald Trump, 鈥渟uccessful businessman,鈥� and how Trump鈥檚 associates participated in Russian influence operations on social media, and Trump himself lied, calling these events a 鈥渉oax.鈥� Snyder also analyzes some of the deeper socio-economic issues in the United States that made all of this possible. His theories of 鈥渢he politics of inevitability鈥� versus 鈥渢he politics of eternity鈥� are nothing short of brilliant. Importantly, impeaching Trump alone does not solve the problem. Putin and similar leaders will return, and unless the U.S. addresses its racial and economic inequalities, it will remain vulnerable.
I want to be clear that I have nothing against the Russian people. They are victims in this as well, and they deserve a functioning democracy just like everyone else. As world citizens, we are all in this together, and must all resist fascism.
I also enjoyed Snyder鈥檚, On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century, review here: /review/show... It鈥檚 much shorter and reads more like a 鈥渉ow to guide鈥� for resisting fascism in the age of Trump. Anyone who likes that book will love this one.
First, it explains who Putin is, what he believes, and what he wants. Spoiler alert: Putin is not a communist holdover trying rebuild the old U.S.S.R. Rather, he is influenced by far-right fascist 鈥減hilosophers鈥� who believe in the innocence of Russia in the face of an immoral, decadent, and homosexual west, and he wants to weaken western democracies, destroy the European Union, and replace it with a 鈥淓urasian Union鈥� stretching from the Pacific to the Atlantic and led by Russia.
Next, the book examines the many actions Putin has taken to undermine democracy. It鈥檚 now common knowledge that millions of Russian fake social media accounts promoted emails hacked from the DNC and attacked Hillary Clinton while promoting Donald Trump. But Russian influence operations were also involved with Brexit, the move for Scottish independence, the French Presidential election, and many others. In 2012, Putin fixed his own election by electronically adding votes, and when thousands of Russians took to the streets in protest, he said they were paid as part of a plot initiated by Hillary Clinton and the decadent, homosexual west. Sound familiar? Worst of all, Putin invaded Ukraine and managed to convince people that the Ukrainians themselves were the fascists. In 2014, Russian forces crossed into Ukrainian territory and shot down a civilian aircraft. Nearly three hundred people including children died on flight MH17 from Amsterdam to Kuala Lumpur, and the Russian government put out numerous stories in the aftermath, including that this was a Ukrainian plot to assassinate Putin.
Finally, this book delves into the many connections between Trump and Russia and how Trump willingly accepted Putin鈥檚 help in the 2016 election. It talks about how Russian money helped create the fictional character of Donald Trump, 鈥渟uccessful businessman,鈥� and how Trump鈥檚 associates participated in Russian influence operations on social media, and Trump himself lied, calling these events a 鈥渉oax.鈥� Snyder also analyzes some of the deeper socio-economic issues in the United States that made all of this possible. His theories of 鈥渢he politics of inevitability鈥� versus 鈥渢he politics of eternity鈥� are nothing short of brilliant. Importantly, impeaching Trump alone does not solve the problem. Putin and similar leaders will return, and unless the U.S. addresses its racial and economic inequalities, it will remain vulnerable.
I want to be clear that I have nothing against the Russian people. They are victims in this as well, and they deserve a functioning democracy just like everyone else. As world citizens, we are all in this together, and must all resist fascism.
I also enjoyed Snyder鈥檚, On Tyranny: Twenty Lessons from the Twentieth Century, review here: /review/show... It鈥檚 much shorter and reads more like a 鈥渉ow to guide鈥� for resisting fascism in the age of Trump. Anyone who likes that book will love this one.
August 14, 2024
Timothy Snyder's thorough analysis, supported by equally comprehensive documentation and the 277 endnotes spanning 80 pages at the end of the volume, will leave you feeling well-informed and knowledgeable.
Understanding the past is crucial for making sense of the present. This book enlightens us about the reasons behind the violence in Eastern Europe, making us more aware of the situation.
Understanding the past is crucial for making sense of the present. This book enlightens us about the reasons behind the violence in Eastern Europe, making us more aware of the situation.
September 13, 2023
鈥澬愋惭傂狙€懈褌邪褉懈蟹屑褗褌 蟹邪锌芯褔胁邪 褌芯谐邪胁邪, 泻芯谐邪褌芯 胁械褔械 薪械 褋屑械 胁 褋褗褋褌芯褟薪懈械 写邪 薪邪锌褉邪胁懈屑 褉邪蟹谢懈泻邪 屑械卸写褍 懈褋褌懈薪薪芯 懈 锌褉懈胁谢械泻邪褌械谢薪芯. 袙 褋褗褖芯褌芯 胁褉械屑械 褑懈薪懈泻褗褌, 泻芯泄褌芯 褉械褕邪胁邪, 褔械 懈蟹芯斜褖芯 薪褟屑邪 懈褋褌懈薪邪, 械 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈薪褗褌, 泻芯泄褌芯 锌芯褋褉械褖邪 褋 芯褌胁芯褉械薪懈 芯斜褟褌懈褟 褌懈褉邪薪邪.鈥�
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袠屑邪屑 写胁邪 谢褞斜懈屑懈 褎懈谢屑邪 薪邪 胁械褔械 薪械谢褞斜懈屑懈褟 屑懈 褉械卸懈褋褜芯褉 袧懈泻懈褌邪 袦懈褏邪谢泻芯胁, 褋 褟褋薪芯褌芯 褋褗蟹薪邪薪懈械, 褔械 泻褉邪褟褌 薪邪 械写懈薪懈褟 械 锌褉芯锌邪谐邪薪写械薪, 邪 懈写械褟褌邪 械 写懈褉械泻褌薪芯 胁蟹械褌邪 芯褌 蟹谢邪褌薪邪褌邪 械褉邪 薪邪 啸芯谢懈胁褍写. 袦邪泻邪褉 懈 写芯褋褌邪 褍卸邪褋薪芯 褔芯胁械褕泻芯 褋褗褖械褋褌胁芯, 胁褋械 锌邪泻 袦懈褏邪谢泻芯胁 械 写芯斜褗褉 褉械卸懈褋褜芯褉 (懈 邪泻褌褜芯褉). 袟邪 屑邪谢泻芯 褌械蟹懈 谢褞斜懈屑懈 薪械谐芯胁懈 褎懈谢屑懈 写邪 褋褌邪薪邪褌 褌褉懈 - 薪芯 褌褉械褌懈褟褌 屑械 褍卸邪褋懈 褋 械写薪邪 褋褗胁褋械屑 斜邪薪邪谢薪邪 薪邪 胁懈写 褋褑械薪邪, 懈 蟹邪胁懈薪邪谐懈 褋谢械写 薪械褟 蟹邪写褉邪褋泻邪褏 袦懈褏邪谢泻芯胁 芯褌 锌谢械泄谢懈褋褌邪褌邪 褋懈. 袙 褋锌芯屑械薪邪褌邪褌邪 褋褑械薪邪 械写薪芯 薪械胁械卸芯 褋械谢褟薪褔械 褉邪蟹谐芯胁邪褉褟 褋 懈蟹褌褍锌邪薪 褑邪褉褋泻懈 芯褎懈褑械褉. 袨褎懈褑械褉褗褌 芯斜褟褋薪褟胁邪 薪邪 褏谢邪锌械褌芯 褌械芯褉懈褟褌邪 薪邪 袛邪褉胁懈薪 褋 芯斜芯斜褖械薪懈械褌芯, 褔械 褏芯褉邪褌邪 锌褉芯懈蟹谢懈蟹邪褌 芯褌 屑邪泄屑褍薪懈褌械. 袗屑邪 懈 褑邪褉褟褌 谢懈, 斜谢械褖懈 褋械 写懈胁芯褌芯 褋械谢褟薪褔械. 袠 褑邪褉褟褌, 泻邪蟹胁邪 芯褎懈褑械褉褗褌. 笑邪褉褟褌 - 芯褌 屑邪泄屑褍薪邪褌邪, 胁邪泄泻邪 褋械 写懈胁邪薪械褌芯 褋 懈蟹褑褗泻谢械薪懈褟 锌芯谐谢械写 薪邪 褉邪蟹斜懈褌邪 写褍褕邪. 小泻芯泻 胁褗胁 胁褉械屑械褌芯 - 褋褗褖芯褌芯 褌芯胁邪 写懈胁邪薪械 械 胁械褔械 褎邪薪邪褌懈蟹懈褉邪薪 屑谢邪写 褔械褉胁械薪芯邪褉屑械械褑, 泻芯泄褌芯 懈蟹胁褗褉褕胁邪 蟹胁械褉褋褌胁邪 褋褉械褖褍 斜谢邪谐芯褉芯写薪懈褌械 懈 邪薪谐械谢芯锌芯写芯斜薪懈 斜械谢懈 芯褎懈褑械褉懈 (胁泻谢褞褔懈褌械谢薪芯 褋褉械褖褍 褌芯蟹懈 褋 袛邪褉胁懈薪芯胁邪褌邪 褌械芯褉懈褟). 袩褉懈褔懈薪邪褌邪 蟹邪 褌邪蟹懈 锌芯褉邪蟹褟胁邪褖邪 褌褉邪薪褋褎芯褉屑邪褑懈褟 芯褌 褋谢邪写泻邪 写械褌褋泻邪 薪械胁懈薪薪芯褋褌 懈 锌褗谢薪芯 薪械胁械卸械褋褌胁芯 泻褗屑 屑褉邪泻芯斜械褋械薪 械泻褋褌褉械屑懈蟹褗屑? 袛邪褉胁懈薪, 写褉邪谐懈 蟹褉懈褌械谢褞! 笑邪褉褟褌 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 褋懈 芯褋褌邪薪械 褑邪褉, 斜械蟹 胁褉褗蟹泻邪 褋 薪懈泻邪泻胁懈 褌邪屑 屑邪泄屑褍薪懈, 邪 褋械谢褟薪懈薪褗褌 写邪 褋懈 褋褌芯懈 薪械胁械卸 懈 锌褉芯褋褌 - 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 褋邪屑芯 褌邪泻邪 写褍褏褗褌 屑褍 褖械 芯褋褌邪薪械 褔懈褋褌 懈 薪械胁懈薪械薪. 小邪屑芯 褌邪泻邪 褖械 褋械 褋褗褏褉邪薪懈 薪邪褑懈芯薪邪谢薪邪褌邪 写褍褕械胁薪芯褋褌!
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袨泻邪蟹胁邪 褋械, 褔械 褍卸邪褋懈谢芯褌芯 屑械 锌芯褋谢邪薪懈械 薪械 械 褋谢褍褔邪泄薪芯. 袩褉械写懈 褌邪蟹懈 泻薪懈谐邪 薪械 斜褟褏 褔褍胁邪谢邪 蟹邪 褉褍褋泻懈褟 褎邪褕懈褋褌泻懈 褎懈谢芯褋芯褎 , 锌褉芯泻谢邪屑懈褉邪褖 胁褗褉褏芯胁薪邪褌邪 懈 薪械芯褋锌芯褉懈屑邪 褉褍褋泻邪 薪械胁懈薪薪芯褋褌 懈 锌褉芯懈蟹褌懈褔邪褖芯褌芯 芯褌 褌芯胁邪 锌褉械胁褗蟹褏芯写褋褌胁芯, 薪芯 袧懈泻懈褌邪 袦懈褏邪谢泻芯胁 械 斜懈谢 蟹邪锌芯蟹薪邪褌, 泻邪泻褌芯 胁锌褉芯褔械屑 懈 袙谢邪写懈屑懈褉 袩褍褌懈薪. 袛褍谐懈薪, 芯泻邪蟹胁邪 褋械, 锌褉芯褋褌芯 泻芯锌懈褉邪, 泻谢械褌薪懈泻褗褌, 懈 褋褗胁褋械屑 薪械 械 斜邪褖邪褌邪 薪邪 薪芯胁懈褟 褉褍褋泻懈 褎邪褕懈蟹褗屑. 孝芯蟹懈 褎邪褕懈蟹褗屑 械 褋 写褗谢斜芯泻懈 泻芯褉械薪懈 - 泻邪褌芯 蟹邪锌芯褔薪械屑 芯褌 褉褍褋泻懈褟 锌邪薪褋谢邪胁懈蟹褗屑 薪邪 XIX 胁械泻. 袠谢懈薪 锌褉芯褋褌芯 谐芯 写芯芯褕谢邪泄褎邪, 邪 锌邪写邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 小小小袪 锌褉械写懈蟹胁懈泻胁邪 屑薪芯蟹懈薪邪 胁 褉褍懈薪懈褌械 薪邪 褋褗胁械褌褋泻邪褌邪 懈屑锌械褉懈褟 写邪 锌芯褌褗褉褋褟褌 锌褉械写械褎懈薪懈褉邪薪械 薪邪 锌褉械写芯锌褉械写械谢械薪邪褌邪 褉芯谢褟 薪邪 薪邪褑懈褟-褋胁械褌芯胁械薪 锌褉邪胁械写薪懈泻. 袩芯写芯斜薪芯 薪邪 褋褌邪褉芯蟹邪胁械褌薪懈褌械 械胁褉械懈 褋谢械写 褉邪蟹褉褍褕械薪懈褟 小芯谢芯屑芯薪芯胁 褏褉邪屑 懈 褌械 懈屑邪褌 薪褍卸写邪 写邪 褍褌胁褗褉写褟褌, 褔械 褋褌褉邪写邪薪懈械褌芯 懈写胁邪 芯褌 袘芯谐邪 懈 懈屑械薪薪芯 褌芯 械 蟹薪邪泻褗褌 蟹邪 褌褟褏薪邪褌邪 褍薪懈泻邪谢薪邪 褋褗写斜邪. 袨褌谐谢邪褋懈 芯褌 胁邪泄屑邪褉褋泻邪褌邪 褉械锌褍斜谢懈泻邪 胁 蟹芯褉邪褌邪 薪邪 薪邪褑懈蟹屑邪? 袝写胁邪 谢懈 褋邪 褋谢褍褔邪泄薪懈鈥�
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袙械写薪褗卸 褖芯屑 褎懈谢芯褋芯褎泻邪褌邪 斜邪蟹邪 械 锌芯谢芯卸械薪邪, 芯褋褌邪薪邪谢芯褌芯 械 谢械褋薪芯.
