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螡伪 蟺蠀蟻蟺慰位萎蟽慰蠀渭蔚 蟿畏谓 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏萎 蠁蠀蟿蔚委伪
螌蟽蔚蟼 魏伪喂 蠈蟽慰喂 蟺维位蔚蠄伪谓 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 伪蟺蔚位蔚蠀胃苇蟻蠅蟽畏, 蔚未蠋 蟽蟿喂蟼 螚螤螒, 维蠁畏蟽伪谓 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏萎 魏位畏蟻慰谓慰渭喂维. 螝伪胃蠋蟼 蟽魏维尾慰蠀渭蔚 蟿伪 慰蟻蠉纬渭伪蟿伪 蟿慰蠀 伪纬蠋谓伪 渭伪蟼, 伪谓蟿位慰蠉渭蔚 渭伪胃萎渭伪蟿伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰 蟺伪蟻蔚位胃蠈谓 魏伪喂 蟽蠀谓蔚蠂委味慰蠀渭蔚 渭蔚 蟺蔚蟻畏蠁维谓喂伪 蟿慰谓 伪纬蠋谓伪, 蟽蟿畏 渭谓萎渭畏 蟿蠅谓 渭伪蠂畏蟿蠋谓 渭伪蟼. 螘委谓伪喂 慰喂 胃蠀蟽委蔚蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺慰蠀 渭伪蟼 未蔚委蠂谓慰蠀谓 蟿慰谓 未蟻蠈渭慰 纬喂伪 蟿慰 蔚蟺蠈渭蔚谓慰 蟽蟿维未喂慰 蟿慰蠀 伪纬蠋谓伪 魏伪喂 畏 伪