袛械泄褋褌胁懈褌械谢薪芯褋褌褌邪 薪械 械 褉械邪谢薪芯褋褌褌邪 懈 薪械 褋邪 褎邪泻褌懈褌械 胁 褌邪蟹懈 褉械邪谢薪芯褋褌. 袙屑械褋褌芯 褌芯胁邪 懈屑邪屑械 屑懈褋褌懈褔薪芯 锌褉械写芯锌褉械写械谢械薪懈械 懈 褋褗写斜邪.
袠褋褌芯褉懈褟褌邪 薪械 褋褗褖械褋褌胁褍胁邪, 邪 懈 锌芯谢蟹邪 芯褌 薪械褟 - 薪懈泻邪泻胁邪. 孝褉褟斜胁邪褌 胁褟褉邪, 芯褌写邪写械薪芯褋褌 懈 锌芯写褔懈薪械薪懈械 薪邪 写褗谢谐邪. 袟邪褖芯 薪懈 械 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟, 泻邪褌芯 屑芯卸械 写邪 褋懈 泻邪褉邪屑械 褋 屑懈褌芯谢芯谐懈褟? 袛褉械褋懈褉芯胁泻邪褌邪 胁 褌械蟹懈 褌褉懈 薪邪锌褉邪胁谢械薪懈褟 胁 袪褍褋懈褟 褌褗泄 懈谢懈 懈薪邪褔械 械 薪邪 胁懈褋芯褌邪 芯褌 1917 谐. 写芯 1991 谐. 袗 泻褉懈屑懈薪邪谢薪懈褟褌 褉邪蟹锌邪写 薪邪 写褗褉卸邪胁薪芯褋褌褌邪 懈 懈泻芯薪芯屑懈泻邪褌邪 懈 褎芯褉屑懈褉邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 锌褗谢薪邪 泻谢械锌褌芯泻褉邪褑懈褟 胁 袪褍褋懈褟 写芯胁褗褉褕胁邪褌 泻邪褉褌懈薪泻邪褌邪.
袘褗写械褖械 袪褍褋懈褟 薪褟屑邪 (芯褋胁械薪 邪泻芯 薪械 斜褉芯懈屑, 褔械 屑芯褉邪谢薪芯 褖械 褋锌邪褋懈 褋胁械褌邪 芯褌 小邪褌邪薪邪褌邪 懈 褋褉械褖褍 懈蟹胁褉邪褌械薪懈褟 袟邪锌邪写), 薪芯 蟹邪 褋屑械褌泻邪 薪邪 褌芯胁邪 泻邪泻胁芯 屑懈薪邪谢芯 褋懈 懈屑邪 褋邪屑芯! 小谢邪胁薪芯! 效懈褋褌芯! 袙械谢懈褔邪胁芯! 袧邪 泻芯谐芯 褋邪 屑褍 薪褍卸薪懈 褉械褎芯褉屑懈, 褉邪斜芯褌械褖邪 懈泻芯薪芯屑懈泻邪, 蟹邪泻芯薪薪芯褋褌, 褋锌褉邪胁械写谢懈胁芯褋褌, 斜谢邪谐芯写械薪褋褌胁懈械, 褖芯屑 褋懈 懈屑邪 褌邪泻芯胁邪 锌褉懈泻邪蟹薪芯 屑懈薪邪谢芯! 袧邪 泻芯谐芯 褋邪 屑褍 薪褍卸薪懈 褋泻褍褔薪懈 懈 锌械褉懈芯写懈褔薪芯 写褉邪蟹薪械褖芯 褋屑械薪褟褖懈 褋械 褉械褎芯褉屑邪褌芯褉懈, 褋谢械写 泻邪褌芯 褋懈 懈屑邪 小锌邪褋懈褌械谢?
袨褋褌邪胁邪 褋邪屑芯 写邪 蟹邪泻褉懈械屑 屑邪谢泻芯 屑械写懈懈 懈 写邪 褍斜懈械屑 屑邪谢泻芯 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌懈 懈 锌芯谢懈褌懈褔械褋泻懈 褋褗锌械褉薪懈褑懈, 泻邪泻褌芯 懈 写邪 锌褉懈械屑械屑 蟹邪泻芯薪 蟹邪 鈥� 胁褌芯褉邪褌邪 褋胁械褌芯胁薪邪 胁芯泄薪邪! 袩褍褌懈薪 锌褉邪胁懈 胁褋懈褔泻芯 褌芯胁邪, 懈 芯褖械 屑薪芯谐芯.
鈥斺赌�
小谢械写 泻邪褌芯 卸懈胁芯锌懈褋薪芯 芯褔械褉褌邪胁邪 懈蟹褌芯褔薪懈褑懈褌械 薪邪 蟹邪褉芯写懈谢懈褟 褋械 薪芯胁 褉褍褋泻懈 褎邪褕懈蟹褗屑, 芯褋薪芯胁薪懈褌械 屑褍 锌褉芯褟胁谢械薪懈褟 懈 薪邪锌邪褋胁邪薪械褌芯 屑褍 褋 褍褋褌邪薪芯胁懈谢邪褌邪 褋械 斜邪薪写懈褌褋泻邪 写褗褉卸邪胁邪 (斜邪薪写懈褌懈褌械 芯斜芯卸邪胁邪褌 锌褉懈泻邪蟹泻懈 蟹邪 械写薪芯谢懈褔薪懈 褋锌邪褋懈褌械谢懈 懈 褋胁械褌芯胁薪芯 胁械谢懈褔懈械, 褌邪泻邪 薪械 懈屑 械 薪褍卸薪芯 写邪 褋械 锌褗薪邪褌 写邪 褋胁褗褉褕邪褌 薪褟泻邪泻胁邪 褉邪斜芯褌邪 懈谢懈 - 写邪 薪械 写邪胁邪 袚芯褋锌芯写 - 写邪 锌芯薪械褋邪褌 芯褌谐芯胁芯褉薪芯褋褌), 小薪邪泄写褗褉 褋械 锌褉械褏胁褗褉谢褟 薪邪 校泻褉邪泄薪邪. 袧械 薪邪 写薪械褕薪邪 胁芯褞胁邪褖邪 校泻褉邪泄薪邪, 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 泻薪懈谐邪褌邪 械 芯褌 2018 谐. 袧芯 校泻褉邪泄薪邪 薪邪 褋褗褖邪褌邪 泻褉懈屑懈薪邪谢薪邪 锌褉懈胁邪褌懈蟹邪褑懈褟 芯褌 斜邪薪写懈褌懈 泻邪褌芯 胁 袪褍褋懈褟, 薪芯 褋 薪褟泻芯懈 屑褗薪懈褔泻懈 懈 薪械卸械谢邪薪懈 芯褌 袣褉械屑褗谢 芯褌谢懈泻懈, 褋褗褋褌芯褟褖懈 褋械 胁 薪褟泻芯械 懈 写褉褍谐芯 褋谢褍褔邪泄薪芯 懈 锌谢邪褏芯 锌褉芯褟胁谢械薪懈械 薪邪 薪芯褉屑邪谢薪芯褋褌, 写芯胁械谢懈 写芯 袦邪泄写邪薪邪 芯褌 2014 谐.
孝褍泻 褋 褌褗谐邪 懈 谐薪褟胁 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 锌褉懈蟹薪邪褟, 褔械 写芯 懈蟹斜褍褏胁邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 褎芯褉屑邪谢薪邪褌邪 鈥溠佇啃笛喰感靶恍叫� 芯锌械褉邪褑懈褟鈥�, 邪蟹 - 懈 褏芯褉邪褌邪 芯泻芯谢芯 屑械薪 - 懈蟹芯斜褖芯 薪械 褋屑械 斜懈谢懈 薪邪褟褋薪芯, 褔械 薪邪 芯泻. 400 泻屑 锌芯 屑芯褉械 芯褌 褉芯写薪邪褌邪 屑懈 袙邪褉薪邪 褋械 胁芯写懈 胁芯泄薪邪, 懈谢懈 褋懈 屑懈褋谢械褏屑械, 褔械 褌邪屑 薪褟泻邪泻胁懈 褋褌褉邪薪薪懈 械褌薪懈褔械褋泻懈 薪械褉邪蟹斜懈褉邪褌械谢褋褌胁邪 褋邪 胁蟹械谢懈 谢芯褕 芯斜褉邪褌. 校 薪邪褋 薪褟屑邪褕械 芯斜蟹芯褉薪邪 懈薪褎芯褉屑邪褑懈褟 胁 屑械写懈懈褌械, 邪 懈 胁褋械 芯褖械 褌邪泻邪胁邪 谢懈锌褋胁邪. 小薪邪泄写褗褉 锌褉械谢懈褋褌胁邪 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟褌邪 薪邪 褌芯胁邪 泻褗褌褔械 芯褌 褋胁械褌邪, 泻芯械褌芯 薪械薪邪锌褉邪蟹薪芯 薪芯褋懈 懈屑械褌芯 薪邪 锌芯泻褉邪泄薪懈薪邪, 懈 芯褔械褉褌邪胁邪 芯褋薪芯胁薪懈褌械 懈褋褌芯褉懈褔械褋泻懈 谢懈薪懈懈, 泻芯懈褌芯 芯褌 啸 胁械泻 薪邪褋邪屑 褋械 芯谐褗胁邪褌 薪邪 袠蟹褌芯泻 懈 袟邪锌邪写, 泻邪泻褌芯 懈 薪邪 挟谐 褋 芯褋屑邪薪褑懈褌械, 薪芯 泻邪褌芯 褑褟谢芯 褎芯褉屑懈褉邪褌 懈 写薪械褕薪懈褌械 褉邪蟹谢芯屑懈.
孝芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 褍褋械褖邪屑 泻邪褌芯 谢懈锌褋邪, 械 屑邪谢泻芯 锌芯-写褗谢斜芯泻懈褟褌 锌芯谐谢械写 胁 褍泻褉邪懈薪褋泻懈褌械 褉邪蟹写械谢械薪懈褟 泻邪褌芯 屑邪薪褌邪谢懈褌械褌 懈 锌褉懈薪邪写谢械卸薪芯褋褌, 泻芯懈褌芯 薪械 褋邪 屑邪谢芯胁邪卸薪懈. 肖芯泻褍褋褗褌 械 胁褗褉褏褍 懈屑锌械褉褋泻懈褟 锌芯谐谢械写 薪邪 袣褉械屑褗谢 泻褗屑 褌褟褏薪邪褌邪 袧芯胁芯褉褍褋懈褟, 泻芯褟褌芯 薪懈泻邪泻胁懈 褋谢褍褔邪泄薪懈 谐褉邪薪懈褑懈 薪械 褋邪 胁 褋褗褋褌芯褟薪懈械 写邪 芯褌泻褗褋薪邪褌 芯褌 袪褍褋懈褟. 小褌褉邪褌械谐懈褟褌邪 蟹邪 锌褗谢薪邪 写械蟹懈薪褌械谐褉邪褑懈褟 薪邪 校泻褉邪泄薪邪 械 写芯褋褌邪 褟褋薪芯 蟹邪褟胁褟胁邪薪邪 芯褌 袣褉械屑褗谢 屑薪芯谐芯 锌褉械写懈 2022 谐.
鈥斺赌�
孝芯胁邪, 胁 泻芯械褌芯 小薪邪泄写褗褉 械 写芯褋褌邪 褍斜械写懈褌械谢械薪, 械 泻邪泻 胁芯泄薪邪褌邪 蟹邪 校泻褉邪泄薪邪 (谐芯胁芯褉懈屑 蟹邪 锌械褉懈芯写邪 2014 - 2018 谐., 泻芯谐邪褌芯 鈥溠冃貉€邪懈薪褋泻懈 写芯斜褉芯胁芯谢褑懈鈥� 胁 褉褍褋泻懈 褍薪懈褎芯褉屑懈 斜械蟹 芯锌芯蟹薪邪胁邪褌械谢薪懈 蟹薪邪褑懈 胁褗褉褕械褟褌 胁 袥褍谐邪薪褋泻 懈 袛芯薪械褑泻) 械 胁芯泄薪邪 薪邪 褉械邪谢薪芯褋褌懈. 袗 褑械谢褌邪 薪邪 薪邪锌邪写邪褌械谢褟 械 写邪 薪邪谢芯卸懈 褎懈泻褑懈褟褌邪 蟹邪 胁褗薪褕薪邪 懈 胁褗褌褉械褕薪邪 褍锌芯褌褉械斜邪, 写邪 屑邪薪懈锌褍谢懈褉邪 褋褌褉邪褏芯胁械 懈 械屑芯褑懈懈, 胁 泻芯械褌芯 - 斜谢邪谐芯写邪褉械薪懈械 薪邪 孝褉褗屑锌 - 锌芯褋褌懈谐邪 蟹邪斜械谢械卸懈褌械谢薪懈 褍褋锌械褏懈 胁 小袗些.
鈥斺赌�
小 孝褉褗屑锌 小薪邪泄写褗褉 芯褔械褉褌邪胁邪 - 褌胁褗褉写械 薪邪泻褉邪褌泻芯, 褋锌芯褉械写 屑械薪 - 褉邪蟹谢芯屑懈褌械 胁 写薪械褕薪懈褌械 小袗些, 泻褗写械褌芯 褋械 胁懈褏褉懈 薪芯褋褌邪谢谐懈褟 泻褗屑 褉邪褋芯胁芯 鈥溠囆秆佈傂秆傂碘€� 30-褌械. 袘邪薪泻褉褍褌懈褉邪谢邪 蟹写褉邪胁薪邪 褋懈褋褌械屑邪, 锌邪褉褌懈蟹邪薪褖懈薪邪 胁 谐芯谢褟屑邪褌邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪 - 蟹胁褍褔懈 锌芯蟹薪邪褌芯. 袧邪 褉褍褋薪邪褑懈褌械 褋褗褖芯 懈屑 蟹胁褍褔懈 锌芯蟹薪邪褌芯 懈 写懈谐懈褌邪谢薪邪褌邪 懈薪褎芯褉屑邪褑懈芯薪薪邪 胁芯泄薪邪 写芯褋褌懈谐邪 屑邪泄褋褌芯褉褋泻懈 胁懈褋芯褌懈.
鈥斺赌�
些械 锌褉懈泻谢褞褔邪 褋 褉械锌谢懈泻邪褌邪 薪邪 袩懈谢邪褌 袩芯薪褌懈泄褋泻懈 - 鈥溞� 褖芯 械 懈褋褌懈薪邪?鈥�. 效械褋褌芯 褍屑械褋褌械薪 胁褗锌褉芯褋, 泻芯泄褌芯 薪懈泻芯谐邪 薪械 斜懈胁邪 写邪 蟹邪斜褉邪胁褟屑械. 袧芯 懈蟹锌芯谢蟹胁邪薪 写邪 褋褗蟹写邪写械 锌芯胁褋械屑械褋褌薪芯 薪械写芯胁械褉懈械 懈 褑懈薪懈蟹褗屑 胁 芯泻械邪薪 芯褌 褔械褋褌芯 褎邪谢褕懈胁邪 懈薪褎芯褉屑邪褑懈褟, 谐械薪械褉懈褉邪薪邪 薪邪 斜邪蟹邪 谢懈褔薪懈 锌芯褌褉械斜懈褌械谢褋泻懈 锌褉械写锌芯褔懈褌邪薪懈褟 懈谢懈 写懈褉械泻褌薪芯 芯褌 锌褉芯锌邪谐邪薪写薪懈 斜芯褌芯胁械, 械 锌褗褉胁邪褌邪 褋褌褗锌泻邪 泻褗屑 邪胁褌芯褉懈褌邪褉懈蟹屑邪.
鈥斺赌�
袧褟泻芯懈 芯褌 褌械蟹懈褌械 薪邪 小薪邪泄写褗褉 (泻邪褌芯 褌邪蟹懈, 褔械 袪褍褋懈褟 薪械 屑芯卸械 写邪 褋械 褉械褎芯褉屑懈褉邪, 蟹邪褌芯胁邪 懈褋泻邪 写邪 芯褌褋谢邪斜懈 胁褋懈褔泻懈 芯褋褌邪薪邪谢懈 懈 褋邪 懈屑 薪邪褋邪写懈 褋褗褖懈褌械 锌褉芯斜谢械屑懈) 屑懈 褋械 胁懈卸写邪褌 褌胁褗褉写械 芯锌褉芯褋褌械薪懈, 薪芯 褋懈 褋褌褉褍胁邪 写邪 懈屑 褋械 芯褌写械谢懈 锌芯写芯斜邪胁邪褖芯 胁薪懈屑邪薪懈械.
4,5猸愶笍
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鈻讹笍 笑懈褌邪褌懈:
鈥滒煔� 袗泻芯 写褗褉卸邪胁懈褌械 褋邪 褍褋褌芯泄褔懈胁懈, 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈褌械 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 褋懈 锌褉械写褋褌邪胁褟褌 锌褉芯屑褟薪邪, 斜械蟹 写邪 褋械 褋褌褉邪褏褍胁邪褌 芯褌 泻邪褌邪褋褌褉芯褎邪.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞⌒恍敌� 泻邪褌芯 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈褌械 胁械褔械 薪械 芯褔邪泻胁邪褌 褔褍写械褋邪 芯褌 斜褗写械褖械褌芯, 薪芯褋褌邪谢谐懈褟褌邪 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 蟹邪锌褗谢薪懈 芯褋褌邪胁械薪懈褟 芯褌 褍褌芯锌懈褟褌邪 胁邪泻褍褍屑.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞溞把佈傂感恍狙傂� 薪邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈褔械褋泻邪褌邪 褎懈泻褑懈褟 械 泻褉褗胁褌邪.鈥�"
馃毄 鈥溞澬把喰感秆傂� 褋邪 薪芯胁懈 芯斜褉邪蟹褍胁邪薪懈褟, 泻芯懈褌芯 褋械 芯褌薪邪褋褟褌 写芯 褋褌邪褉懈 薪械褖邪.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞斝� 褋械 屑懈褋谢懈 懈褋褌芯褉懈褔械褋泻懈 薪械 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪 写邪 褋械 蟹邪屑械薪褟 械写懈薪 薪邪褑懈芯薪邪谢械薪 屑懈褌 褋 写褉褍谐鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞毿拘承把傂� 胁褗褉褏芯胁械薪褋褌胁芯褌芯 薪邪 蟹邪泻芯薪邪 褎褍薪泻褑懈芯薪懈褉邪 胁褗胁 胁懈褋褕邪褌邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪, 胁懈薪邪谐懈 懈屑邪 薪邪写械卸写邪 械写懈薪 写械薪 褌芯 写邪 褋械 锌褉械薪械褋械 懈 胁褗胁 胁褋械泻懈写薪械胁薪懈褟 卸懈胁芯褌.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞熝€芯锌邪谐邪薪写邪褌邪 褎褍薪泻褑懈芯薪懈褉邪 薪邪 写胁械 褉邪胁薪懈褖邪: 锌褗褉胁芯, 泻邪褌芯 写懈褉械泻褌械薪 褖褍褉屑 褋褉械褖褍 褎邪泻褌懈褌械 [鈥; 胁褌芯褉芯, 泻邪褌芯 斜械蟹褍褋谢芯胁薪邪 锌褉芯泻谢邪屑邪褑懈褟 蟹邪 薪械胁懈薪薪芯褋褌 [鈥.鈥�
馃毄 孝械芯褉懈褟褌邪 薪邪 鈥溞捫笛囆叫狙佈傃傂� 胁蟹械屑邪 芯锌褉械写械谢褟 懈 褌芯褔泻懈 芯褌 屑懈薪邪谢芯褌芯 懈 谐懈 懈蟹芯斜褉邪蟹褟胁邪 泻邪褌芯 屑芯屑械薪褌懈 薪邪 锌褉邪胁械写薪芯褋褌, 锌褉械薪械斜褉械谐胁邪泄泻懈 胁褉械屑械褌芯 屑械卸写褍 褌褟褏.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞澬敌残敌葱敌叫感笛傂� 褉邪卸写邪 薪械胁懈薪薪芯褋褌鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞⌒恍敌� 2010 谐. 泻芯薪泻褍褉械薪褑懈褟褌邪 薪械 械 蟹邪 屑邪褌械褉懈邪谢薪懈 薪械褖邪, 泻芯懈褌芯 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 斜褗写邪褌 泻芯薪褋褍屑懈褉邪薪懈 [鈥, 邪 蟹邪 锌褋懈褏芯谢芯谐懈褔械褋泻懈 褋褗褋褌芯褟薪懈褟, 泻芯懈褌芯 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 斜褗写邪褌 谐械薪械褉懈褉邪薪懈 胁 褋褗蟹薪邪薪懈械褌芯 薪邪 褔芯胁械泻邪.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞愋惭傂狙€懈褌邪褉懈蟹屑褗褌 懈写胁邪, 薪械 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈褌械 泻邪蟹胁邪褌, 褔械 谐芯 懈褋泻邪褌, 邪 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 谐褍斜褟褌 褋锌芯褋芯斜薪芯褋褌褌邪 褋懈 写邪 锌褉邪胁褟褌 褉邪蟹谢懈泻邪 屑械卸写褍 褎邪泻褌懈 懈 卸械谢邪薪懈褟.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞捫夹笛佈傂� 写邪 芯斜褋褗卸写邪褌 褉械褎芯褉屑懈褌械, 锌芯谢懈褌懈褑懈褌械 薪邪 胁械褔薪芯褋褌褌邪 褋芯褔邪褌 蟹邪锌谢邪褏懈褌械. 袙屑械褋褌芯 写邪 锌褉械写谢芯卸邪褌 斜褗写械褖械 褋 胁褗蟹屑芯卸薪芯褋褌懈 懈 薪邪写械卸写懈, 褌械 锌褉械写谢邪谐邪褌 胁械褔薪芯 薪邪褋褌芯褟褖械 褋 芯锌褉械写械谢械薪懈 胁褉邪谐芯胁械 懈 懈蟹泻褍褋褌胁械薪懈 泻褉懈蟹懈.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞熜拘恍秆傂感貉娧� 薪邪 胁械褔薪芯褋褌褌邪 写械褎懈薪懈褉邪 胁褉邪谐芯胁械, 胁屑械褋褌芯 写邪 褎芯褉屑褍谢懈褉邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻懈.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞バ狙€邪褌邪 锌褉懈写芯斜懈胁邪褌 褍褋械褖邪薪械, 褔械 锌械褔械谢褟褌, 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 胁褟褉胁邪褌, 褔械 写褉褍谐懈褌械 谐褍斜褟褌.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞斝� 褋械 褌褗褉褋懈 懈褋褌懈薪邪褌邪 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪 写邪 褋械 薪邪屑械褉懈 锌褗褌 屑械卸写褍 泻芯薪褎芯褉屑懈蟹屑邪 懈 褋邪屑芯写芯胁芯谢褋褌胁芯褌芯鈥︹€�
馃毄 鈥溞ば把埿感沸佳娧� 械 谢褗卸邪褌邪, 褔械 胁褉邪谐褗褌, 懈蟹斜褉邪薪 芯褌 写邪写械薪 谢懈写械褉, 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 械 胁褉邪谐 薪邪 胁褋懈褔泻懈.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞毿拘承把傂� 薪械褉邪胁械薪褋褌胁芯褌芯 械 锌褉械泻邪谢械薪芯 谐芯谢褟屑芯, 懈褋褌懈薪邪褌邪 械 褌胁褗褉写械 芯斜褉械屑械薪褟胁邪褖邪 蟹邪 芯泻邪褟薪懈褌械 懈 褌胁褗褉写械 薪懈褖芯卸薪邪 蟹邪 锌褉懈胁懈谢械谐懈褉芯胁邪薪懈褌械.鈥�
鈥斺赌�
袠屑邪屑 写胁邪 谢褞斜懈屑懈 褎懈谢屑邪 薪邪 胁械褔械 薪械谢褞斜懈屑懈褟 屑懈 褉械卸懈褋褜芯褉 袧懈泻懈褌邪 袦懈褏邪谢泻芯胁, 褋 褟褋薪芯褌芯 褋褗蟹薪邪薪懈械, 褔械 泻褉邪褟褌 薪邪 械写懈薪懈褟 械 锌褉芯锌邪谐邪薪写械薪, 邪 懈写械褟褌邪 械 写懈褉械泻褌薪芯 胁蟹械褌邪 芯褌 蟹谢邪褌薪邪褌邪 械褉邪 薪邪 啸芯谢懈胁褍写. 袦邪泻邪褉 懈 写芯褋褌邪 褍卸邪褋薪芯 褔芯胁械褕泻芯 褋褗褖械褋褌胁芯, 胁褋械 锌邪泻 袦懈褏邪谢泻芯胁 械 写芯斜褗褉 褉械卸懈褋褜芯褉 (懈 邪泻褌褜芯褉). 袟邪 屑邪谢泻芯 褌械蟹懈 谢褞斜懈屑懈 薪械谐芯胁懈 褎懈谢屑懈 写邪 褋褌邪薪邪褌 褌褉懈 - 薪芯 褌褉械褌懈褟褌 屑械 褍卸邪褋懈 褋 械写薪邪 褋褗胁褋械屑 斜邪薪邪谢薪邪 薪邪 胁懈写 褋褑械薪邪, 懈 蟹邪胁懈薪邪谐懈 褋谢械写 薪械褟 蟹邪写褉邪褋泻邪褏 袦懈褏邪谢泻芯胁 芯褌 锌谢械泄谢懈褋褌邪褌邪 褋懈. 袙 褋锌芯屑械薪邪褌邪褌邪 褋褑械薪邪 械写薪芯 薪械胁械卸芯 褋械谢褟薪褔械 褉邪蟹谐芯胁邪褉褟 褋 懈蟹褌褍锌邪薪 褑邪褉褋泻懈 芯褎懈褑械褉. 袨褎懈褑械褉褗褌 芯斜褟褋薪褟胁邪 薪邪 褏谢邪锌械褌芯 褌械芯褉懈褟褌邪 薪邪 袛邪褉胁懈薪 褋 芯斜芯斜褖械薪懈械褌芯, 褔械 褏芯褉邪褌邪 锌褉芯懈蟹谢懈蟹邪褌 芯褌 屑邪泄屑褍薪懈褌械. 袗屑邪 懈 褑邪褉褟褌 谢懈, 斜谢械褖懈 褋械 写懈胁芯褌芯 褋械谢褟薪褔械. 袠 褑邪褉褟褌, 泻邪蟹胁邪 芯褎懈褑械褉褗褌. 笑邪褉褟褌 - 芯褌 屑邪泄屑褍薪邪褌邪, 胁邪泄泻邪 褋械 写懈胁邪薪械褌芯 褋 懈蟹褑褗泻谢械薪懈褟 锌芯谐谢械写 薪邪 褉邪蟹斜懈褌邪 写褍褕邪. 小泻芯泻 胁褗胁 胁褉械屑械褌芯 - 褋褗褖芯褌芯 褌芯胁邪 写懈胁邪薪械 械 胁械褔械 褎邪薪邪褌懈蟹懈褉邪薪 屑谢邪写 褔械褉胁械薪芯邪褉屑械械褑, 泻芯泄褌芯 懈蟹胁褗褉褕胁邪 蟹胁械褉褋褌胁邪 褋褉械褖褍 斜谢邪谐芯褉芯写薪懈褌械 懈 邪薪谐械谢芯锌芯写芯斜薪懈 斜械谢懈 芯褎懈褑械褉懈 (胁泻谢褞褔懈褌械谢薪芯 褋褉械褖褍 褌芯蟹懈 褋 袛邪褉胁懈薪芯胁邪褌邪 褌械芯褉懈褟). 袩褉懈褔懈薪邪褌邪 蟹邪 褌邪蟹懈 锌芯褉邪蟹褟胁邪褖邪 褌褉邪薪褋褎芯褉屑邪褑懈褟 芯褌 褋谢邪写泻邪 写械褌褋泻邪 薪械胁懈薪薪芯褋褌 懈 锌褗谢薪芯 薪械胁械卸械褋褌胁芯 泻褗屑 屑褉邪泻芯斜械褋械薪 械泻褋褌褉械屑懈蟹褗屑? 袛邪褉胁懈薪, 写褉邪谐懈 蟹褉懈褌械谢褞! 笑邪褉褟褌 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 褋懈 芯褋褌邪薪械 褑邪褉, 斜械蟹 胁褉褗蟹泻邪 褋 薪懈泻邪泻胁懈 褌邪屑 屑邪泄屑褍薪懈, 邪 褋械谢褟薪懈薪褗褌 写邪 褋懈 褋褌芯懈 薪械胁械卸 懈 锌褉芯褋褌 - 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 褋邪屑芯 褌邪泻邪 写褍褏褗褌 屑褍 褖械 芯褋褌邪薪械 褔懈褋褌 懈 薪械胁懈薪械薪. 小邪屑芯 褌邪泻邪 褖械 褋械 褋褗褏褉邪薪懈 薪邪褑懈芯薪邪谢薪邪褌邪 写褍褕械胁薪芯褋褌!
鈥斺赌�
袨泻邪蟹胁邪 褋械, 褔械 褍卸邪褋懈谢芯褌芯 屑械 锌芯褋谢邪薪懈械 薪械 械 褋谢褍褔邪泄薪芯. 袩褉械写懈 褌邪蟹懈 泻薪懈谐邪 薪械 斜褟褏 褔褍胁邪谢邪 蟹邪 褉褍褋泻懈褟 褎邪褕懈褋褌泻懈 褎懈谢芯褋芯褎 , 锌褉芯泻谢邪屑懈褉邪褖 胁褗褉褏芯胁薪邪褌邪 懈 薪械芯褋锌芯褉懈屑邪 褉褍褋泻邪 薪械胁懈薪薪芯褋褌 懈 锌褉芯懈蟹褌懈褔邪褖芯褌芯 芯褌 褌芯胁邪 锌褉械胁褗蟹褏芯写褋褌胁芯, 薪芯 袧懈泻懈褌邪 袦懈褏邪谢泻芯胁 械 斜懈谢 蟹邪锌芯蟹薪邪褌, 泻邪泻褌芯 胁锌褉芯褔械屑 懈 袙谢邪写懈屑懈褉 袩褍褌懈薪. 袛褍谐懈薪, 芯泻邪蟹胁邪 褋械, 锌褉芯褋褌芯 泻芯锌懈褉邪, 泻谢械褌薪懈泻褗褌, 懈 褋褗胁褋械屑 薪械 械 斜邪褖邪褌邪 薪邪 薪芯胁懈褟 褉褍褋泻懈 褎邪褕懈蟹褗屑. 孝芯蟹懈 褎邪褕懈蟹褗屑 械 褋 写褗谢斜芯泻懈 泻芯褉械薪懈 - 泻邪褌芯 蟹邪锌芯褔薪械屑 芯褌 褉褍褋泻懈褟 锌邪薪褋谢邪胁懈蟹褗屑 薪邪 XIX 胁械泻. 袠谢懈薪 锌褉芯褋褌芯 谐芯 写芯芯褕谢邪泄褎邪, 邪 锌邪写邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 小小小袪 锌褉械写懈蟹胁懈泻胁邪 屑薪芯蟹懈薪邪 胁 褉褍懈薪懈褌械 薪邪 褋褗胁械褌褋泻邪褌邪 懈屑锌械褉懈褟 写邪 锌芯褌褗褉褋褟褌 锌褉械写械褎懈薪懈褉邪薪械 薪邪 锌褉械写芯锌褉械写械谢械薪邪褌邪 褉芯谢褟 薪邪 薪邪褑懈褟-褋胁械褌芯胁械薪 锌褉邪胁械写薪懈泻. 袩芯写芯斜薪芯 薪邪 褋褌邪褉芯蟹邪胁械褌薪懈褌械 械胁褉械懈 褋谢械写 褉邪蟹褉褍褕械薪懈褟 小芯谢芯屑芯薪芯胁 褏褉邪屑 懈 褌械 懈屑邪褌 薪褍卸写邪 写邪 褍褌胁褗褉写褟褌, 褔械 褋褌褉邪写邪薪懈械褌芯 懈写胁邪 芯褌 袘芯谐邪 懈 懈屑械薪薪芯 褌芯 械 蟹薪邪泻褗褌 蟹邪 褌褟褏薪邪褌邪 褍薪懈泻邪谢薪邪 褋褗写斜邪. 袨褌谐谢邪褋懈 芯褌 胁邪泄屑邪褉褋泻邪褌邪 褉械锌褍斜谢懈泻邪 胁 蟹芯褉邪褌邪 薪邪 薪邪褑懈蟹屑邪? 袝写胁邪 谢懈 褋邪 褋谢褍褔邪泄薪懈鈥�
鈥斺赌�
袙械写薪褗卸 褖芯屑 褎懈谢芯褋芯褎泻邪褌邪 斜邪蟹邪 械 锌芯谢芯卸械薪邪, 芯褋褌邪薪邪谢芯褌芯 械 谢械褋薪芯.
袛械泄褋褌胁懈褌械谢薪芯褋褌褌邪 薪械 械 褉械邪谢薪芯褋褌褌邪 懈 薪械 褋邪 褎邪泻褌懈褌械 胁 褌邪蟹懈 褉械邪谢薪芯褋褌. 袙屑械褋褌芯 褌芯胁邪 懈屑邪屑械 屑懈褋褌懈褔薪芯 锌褉械写芯锌褉械写械谢械薪懈械 懈 褋褗写斜邪.
袠褋褌芯褉懈褟褌邪 薪械 褋褗褖械褋褌胁褍胁邪, 邪 懈 锌芯谢蟹邪 芯褌 薪械褟 - 薪懈泻邪泻胁邪. 孝褉褟斜胁邪褌 胁褟褉邪, 芯褌写邪写械薪芯褋褌 懈 锌芯写褔懈薪械薪懈械 薪邪 写褗谢谐邪. 袟邪褖芯 薪懈 械 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟, 泻邪褌芯 屑芯卸械 写邪 褋懈 泻邪褉邪屑械 褋 屑懈褌芯谢芯谐懈褟? 袛褉械褋懈褉芯胁泻邪褌邪 胁 褌械蟹懈 褌褉懈 薪邪锌褉邪胁谢械薪懈褟 胁 袪褍褋懈褟 褌褗泄 懈谢懈 懈薪邪褔械 械 薪邪 胁懈褋芯褌邪 芯褌 1917 谐. 写芯 1991 谐. 袗 泻褉懈屑懈薪邪谢薪懈褟褌 褉邪蟹锌邪写 薪邪 写褗褉卸邪胁薪芯褋褌褌邪 懈 懈泻芯薪芯屑懈泻邪褌邪 懈 褎芯褉屑懈褉邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 锌褗谢薪邪 泻谢械锌褌芯泻褉邪褑懈褟 胁 袪褍褋懈褟 写芯胁褗褉褕胁邪褌 泻邪褉褌懈薪泻邪褌邪.
袘褗写械褖械 袪褍褋懈褟 薪褟屑邪 (芯褋胁械薪 邪泻芯 薪械 斜褉芯懈屑, 褔械 屑芯褉邪谢薪芯 褖械 褋锌邪褋懈 褋胁械褌邪 芯褌 小邪褌邪薪邪褌邪 懈 褋褉械褖褍 懈蟹胁褉邪褌械薪懈褟 袟邪锌邪写), 薪芯 蟹邪 褋屑械褌泻邪 薪邪 褌芯胁邪 泻邪泻胁芯 屑懈薪邪谢芯 褋懈 懈屑邪 褋邪屑芯! 小谢邪胁薪芯! 效懈褋褌芯! 袙械谢懈褔邪胁芯! 袧邪 泻芯谐芯 褋邪 屑褍 薪褍卸薪懈 褉械褎芯褉屑懈, 褉邪斜芯褌械褖邪 懈泻芯薪芯屑懈泻邪, 蟹邪泻芯薪薪芯褋褌, 褋锌褉邪胁械写谢懈胁芯褋褌, 斜谢邪谐芯写械薪褋褌胁懈械, 褖芯屑 褋懈 懈屑邪 褌邪泻芯胁邪 锌褉懈泻邪蟹薪芯 屑懈薪邪谢芯! 袧邪 泻芯谐芯 褋邪 屑褍 薪褍卸薪懈 褋泻褍褔薪懈 懈 锌械褉懈芯写懈褔薪芯 写褉邪蟹薪械褖芯 褋屑械薪褟褖懈 褋械 褉械褎芯褉屑邪褌芯褉懈, 褋谢械写 泻邪褌芯 褋懈 懈屑邪 小锌邪褋懈褌械谢?
袨褋褌邪胁邪 褋邪屑芯 写邪 蟹邪泻褉懈械屑 屑邪谢泻芯 屑械写懈懈 懈 写邪 褍斜懈械屑 屑邪谢泻芯 卸褍褉薪邪谢懈褋褌懈 懈 锌芯谢懈褌懈褔械褋泻懈 褋褗锌械褉薪懈褑懈, 泻邪泻褌芯 懈 写邪 锌褉懈械屑械屑 蟹邪泻芯薪 蟹邪 鈥� 胁褌芯褉邪褌邪 褋胁械褌芯胁薪邪 胁芯泄薪邪! 袩褍褌懈薪 锌褉邪胁懈 胁褋懈褔泻芯 褌芯胁邪, 懈 芯褖械 屑薪芯谐芯.
鈥斺赌�
小谢械写 泻邪褌芯 卸懈胁芯锌懈褋薪芯 芯褔械褉褌邪胁邪 懈蟹褌芯褔薪懈褑懈褌械 薪邪 蟹邪褉芯写懈谢懈褟 褋械 薪芯胁 褉褍褋泻懈 褎邪褕懈蟹褗屑, 芯褋薪芯胁薪懈褌械 屑褍 锌褉芯褟胁谢械薪懈褟 懈 薪邪锌邪褋胁邪薪械褌芯 屑褍 褋 褍褋褌邪薪芯胁懈谢邪褌邪 褋械 斜邪薪写懈褌褋泻邪 写褗褉卸邪胁邪 (斜邪薪写懈褌懈褌械 芯斜芯卸邪胁邪褌 锌褉懈泻邪蟹泻懈 蟹邪 械写薪芯谢懈褔薪懈 褋锌邪褋懈褌械谢懈 懈 褋胁械褌芯胁薪芯 胁械谢懈褔懈械, 褌邪泻邪 薪械 懈屑 械 薪褍卸薪芯 写邪 褋械 锌褗薪邪褌 写邪 褋胁褗褉褕邪褌 薪褟泻邪泻胁邪 褉邪斜芯褌邪 懈谢懈 - 写邪 薪械 写邪胁邪 袚芯褋锌芯写 - 写邪 锌芯薪械褋邪褌 芯褌谐芯胁芯褉薪芯褋褌), 小薪邪泄写褗褉 褋械 锌褉械褏胁褗褉谢褟 薪邪 校泻褉邪泄薪邪. 袧械 薪邪 写薪械褕薪邪 胁芯褞胁邪褖邪 校泻褉邪泄薪邪, 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 泻薪懈谐邪褌邪 械 芯褌 2018 谐. 袧芯 校泻褉邪泄薪邪 薪邪 褋褗褖邪褌邪 泻褉懈屑懈薪邪谢薪邪 锌褉懈胁邪褌懈蟹邪褑懈褟 芯褌 斜邪薪写懈褌懈 泻邪褌芯 胁 袪褍褋懈褟, 薪芯 褋 薪褟泻芯懈 屑褗薪懈褔泻懈 懈 薪械卸械谢邪薪懈 芯褌 袣褉械屑褗谢 芯褌谢懈泻懈, 褋褗褋褌芯褟褖懈 褋械 胁 薪褟泻芯械 懈 写褉褍谐芯 褋谢褍褔邪泄薪芯 懈 锌谢邪褏芯 锌褉芯褟胁谢械薪懈械 薪邪 薪芯褉屑邪谢薪芯褋褌, 写芯胁械谢懈 写芯 袦邪泄写邪薪邪 芯褌 2014 谐.
孝褍泻 褋 褌褗谐邪 懈 谐薪褟胁 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 锌褉懈蟹薪邪褟, 褔械 写芯 懈蟹斜褍褏胁邪薪械褌芯 薪邪 褎芯褉屑邪谢薪邪褌邪 鈥溠佇啃笛喰感靶恍叫� 芯锌械褉邪褑懈褟鈥�, 邪蟹 - 懈 褏芯褉邪褌邪 芯泻芯谢芯 屑械薪 - 懈蟹芯斜褖芯 薪械 褋屑械 斜懈谢懈 薪邪褟褋薪芯, 褔械 薪邪 芯泻. 400 泻屑 锌芯 屑芯褉械 芯褌 褉芯写薪邪褌邪 屑懈 袙邪褉薪邪 褋械 胁芯写懈 胁芯泄薪邪, 懈谢懈 褋懈 屑懈褋谢械褏屑械, 褔械 褌邪屑 薪褟泻邪泻胁懈 褋褌褉邪薪薪懈 械褌薪懈褔械褋泻懈 薪械褉邪蟹斜懈褉邪褌械谢褋褌胁邪 褋邪 胁蟹械谢懈 谢芯褕 芯斜褉邪褌. 校 薪邪褋 薪褟屑邪褕械 芯斜蟹芯褉薪邪 懈薪褎芯褉屑邪褑懈褟 胁 屑械写懈懈褌械, 邪 懈 胁褋械 芯褖械 褌邪泻邪胁邪 谢懈锌褋胁邪. 小薪邪泄写褗褉 锌褉械谢懈褋褌胁邪 懈褋褌芯褉懈褟褌邪 薪邪 褌芯胁邪 泻褗褌褔械 芯褌 褋胁械褌邪, 泻芯械褌芯 薪械薪邪锌褉邪蟹薪芯 薪芯褋懈 懈屑械褌芯 薪邪 锌芯泻褉邪泄薪懈薪邪, 懈 芯褔械褉褌邪胁邪 芯褋薪芯胁薪懈褌械 懈褋褌芯褉懈褔械褋泻懈 谢懈薪懈懈, 泻芯懈褌芯 芯褌 啸 胁械泻 薪邪褋邪屑 褋械 芯谐褗胁邪褌 薪邪 袠蟹褌芯泻 懈 袟邪锌邪写, 泻邪泻褌芯 懈 薪邪 挟谐 褋 芯褋屑邪薪褑懈褌械, 薪芯 泻邪褌芯 褑褟谢芯 褎芯褉屑懈褉邪褌 懈 写薪械褕薪懈褌械 褉邪蟹谢芯屑懈.
孝芯胁邪, 泻芯械褌芯 褍褋械褖邪屑 泻邪褌芯 谢懈锌褋邪, 械 屑邪谢泻芯 锌芯-写褗谢斜芯泻懈褟褌 锌芯谐谢械写 胁 褍泻褉邪懈薪褋泻懈褌械 褉邪蟹写械谢械薪懈褟 泻邪褌芯 屑邪薪褌邪谢懈褌械褌 懈 锌褉懈薪邪写谢械卸薪芯褋褌, 泻芯懈褌芯 薪械 褋邪 屑邪谢芯胁邪卸薪懈. 肖芯泻褍褋褗褌 械 胁褗褉褏褍 懈屑锌械褉褋泻懈褟 锌芯谐谢械写 薪邪 袣褉械屑褗谢 泻褗屑 褌褟褏薪邪褌邪 袧芯胁芯褉褍褋懈褟, 泻芯褟褌芯 薪懈泻邪泻胁懈 褋谢褍褔邪泄薪懈 谐褉邪薪懈褑懈 薪械 褋邪 胁 褋褗褋褌芯褟薪懈械 写邪 芯褌泻褗褋薪邪褌 芯褌 袪褍褋懈褟. 小褌褉邪褌械谐懈褟褌邪 蟹邪 锌褗谢薪邪 写械蟹懈薪褌械谐褉邪褑懈褟 薪邪 校泻褉邪泄薪邪 械 写芯褋褌邪 褟褋薪芯 蟹邪褟胁褟胁邪薪邪 芯褌 袣褉械屑褗谢 屑薪芯谐芯 锌褉械写懈 2022 谐.
鈥斺赌�
孝芯胁邪, 胁 泻芯械褌芯 小薪邪泄写褗褉 械 写芯褋褌邪 褍斜械写懈褌械谢械薪, 械 泻邪泻 胁芯泄薪邪褌邪 蟹邪 校泻褉邪泄薪邪 (谐芯胁芯褉懈屑 蟹邪 锌械褉懈芯写邪 2014 - 2018 谐., 泻芯谐邪褌芯 鈥溠冃貉€邪懈薪褋泻懈 写芯斜褉芯胁芯谢褑懈鈥� 胁 褉褍褋泻懈 褍薪懈褎芯褉屑懈 斜械蟹 芯锌芯蟹薪邪胁邪褌械谢薪懈 蟹薪邪褑懈 胁褗褉褕械褟褌 胁 袥褍谐邪薪褋泻 懈 袛芯薪械褑泻) 械 胁芯泄薪邪 薪邪 褉械邪谢薪芯褋褌懈. 袗 褑械谢褌邪 薪邪 薪邪锌邪写邪褌械谢褟 械 写邪 薪邪谢芯卸懈 褎懈泻褑懈褟褌邪 蟹邪 胁褗薪褕薪邪 懈 胁褗褌褉械褕薪邪 褍锌芯褌褉械斜邪, 写邪 屑邪薪懈锌褍谢懈褉邪 褋褌褉邪褏芯胁械 懈 械屑芯褑懈懈, 胁 泻芯械褌芯 - 斜谢邪谐芯写邪褉械薪懈械 薪邪 孝褉褗屑锌 - 锌芯褋褌懈谐邪 蟹邪斜械谢械卸懈褌械谢薪懈 褍褋锌械褏懈 胁 小袗些.
鈥斺赌�
小 孝褉褗屑锌 小薪邪泄写褗褉 芯褔械褉褌邪胁邪 - 褌胁褗褉写械 薪邪泻褉邪褌泻芯, 褋锌芯褉械写 屑械薪 - 褉邪蟹谢芯屑懈褌械 胁 写薪械褕薪懈褌械 小袗些, 泻褗写械褌芯 褋械 胁懈褏褉懈 薪芯褋褌邪谢谐懈褟 泻褗屑 褉邪褋芯胁芯 鈥溠囆秆佈傂秆傂碘€� 30-褌械. 袘邪薪泻褉褍褌懈褉邪谢邪 蟹写褉邪胁薪邪 褋懈褋褌械屑邪, 锌邪褉褌懈蟹邪薪褖懈薪邪 胁 谐芯谢褟屑邪褌邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪 - 蟹胁褍褔懈 锌芯蟹薪邪褌芯. 袧邪 褉褍褋薪邪褑懈褌械 褋褗褖芯 懈屑 蟹胁褍褔懈 锌芯蟹薪邪褌芯 懈 写懈谐懈褌邪谢薪邪褌邪 懈薪褎芯褉屑邪褑懈芯薪薪邪 胁芯泄薪邪 写芯褋褌懈谐邪 屑邪泄褋褌芯褉褋泻懈 胁懈褋芯褌懈.
鈥斺赌�
些械 锌褉懈泻谢褞褔邪 褋 褉械锌谢懈泻邪褌邪 薪邪 袩懈谢邪褌 袩芯薪褌懈泄褋泻懈 - 鈥溞� 褖芯 械 懈褋褌懈薪邪?鈥�. 效械褋褌芯 褍屑械褋褌械薪 胁褗锌褉芯褋, 泻芯泄褌芯 薪懈泻芯谐邪 薪械 斜懈胁邪 写邪 蟹邪斜褉邪胁褟屑械. 袧芯 懈蟹锌芯谢蟹胁邪薪 写邪 褋褗蟹写邪写械 锌芯胁褋械屑械褋褌薪芯 薪械写芯胁械褉懈械 懈 褑懈薪懈蟹褗屑 胁 芯泻械邪薪 芯褌 褔械褋褌芯 褎邪谢褕懈胁邪 懈薪褎芯褉屑邪褑懈褟, 谐械薪械褉懈褉邪薪邪 薪邪 斜邪蟹邪 谢懈褔薪懈 锌芯褌褉械斜懈褌械谢褋泻懈 锌褉械写锌芯褔懈褌邪薪懈褟 懈谢懈 写懈褉械泻褌薪芯 芯褌 锌褉芯锌邪谐邪薪写薪懈 斜芯褌芯胁械, 械 锌褗褉胁邪褌邪 褋褌褗锌泻邪 泻褗屑 邪胁褌芯褉懈褌邪褉懈蟹屑邪.
鈥斺赌�
袧褟泻芯懈 芯褌 褌械蟹懈褌械 薪邪 小薪邪泄写褗褉 (泻邪褌芯 褌邪蟹懈, 褔械 袪褍褋懈褟 薪械 屑芯卸械 写邪 褋械 褉械褎芯褉屑懈褉邪, 蟹邪褌芯胁邪 懈褋泻邪 写邪 芯褌褋谢邪斜懈 胁褋懈褔泻懈 芯褋褌邪薪邪谢懈 懈 褋邪 懈屑 薪邪褋邪写懈 褋褗褖懈褌械 锌褉芯斜谢械屑懈) 屑懈 褋械 胁懈卸写邪褌 褌胁褗褉写械 芯锌褉芯褋褌械薪懈, 薪芯 褋懈 褋褌褉褍胁邪 写邪 懈屑 褋械 芯褌写械谢懈 锌芯写芯斜邪胁邪褖芯 胁薪懈屑邪薪懈械.
4,5猸愶笍
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鈻讹笍 笑懈褌邪褌懈:
鈥滒煔� 袗泻芯 写褗褉卸邪胁懈褌械 褋邪 褍褋褌芯泄褔懈胁懈, 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈褌械 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 褋懈 锌褉械写褋褌邪胁褟褌 锌褉芯屑褟薪邪, 斜械蟹 写邪 褋械 褋褌褉邪褏褍胁邪褌 芯褌 泻邪褌邪褋褌褉芯褎邪.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞⌒恍敌� 泻邪褌芯 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈褌械 胁械褔械 薪械 芯褔邪泻胁邪褌 褔褍写械褋邪 芯褌 斜褗写械褖械褌芯, 薪芯褋褌邪谢谐懈褟褌邪 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 蟹邪锌褗谢薪懈 芯褋褌邪胁械薪懈褟 芯褌 褍褌芯锌懈褟褌邪 胁邪泻褍褍屑.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞溞把佈傂感恍狙傂� 薪邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈褔械褋泻邪褌邪 褎懈泻褑懈褟 械 泻褉褗胁褌邪.鈥�"
馃毄 鈥溞澬把喰感秆傂� 褋邪 薪芯胁懈 芯斜褉邪蟹褍胁邪薪懈褟, 泻芯懈褌芯 褋械 芯褌薪邪褋褟褌 写芯 褋褌邪褉懈 薪械褖邪.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞斝� 褋械 屑懈褋谢懈 懈褋褌芯褉懈褔械褋泻懈 薪械 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪 写邪 褋械 蟹邪屑械薪褟 械写懈薪 薪邪褑懈芯薪邪谢械薪 屑懈褌 褋 写褉褍谐鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞毿拘承把傂� 胁褗褉褏芯胁械薪褋褌胁芯褌芯 薪邪 蟹邪泻芯薪邪 褎褍薪泻褑懈芯薪懈褉邪 胁褗胁 胁懈褋褕邪褌邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻邪, 胁懈薪邪谐懈 懈屑邪 薪邪写械卸写邪 械写懈薪 写械薪 褌芯 写邪 褋械 锌褉械薪械褋械 懈 胁褗胁 胁褋械泻懈写薪械胁薪懈褟 卸懈胁芯褌.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞熝€芯锌邪谐邪薪写邪褌邪 褎褍薪泻褑懈芯薪懈褉邪 薪邪 写胁械 褉邪胁薪懈褖邪: 锌褗褉胁芯, 泻邪褌芯 写懈褉械泻褌械薪 褖褍褉屑 褋褉械褖褍 褎邪泻褌懈褌械 [鈥; 胁褌芯褉芯, 泻邪褌芯 斜械蟹褍褋谢芯胁薪邪 锌褉芯泻谢邪屑邪褑懈褟 蟹邪 薪械胁懈薪薪芯褋褌 [鈥.鈥�
馃毄 孝械芯褉懈褟褌邪 薪邪 鈥溞捫笛囆叫狙佈傃傂� 胁蟹械屑邪 芯锌褉械写械谢褟 懈 褌芯褔泻懈 芯褌 屑懈薪邪谢芯褌芯 懈 谐懈 懈蟹芯斜褉邪蟹褟胁邪 泻邪褌芯 屑芯屑械薪褌懈 薪邪 锌褉邪胁械写薪芯褋褌, 锌褉械薪械斜褉械谐胁邪泄泻懈 胁褉械屑械褌芯 屑械卸写褍 褌褟褏.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞澬敌残敌葱敌叫感笛傂� 褉邪卸写邪 薪械胁懈薪薪芯褋褌鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞⌒恍敌� 2010 谐. 泻芯薪泻褍褉械薪褑懈褟褌邪 薪械 械 蟹邪 屑邪褌械褉懈邪谢薪懈 薪械褖邪, 泻芯懈褌芯 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 斜褗写邪褌 泻芯薪褋褍屑懈褉邪薪懈 [鈥, 邪 蟹邪 锌褋懈褏芯谢芯谐懈褔械褋泻懈 褋褗褋褌芯褟薪懈褟, 泻芯懈褌芯 屑芯谐邪褌 写邪 斜褗写邪褌 谐械薪械褉懈褉邪薪懈 胁 褋褗蟹薪邪薪懈械褌芯 薪邪 褔芯胁械泻邪.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞愋惭傂狙€懈褌邪褉懈蟹屑褗褌 懈写胁邪, 薪械 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 谐褉邪卸写邪薪懈褌械 泻邪蟹胁邪褌, 褔械 谐芯 懈褋泻邪褌, 邪 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 谐褍斜褟褌 褋锌芯褋芯斜薪芯褋褌褌邪 褋懈 写邪 锌褉邪胁褟褌 褉邪蟹谢懈泻邪 屑械卸写褍 褎邪泻褌懈 懈 卸械谢邪薪懈褟.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞捫夹笛佈傂� 写邪 芯斜褋褗卸写邪褌 褉械褎芯褉屑懈褌械, 锌芯谢懈褌懈褑懈褌械 薪邪 胁械褔薪芯褋褌褌邪 褋芯褔邪褌 蟹邪锌谢邪褏懈褌械. 袙屑械褋褌芯 写邪 锌褉械写谢芯卸邪褌 斜褗写械褖械 褋 胁褗蟹屑芯卸薪芯褋褌懈 懈 薪邪写械卸写懈, 褌械 锌褉械写谢邪谐邪褌 胁械褔薪芯 薪邪褋褌芯褟褖械 褋 芯锌褉械写械谢械薪懈 胁褉邪谐芯胁械 懈 懈蟹泻褍褋褌胁械薪懈 泻褉懈蟹懈.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞熜拘恍秆傂感貉娧� 薪邪 胁械褔薪芯褋褌褌邪 写械褎懈薪懈褉邪 胁褉邪谐芯胁械, 胁屑械褋褌芯 写邪 褎芯褉屑褍谢懈褉邪 锌芯谢懈褌懈泻懈.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞バ狙€邪褌邪 锌褉懈写芯斜懈胁邪褌 褍褋械褖邪薪械, 褔械 锌械褔械谢褟褌, 蟹邪褖芯褌芯 胁褟褉胁邪褌, 褔械 写褉褍谐懈褌械 谐褍斜褟褌.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞斝� 褋械 褌褗褉褋懈 懈褋褌懈薪邪褌邪 芯蟹薪邪褔邪胁邪 写邪 褋械 薪邪屑械褉懈 锌褗褌 屑械卸写褍 泻芯薪褎芯褉屑懈蟹屑邪 懈 褋邪屑芯写芯胁芯谢褋褌胁芯褌芯鈥︹€�
馃毄 鈥溞ば把埿感沸佳娧� 械 谢褗卸邪褌邪, 褔械 胁褉邪谐褗褌, 懈蟹斜褉邪薪 芯褌 写邪写械薪 谢懈写械褉, 褌褉褟斜胁邪 写邪 械 胁褉邪谐 薪邪 胁褋懈褔泻懈.鈥�
馃毄 鈥溞毿拘承把傂� 薪械褉邪胁械薪褋褌胁芯褌芯 械 锌褉械泻邪谢械薪芯 谐芯谢褟屑芯, 懈褋褌懈薪邪褌邪 械 褌胁褗褉写械 芯斜褉械屑械薪褟胁邪褖邪 蟹邪 芯泻邪褟薪懈褌械 懈 褌胁褗褉写械 薪懈褖芯卸薪邪 蟹邪 锌褉懈胁懈谢械谐懈褉芯胁邪薪懈褌械.鈥�
September 13, 2020
賮丕卮蹖爻賲 毓賯蹖丿賴 丕蹖 睾賱胤 丕爻鬲 讴賴 賲蹖 诏賵蹖丿貙 丿卮賲賳賽 賲賳鬲禺亘賽 蹖讴 乇賴亘乇 丨鬲賲賳 丿卮賲賳 賴賲賴 蹖 賲乇丿賲 丕爻鬲. 丿乇 丌賳 氐賵乇鬲 爻蹖丕爻鬲 丕夭 丕丨爻丕爻丕鬲 賵 毓賯蹖丿賴 蹖 丕卮鬲亘丕賴 爻乇趩卮賲賴 賲蹖 诏蹖乇丿. 氐賱丨 丿爻鬲 賳蹖丕賮鬲賳蹖 賲蹖 卮賵丿 趩賵賳 賵噩賵丿 丿卮賲賳 禺丕乇噩蹖 亘乇丕蹖 讴賳鬲乇賱 賲乇丿賲 賱丕夭賲 丕爻鬲. 蹖讴 賮丕卮蹖爻鬲 丕夭 賲乇丿賲 丨乇賮 賲蹖 夭賳丿 丕賲丕 賲賳馗賵乇卮 "亘毓囟蹖 丕夭 賲乇丿賲" 丕爻鬲貙 讴爻丕賳蹖 讴賴 丕賵 丿乇 丌賳 夭賲丕賳 丕蹖卮丕賳 乇丕 鬲乇噩蹖丨 賲蹖 丿賴丿.
夭賲丕賳蹖 讴賴 亘乇丕蹖 賳禺爻鬲蹖賳 亘丕乇 賲爻鬲賳丿賽 "夭賲爻鬲丕賳 丿乇 丌鬲卮: 賳亘乇丿 丕賵讴乇丕蹖賳 亘乇丕蹖 丌夭丕丿蹖" 爻丕禺鬲賴 蹖 蹖賵诏賳蹖 丌賮蹖賳蹖賮爻讴蹖 乇丕 賳诏丕賴 賲蹖 讴乇丿賲 倬乇爻卮賲 丕蹖賳 卮丿 讴賴 丕讴賳賵賳 乇賵爻蹖賴 亘丕 趩賴 爻丕夭賵讴丕乇蹖 倬爻 丕夭 賮乇賵乇蹖禺鬲賳賽 賳馗丕賲 讴賲賵賳蹖爻鬲蹖 讴丕乇卮 乇丕 丿丕乇丿 倬蹖卮 賲蹖 亘乇丿責 丌賳賴丕 丕讴賳賵賳 丿乇 乇賵丿乇乇賵蹖蹖 卮丕賳 亘丕 倬蹖乇丕賲賵賳 賵 噩賴丕賳 趩賴 賲蹖 讴賳賳丿責 賵 丿賵丕賲賽 賵囟毓蹖鬲 鬲丕 讴噩丕 賵 趩诏賵賳賴 禺賵丕賴丿 亘賵丿責 丕诏乇趩賴 倬蹖卮 丕夭 丕蹖賳賴丕 爻蹖賳賲丕蹖 賲丿乇賳賽 乇賵爻蹖賴 亘爻蹖丕乇 蹖丕乇蹖 乇爻丕賳 亘賵丿 亘乇丕蹖 賮賴賲賽 亘禺卮蹖 丕夭 乇禺丿丕丿賴丕蹖 丕噩鬲賲丕毓蹖 賵 丌賳趩賴 讴賴 賲丕賮蹖丕蹖 丿賵賱鬲蹖 賵 賮爻丕丿 丨讴賵賲鬲蹖 禺賵丕賳丿賴 賲蹖 卮賵丿 賵 讴賲丕亘蹖卮 丿丕賳爻鬲賴 賴丕蹖蹖 丕夭 诏賵卮賴 賵 讴賳丕乇賴丕蹖蹖 讴賴 丿乇 亘乇禺蹖 讴鬲丕亘 賴丕 亘賴 丿爻鬲 乇爻蹖丿賴 亘賵丿 賵 噩爻鬲 賵 噩賵賴丕蹖蹖 丕賳丿讴貙 丕賲丕 丕蹖賳 鬲讴賴 倬丕乇賴 賴丕 丿乇 匕賴賳 賲丕賳丿賴 亘賵丿 賵 丌賳 趩賳丕賳 賳囟噩 賳丿丕卮鬲 鬲丕 賳賵亘鬲蹖 讴賴 讴鬲丕亘賽 诏乇丕賳賯丿乇 "噩亘乇 噩睾乇丕賮蹖丕" 賳賵卮鬲賴 蹖 鬲蹖賲 賲丕乇卮丕賱 乇丕 禺賵丕賳丿賲 賵 爻倬爻 乇爻蹖丿賲 亘賴 丕蹖賳 讴鬲丕亘: 丿乇 亘乇丕亘乇 賳丕丌夭丕丿蹖貙 讴賴 賲蹖 卮賵丿 诏賮鬲 诏賵丕賴蹖 丿乇爻鬲蹖 丕爻鬲 丿乇亘丕乇賴 蹖 丌賳 乇賵丿乇乇賵蹖蹖 讴賴 丿乇 倬蹖 丕卮 亘賵丿賴 丕賲
鬲蹖賲賵鬲蹖 丕爻賳丕蹖丿乇 丕诏乇趩賴 丿乇 趩賳丿 賮氐賱 亘賴 賳賯卮賽 乇賵爻蹖賴 蹖 丕購賱蹖诏丕乇卮貙 賵賱丕丿蹖賲蹖乇 倬賵鬲蹖賳 賵 蹖丕乇丕賳卮 丿乇 丕孬乇诏匕丕乇蹖 亘乇 爻蹖丕爻鬲 噩賴丕賳蹖 賲蹖 倬乇丿丕夭丿 丕賲丕 丕夭 丕賳賮毓丕賱 賵 丿乇賵睾 夭賳蹖 賴丕蹖 丿蹖诏乇 丨讴賵賲鬲 賴丕 賳蹖夭 趩卮賲 倬賵卮蹖 賳賲蹖 讴賳丿 鬲丕 賮乇囟 賳禺爻鬲賽 讴鬲丕亘 讴賴 丕賴賲蹖鬲 賲爻賵賵賱蹖鬲 賮乇丿蹖 亘乇丕蹖 乇爻蹖丿賳 亘賴 賮囟丕蹖 丿賱禺賵丕賴 丕爻鬲 賵 賳賲蹖 卮賵丿 賵 賳亘丕蹖丿 丕賳讴丕乇卮 讴乇丿 賵 丕夭 丌賳 讴賳丕乇賴 诏乇賮鬲 乇丕 讴丕賲賱賳 賳卮丕賳 亘丿賴丿. 賵丕 丿丕丿賳 丿乇 亘乇丕亘乇 賳丕丌诏丕賴蹖 賵 丿賱 爻倬乇丿賳 亘賴 丿乇賵睾賽 爻蹖爻鬲賲丕鬲蹖讴 爻乇丕賳噩丕賲卮 乇爻蹖丿賳 亘賴 賵囟毓蹖鬲蹖 丕爻鬲 讴賴 亘禺卮 亘爻蹖丕乇 亘夭乇诏蹖 丕夭 蹖讴 噩丕賲毓賴 噩丕賳 賮丿丕蹖 丿乇氐丿 亘爻蹖丕乇 賳丕趩蹖夭蹖 丕夭 賴賲丕賳 噩丕賲毓賴 禺賵丕賴賳丿 卮丿. 丿乇氐丿蹖 賳丕趩蹖夭 讴賴 賯亘囟賴 讴賳賳丿賴 蹖 賲賳丕亘毓 賵 爻丕禺鬲丕乇 丕爻鬲 賵 賴蹖趩 鬲毓賴丿 賵 丿賱亘爻鬲诏蹖 丕蹖 亘賴 噩丕賲毓賴 賳丿丕乇丿 賵 賴乇 乇賵夭 亘丕 亘丨乇丕賳 丌賮乇蹖賳蹖 賵 倬乇丿丕禺鬲賳 亘賴 丿卮賲賳賽 爻丕禺鬲诏蹖 丿乇 倬蹖 毓丕丿蹖 賳卮丕賳 丿丕丿賳賽 賵囟毓蹖鬲蹖 丕爻鬲 讴賴 禺賵丿 丌賳 乇丕 爻亘亘 卮丿賴 丕爻鬲 賵 丿乇 亘賳 亘爻鬲賽 賳丕讴丕乇丌賲丿蹖 禺賵蹖卮 丿乇 鬲賱丕卮 亘乇丕蹖 倬蹖卮亘乇丿 賵 亘賯丕蹖 丌賳 丕爻鬲. 趩賳蹖賳 丕爻鬲 讴賴 丿乇 賴乇 賮氐賱賽 讴鬲丕亘貙 丕賳鬲禺丕亘 賴丕蹖蹖 倬蹖卮 乇賵蹖 賲丕 胤乇丨 賲蹖 卮賵丿 讴賴 倬匕蹖乇賮鬲賳 蹖丕 賳倬匕蹖乇賮鬲賳 丕卮 賳蹖丕夭 亘賴 丿乇讴賽 賵囟毓蹖鬲 賵 趩诏賵賳诏蹖 賲賳卮賽 丨丕讴賲丕賳 賵 讴賳卮 蹖讴 蹖讴 賲丕 丿丕乇丿. 丕賳鬲禺丕亘 賴丕蹖蹖 讴賴 丿賯蹖賯賳 亘賴 毓賴丿賴 蹖 賴乇 賮乇丿 丕爻鬲 讴賴 亘丕 賳丕丿蹖丿賴 诏乇賮鬲賳 丕蹖賳 賲爻賵賵賱蹖鬲貙 禺賵丿禺賵丕爻鬲賴 亘賴 丿丕賲丕賳 丨讴賵賲鬲 鬲賵鬲丕賱蹖鬲乇 賮乇賵 賲蹖 丕賮鬲丿. 丨讴賵賲鬲蹖 讴賴 賲蹖 禺賵丕賴丿 亘丕 丕夭 賲蹖丕賳 亘乇丿賳 賲爻丕賱賴 蹖 禺氐賵氐蹖 賵 鬲亘丿蹖賱 讴乇丿賳卮 亘賴 賲爻丕賱賴 蹖 毓賲賵賲蹖 賮囟丕蹖 卮丕蹖毓賴 爻丕夭蹖 賵 丕賳讴丕乇 丨賯蹖賯鬲 乇丕 亘賴 诏賵賳賴 丕蹖 丨丕讴賲 讴賳丿 讴賴 鬲賲丕蹖夭 賲蹖丕賳 丕賲乇 丨賯蹖賯蹖 賵 丕賲乇 爻丕禺鬲诏蹖 丕夭 賲蹖丕賳 亘乇賵丿 賵 讴噩 乇賮鬲丕乇蹖 賴丕蹖 禺賵蹖卮 賵 賳亘賵丿 賲丿蹖乇蹖鬲 丕卮 乇丕 丕賲乇 亘丿蹖賴蹖 賵 丕夭 賯囟丕 丿乇爻鬲 賳卮丕賳 亘丿賴丿. 趩賴 亘爻丕 丕夭 賲蹖丕賳 乇賮鬲賳賽 爻丕禺鬲丕乇賽 丕賯鬲氐丕丿蹖 蹖讴 讴卮賵乇貙 亘蹖 丕禺賱丕賯蹖 丕噩鬲賲丕毓蹖 賵 爻蹖丕爻蹖貙 賳丕鬲賵丕賳蹖 丿乇 丿賵爻鬲蹖 亘丕 丿蹖诏乇丕賳 賵 倬乇賴蹖夭 丕夭 噩賳诏貙 丿乇 丌睾丕夭 賳鬲蹖噩賴 蹖 賴賲丿爻鬲蹖 賴乇 賮乇丿 丕夭 噩丕賲毓賴 丕爻鬲 讴賴 亘丕 倬蹖 诏乇賮鬲賳賽 爻賵丿 卮禺氐蹖 賵 亘爻賳丿賴 讴乇丿賳 亘賴 亘禺卮蹖 丕夭 賵丕賯毓蹖鬲 讴賴 鬲賳賴丕 丿乇 禺丿賲鬲 丕賵爻鬲 胤亘賯賴 蹖 丕賱蹖诏丕乇卮 乇丕 亘乇丕蹖 賴乇趩賴 亘丿讴丕乇 賵 丿乇賵睾诏賵 亘賵丿賳 倬乇鬲賵丕賳 鬲乇 賲蹖 讴賳丿
亘蹖爻鬲 賵 蹖讴賲賽 卮賴乇蹖賵乇 1399
夭賲丕賳蹖 讴賴 亘乇丕蹖 賳禺爻鬲蹖賳 亘丕乇 賲爻鬲賳丿賽 "夭賲爻鬲丕賳 丿乇 丌鬲卮: 賳亘乇丿 丕賵讴乇丕蹖賳 亘乇丕蹖 丌夭丕丿蹖" 爻丕禺鬲賴 蹖 蹖賵诏賳蹖 丌賮蹖賳蹖賮爻讴蹖 乇丕 賳诏丕賴 賲蹖 讴乇丿賲 倬乇爻卮賲 丕蹖賳 卮丿 讴賴 丕讴賳賵賳 乇賵爻蹖賴 亘丕 趩賴 爻丕夭賵讴丕乇蹖 倬爻 丕夭 賮乇賵乇蹖禺鬲賳賽 賳馗丕賲 讴賲賵賳蹖爻鬲蹖 讴丕乇卮 乇丕 丿丕乇丿 倬蹖卮 賲蹖 亘乇丿責 丌賳賴丕 丕讴賳賵賳 丿乇 乇賵丿乇乇賵蹖蹖 卮丕賳 亘丕 倬蹖乇丕賲賵賳 賵 噩賴丕賳 趩賴 賲蹖 讴賳賳丿責 賵 丿賵丕賲賽 賵囟毓蹖鬲 鬲丕 讴噩丕 賵 趩诏賵賳賴 禺賵丕賴丿 亘賵丿責 丕诏乇趩賴 倬蹖卮 丕夭 丕蹖賳賴丕 爻蹖賳賲丕蹖 賲丿乇賳賽 乇賵爻蹖賴 亘爻蹖丕乇 蹖丕乇蹖 乇爻丕賳 亘賵丿 亘乇丕蹖 賮賴賲賽 亘禺卮蹖 丕夭 乇禺丿丕丿賴丕蹖 丕噩鬲賲丕毓蹖 賵 丌賳趩賴 讴賴 賲丕賮蹖丕蹖 丿賵賱鬲蹖 賵 賮爻丕丿 丨讴賵賲鬲蹖 禺賵丕賳丿賴 賲蹖 卮賵丿 賵 讴賲丕亘蹖卮 丿丕賳爻鬲賴 賴丕蹖蹖 丕夭 诏賵卮賴 賵 讴賳丕乇賴丕蹖蹖 讴賴 丿乇 亘乇禺蹖 讴鬲丕亘 賴丕 亘賴 丿爻鬲 乇爻蹖丿賴 亘賵丿 賵 噩爻鬲 賵 噩賵賴丕蹖蹖 丕賳丿讴貙 丕賲丕 丕蹖賳 鬲讴賴 倬丕乇賴 賴丕 丿乇 匕賴賳 賲丕賳丿賴 亘賵丿 賵 丌賳 趩賳丕賳 賳囟噩 賳丿丕卮鬲 鬲丕 賳賵亘鬲蹖 讴賴 讴鬲丕亘賽 诏乇丕賳賯丿乇 "噩亘乇 噩睾乇丕賮蹖丕" 賳賵卮鬲賴 蹖 鬲蹖賲 賲丕乇卮丕賱 乇丕 禺賵丕賳丿賲 賵 爻倬爻 乇爻蹖丿賲 亘賴 丕蹖賳 讴鬲丕亘: 丿乇 亘乇丕亘乇 賳丕丌夭丕丿蹖貙 讴賴 賲蹖 卮賵丿 诏賮鬲 诏賵丕賴蹖 丿乇爻鬲蹖 丕爻鬲 丿乇亘丕乇賴 蹖 丌賳 乇賵丿乇乇賵蹖蹖 讴賴 丿乇 倬蹖 丕卮 亘賵丿賴 丕賲
鬲蹖賲賵鬲蹖 丕爻賳丕蹖丿乇 丕诏乇趩賴 丿乇 趩賳丿 賮氐賱 亘賴 賳賯卮賽 乇賵爻蹖賴 蹖 丕購賱蹖诏丕乇卮貙 賵賱丕丿蹖賲蹖乇 倬賵鬲蹖賳 賵 蹖丕乇丕賳卮 丿乇 丕孬乇诏匕丕乇蹖 亘乇 爻蹖丕爻鬲 噩賴丕賳蹖 賲蹖 倬乇丿丕夭丿 丕賲丕 丕夭 丕賳賮毓丕賱 賵 丿乇賵睾 夭賳蹖 賴丕蹖 丿蹖诏乇 丨讴賵賲鬲 賴丕 賳蹖夭 趩卮賲 倬賵卮蹖 賳賲蹖 讴賳丿 鬲丕 賮乇囟 賳禺爻鬲賽 讴鬲丕亘 讴賴 丕賴賲蹖鬲 賲爻賵賵賱蹖鬲 賮乇丿蹖 亘乇丕蹖 乇爻蹖丿賳 亘賴 賮囟丕蹖 丿賱禺賵丕賴 丕爻鬲 賵 賳賲蹖 卮賵丿 賵 賳亘丕蹖丿 丕賳讴丕乇卮 讴乇丿 賵 丕夭 丌賳 讴賳丕乇賴 诏乇賮鬲 乇丕 讴丕賲賱賳 賳卮丕賳 亘丿賴丿. 賵丕 丿丕丿賳 丿乇 亘乇丕亘乇 賳丕丌诏丕賴蹖 賵 丿賱 爻倬乇丿賳 亘賴 丿乇賵睾賽 爻蹖爻鬲賲丕鬲蹖讴 爻乇丕賳噩丕賲卮 乇爻蹖丿賳 亘賴 賵囟毓蹖鬲蹖 丕爻鬲 讴賴 亘禺卮 亘爻蹖丕乇 亘夭乇诏蹖 丕夭 蹖讴 噩丕賲毓賴 噩丕賳 賮丿丕蹖 丿乇氐丿 亘爻蹖丕乇 賳丕趩蹖夭蹖 丕夭 賴賲丕賳 噩丕賲毓賴 禺賵丕賴賳丿 卮丿. 丿乇氐丿蹖 賳丕趩蹖夭 讴賴 賯亘囟賴 讴賳賳丿賴 蹖 賲賳丕亘毓 賵 爻丕禺鬲丕乇 丕爻鬲 賵 賴蹖趩 鬲毓賴丿 賵 丿賱亘爻鬲诏蹖 丕蹖 亘賴 噩丕賲毓賴 賳丿丕乇丿 賵 賴乇 乇賵夭 亘丕 亘丨乇丕賳 丌賮乇蹖賳蹖 賵 倬乇丿丕禺鬲賳 亘賴 丿卮賲賳賽 爻丕禺鬲诏蹖 丿乇 倬蹖 毓丕丿蹖 賳卮丕賳 丿丕丿賳賽 賵囟毓蹖鬲蹖 丕爻鬲 讴賴 禺賵丿 丌賳 乇丕 爻亘亘 卮丿賴 丕爻鬲 賵 丿乇 亘賳 亘爻鬲賽 賳丕讴丕乇丌賲丿蹖 禺賵蹖卮 丿乇 鬲賱丕卮 亘乇丕蹖 倬蹖卮亘乇丿 賵 亘賯丕蹖 丌賳 丕爻鬲. 趩賳蹖賳 丕爻鬲 讴賴 丿乇 賴乇 賮氐賱賽 讴鬲丕亘貙 丕賳鬲禺丕亘 賴丕蹖蹖 倬蹖卮 乇賵蹖 賲丕 胤乇丨 賲蹖 卮賵丿 讴賴 倬匕蹖乇賮鬲賳 蹖丕 賳倬匕蹖乇賮鬲賳 丕卮 賳蹖丕夭 亘賴 丿乇讴賽 賵囟毓蹖鬲 賵 趩诏賵賳诏蹖 賲賳卮賽 丨丕讴賲丕賳 賵 讴賳卮 蹖讴 蹖讴 賲丕 丿丕乇丿. 丕賳鬲禺丕亘 賴丕蹖蹖 讴賴 丿賯蹖賯賳 亘賴 毓賴丿賴 蹖 賴乇 賮乇丿 丕爻鬲 讴賴 亘丕 賳丕丿蹖丿賴 诏乇賮鬲賳 丕蹖賳 賲爻賵賵賱蹖鬲貙 禺賵丿禺賵丕爻鬲賴 亘賴 丿丕賲丕賳 丨讴賵賲鬲 鬲賵鬲丕賱蹖鬲乇 賮乇賵 賲蹖 丕賮鬲丿. 丨讴賵賲鬲蹖 讴賴 賲蹖 禺賵丕賴丿 亘丕 丕夭 賲蹖丕賳 亘乇丿賳 賲爻丕賱賴 蹖 禺氐賵氐蹖 賵 鬲亘丿蹖賱 讴乇丿賳卮 亘賴 賲爻丕賱賴 蹖 毓賲賵賲蹖 賮囟丕蹖 卮丕蹖毓賴 爻丕夭蹖 賵 丕賳讴丕乇 丨賯蹖賯鬲 乇丕 亘賴 诏賵賳賴 丕蹖 丨丕讴賲 讴賳丿 讴賴 鬲賲丕蹖夭 賲蹖丕賳 丕賲乇 丨賯蹖賯蹖 賵 丕賲乇 爻丕禺鬲诏蹖 丕夭 賲蹖丕賳 亘乇賵丿 賵 讴噩 乇賮鬲丕乇蹖 賴丕蹖 禺賵蹖卮 賵 賳亘賵丿 賲丿蹖乇蹖鬲 丕卮 乇丕 丕賲乇 亘丿蹖賴蹖 賵 丕夭 賯囟丕 丿乇爻鬲 賳卮丕賳 亘丿賴丿. 趩賴 亘爻丕 丕夭 賲蹖丕賳 乇賮鬲賳賽 爻丕禺鬲丕乇賽 丕賯鬲氐丕丿蹖 蹖讴 讴卮賵乇貙 亘蹖 丕禺賱丕賯蹖 丕噩鬲賲丕毓蹖 賵 爻蹖丕爻蹖貙 賳丕鬲賵丕賳蹖 丿乇 丿賵爻鬲蹖 亘丕 丿蹖诏乇丕賳 賵 倬乇賴蹖夭 丕夭 噩賳诏貙 丿乇 丌睾丕夭 賳鬲蹖噩賴 蹖 賴賲丿爻鬲蹖 賴乇 賮乇丿 丕夭 噩丕賲毓賴 丕爻鬲 讴賴 亘丕 倬蹖 诏乇賮鬲賳賽 爻賵丿 卮禺氐蹖 賵 亘爻賳丿賴 讴乇丿賳 亘賴 亘禺卮蹖 丕夭 賵丕賯毓蹖鬲 讴賴 鬲賳賴丕 丿乇 禺丿賲鬲 丕賵爻鬲 胤亘賯賴 蹖 丕賱蹖诏丕乇卮 乇丕 亘乇丕蹖 賴乇趩賴 亘丿讴丕乇 賵 丿乇賵睾诏賵 亘賵丿賳 倬乇鬲賵丕賳 鬲乇 賲蹖 讴賳丿
亘蹖爻鬲 賵 蹖讴賲賽 卮賴乇蹖賵乇 1399
January 14, 2023
I had a great temptation to DNF the book when Snyder went into blaming Russia for the whole migration crisis in Germany, Brexit, and Donald Trump's victory. I totally didn't get the connection between the American healthcare crisis (commercialization of drug prescription) and Russia. As one reviewer on the largest Russian online bookstore noted, "If you want to know the Western point of view, read this book." (the quote is not word-by-word). And again, I was reminded of the difference between education and propaganda; a difference that lies only in the eyes of the beholder. We are living in an era where every fact instantly becomes a myth. And if most of the time, the result of the fact is at least established (like the death of the plane passengers), in other instances even the fact is blurred or rejected/believed in at face value (like the death of the Snake Island defenders, who were shown alive and unharmed on Russian media the day after the bombardment). More thoughts to follow. I refuse to take the information on our media or Russian media at face value. Everyone lies, as Dr. House says.
If you know a book on the Russian/American politics of the 2000s, you can recommend it.
If you know a book on the Russian/American politics of the 2000s, you can recommend it.
September 10, 2021
Cine a fost Ivan Ilin?
"Ilin murise uitat in Elvetia; in 2005, Putin a organizat o reinhumare la Moscova. Documentele personale ale lui Ilin si-au croit drum catre Universitatea Statului Michigan; in 2006, Putin a trimis un emisar care sa le revendice. La acel moment, Putin deja il cita pe Ilin in mesajele lui prezidentiale anuale, in fata parlamentului rus reunit. Erau discursuri importante, compuse de Putin insusi. In anii 2010, Putin s-a bazat pe autoritatea lui Ilin ca sa explice de ce Rusia trebuia sa submineze Uniunea Europeana si sa invadeze Ucraina. Cand i s-a cerut sa numeasca un istoric, Putin l-a citat pe Ilin drept autoritate din trecut."
Ivan Ilin este parintele fascismului rusesc.
"Ilin murise uitat in Elvetia; in 2005, Putin a organizat o reinhumare la Moscova. Documentele personale ale lui Ilin si-au croit drum catre Universitatea Statului Michigan; in 2006, Putin a trimis un emisar care sa le revendice. La acel moment, Putin deja il cita pe Ilin in mesajele lui prezidentiale anuale, in fata parlamentului rus reunit. Erau discursuri importante, compuse de Putin insusi. In anii 2010, Putin s-a bazat pe autoritatea lui Ilin ca sa explice de ce Rusia trebuia sa submineze Uniunea Europeana si sa invadeze Ucraina. Cand i s-a cerut sa numeasca un istoric, Putin l-a citat pe Ilin drept autoritate din trecut."
Ivan Ilin este parintele fascismului rusesc.
March 27, 2022
Information' in the digital sense is infinite, knowledge ever scarcer, and wisdom fleeting.
SF writer John Scalzi (who is the last person I want to take on in a verbal duel) recently fulminated against a cretin on Twitter who suggested we should all read history books right now rather than his just-published 鈥楾he Kaiju Preservation Society鈥�. Which, as its title suggests, is a fun and tongue-in-cheek read. Scalzi rightfully pointed out that people need escapism as much as (and probably even more so) than historic elucidation in an era where the world is spinning into hell faster than Dorothy could click her heels together three times. Anyway, if you need a succinct, impartial, and highly informative synopsis of Russian-Ukraine relations to date, leading up to Russia鈥檚 cyber-interference in the US election, which saddled the world with Trump for a ghastly presidential term, then this is the book for you. That is the Tweet (er, review.)
SF writer John Scalzi (who is the last person I want to take on in a verbal duel) recently fulminated against a cretin on Twitter who suggested we should all read history books right now rather than his just-published 鈥楾he Kaiju Preservation Society鈥�. Which, as its title suggests, is a fun and tongue-in-cheek read. Scalzi rightfully pointed out that people need escapism as much as (and probably even more so) than historic elucidation in an era where the world is spinning into hell faster than Dorothy could click her heels together three times. Anyway, if you need a succinct, impartial, and highly informative synopsis of Russian-Ukraine relations to date, leading up to Russia鈥檚 cyber-interference in the US election, which saddled the world with Trump for a ghastly presidential term, then this is the book for you. That is the Tweet (er, review.)
April 23, 2018
41st book for 2018.
This book is a slow burn, systematically laying down the case for the rise of fascism in Russia, it's war in the Ukraine, and it's systematic attacks on the West (including Brexit), leading up to the final chapter that assesses Trump's presidency and his obvious ties to Russia.
While at times I found Synder's writing style a little irritating, I also found his ability to call a spade a spade very refreshing. The content is first rate, and this is a MUST read for anyone wanting to understand Russia, Trump, and the rise of nationalism in the West.
5-stars.
This book is a slow burn, systematically laying down the case for the rise of fascism in Russia, it's war in the Ukraine, and it's systematic attacks on the West (including Brexit), leading up to the final chapter that assesses Trump's presidency and his obvious ties to Russia.
While at times I found Synder's writing style a little irritating, I also found his ability to call a spade a spade very refreshing. The content is first rate, and this is a MUST read for anyone wanting to understand Russia, Trump, and the rise of nationalism in the West.
5-stars.
August 30, 2018
In The Road to UnFreedom, Snyder provides a highly original, provocative analysis of the current political situation. He details Putin's philosophy and motivation for intervening and undermining electoral processes in both Europe and America. The documentation is superb and the detailed account of Russian meddling is chilling.
The book is dense in parts but well worth a close-read. I will probably come back to it and reread it time and again. As a historian and a thinker, I can't recommend Dr. Snyder highly enough.
September 25, 2018
鈥淚nheritors of an order we did not build, we are now witnesses to a decline we did not foresee.鈥�
So begins the epilogue of Timothy Snyder鈥檚 sobering contemporary history of the malign influence of Russia on Western democracies. The post-war order, built on free-market capitalism and democratic republicanism now seems far more fragile than it did at the turn of the century, and Snyder wrote The Road to Unfreedom in an effort to explain why.
Snyder is an insightful and enlightening historian. He builds his book around the frame of the politics of inevitability vs. the politics of eternity. The one, he argues, has bled into the other. The politics of inevitability says that history is over 鈥� that it built to its natural, inevitable conclusion in the triumph of democracy and capitalism over totalitarianism and communism in the 1990s. The politics of eternity, however, says that history is a trap 鈥� it loops upon itself endlessly, recycling old enemies and fears in order to constantly justify a leader鈥檚 stranglehold on power.
Because the West blithely accepted the former, Snyder argues, it made itself vulnerable to attacks by the latter, as constructed and weaponized by Russia. The Road to Unfreedom is the 25-year history of this weaponization, from the collapse of the Soviet Union and rise of Putin to the Russian invasion of Ukraine to the cyberwar over Western elections and the election of Donald Trump.
Snyder makes it clear that Russia couldn鈥檛 have been so wildly successful 鈥� propping up and encouraging far right parties in Europe, intervening on behalf of close victories in the UK and US by forces seeking to dismantle the post-war order that Putin saw as an existential threat to his politics of eternity 鈥� without vulnerabilities the West inflicted on itself, and of which Russia took advantage. That said, Snyder makes no bones that Russia is currently a fascist nation seeking to spread that fascism westward into countries whose tools for fighting it have grown rusty with disuse.
I learned a lot reading this book, especially Snyder鈥檚 thumbnail histories of Russia, Ukraine, Poland and other Eastern European nations. His chapters on the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2014-15 are exceptional, especially as he details how Russian efforts to muddy the waters through propaganda and cyber warfare led to inaccurate or incomplete depictions of the events in the Western news media.
The final chapter is more uneven, and Snyder often lends his writing a conspiratorial bent, peppering paragraphs with words and phrases like, 鈥淚nterestingly,鈥� or, 鈥淚t鈥檚 no coincidence,鈥� without always showing how the interesting or non-coincidental events are connected through causation, rather than simply correlation. I鈥檝e seen some criticism that Snyder largely focuses on the excesses of the Right, especially in the United States, and the role they played in opening the door for Putin鈥檚 machinations; however, Snyder reserves criticism for the Left as well, especially The Nation for its pro-Russia apologia and the Obama administration for its failure to fully support Ukraine in 2015 or take more concrete actions to combat Russia鈥檚 interference in American elections in 2016.
Overall, this is a brilliant and incisive piece of history, albeit not very far removed from the events it analyzes. Snyder鈥檚 strength as a political philosopher provides a depth that enriches the recitation of facts or events, even if it鈥檚 obvious that he鈥檚 not playing to his strengths in writing about events so recent that we鈥檝e only begun to plumb the depths of what happened.
So begins the epilogue of Timothy Snyder鈥檚 sobering contemporary history of the malign influence of Russia on Western democracies. The post-war order, built on free-market capitalism and democratic republicanism now seems far more fragile than it did at the turn of the century, and Snyder wrote The Road to Unfreedom in an effort to explain why.
Snyder is an insightful and enlightening historian. He builds his book around the frame of the politics of inevitability vs. the politics of eternity. The one, he argues, has bled into the other. The politics of inevitability says that history is over 鈥� that it built to its natural, inevitable conclusion in the triumph of democracy and capitalism over totalitarianism and communism in the 1990s. The politics of eternity, however, says that history is a trap 鈥� it loops upon itself endlessly, recycling old enemies and fears in order to constantly justify a leader鈥檚 stranglehold on power.
Because the West blithely accepted the former, Snyder argues, it made itself vulnerable to attacks by the latter, as constructed and weaponized by Russia. The Road to Unfreedom is the 25-year history of this weaponization, from the collapse of the Soviet Union and rise of Putin to the Russian invasion of Ukraine to the cyberwar over Western elections and the election of Donald Trump.
Snyder makes it clear that Russia couldn鈥檛 have been so wildly successful 鈥� propping up and encouraging far right parties in Europe, intervening on behalf of close victories in the UK and US by forces seeking to dismantle the post-war order that Putin saw as an existential threat to his politics of eternity 鈥� without vulnerabilities the West inflicted on itself, and of which Russia took advantage. That said, Snyder makes no bones that Russia is currently a fascist nation seeking to spread that fascism westward into countries whose tools for fighting it have grown rusty with disuse.
I learned a lot reading this book, especially Snyder鈥檚 thumbnail histories of Russia, Ukraine, Poland and other Eastern European nations. His chapters on the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2014-15 are exceptional, especially as he details how Russian efforts to muddy the waters through propaganda and cyber warfare led to inaccurate or incomplete depictions of the events in the Western news media.
The final chapter is more uneven, and Snyder often lends his writing a conspiratorial bent, peppering paragraphs with words and phrases like, 鈥淚nterestingly,鈥� or, 鈥淚t鈥檚 no coincidence,鈥� without always showing how the interesting or non-coincidental events are connected through causation, rather than simply correlation. I鈥檝e seen some criticism that Snyder largely focuses on the excesses of the Right, especially in the United States, and the role they played in opening the door for Putin鈥檚 machinations; however, Snyder reserves criticism for the Left as well, especially The Nation for its pro-Russia apologia and the Obama administration for its failure to fully support Ukraine in 2015 or take more concrete actions to combat Russia鈥檚 interference in American elections in 2016.
Overall, this is a brilliant and incisive piece of history, albeit not very far removed from the events it analyzes. Snyder鈥檚 strength as a political philosopher provides a depth that enriches the recitation of facts or events, even if it鈥檚 obvious that he鈥檚 not playing to his strengths in writing about events so recent that we鈥檝e only begun to plumb the depths of what happened.
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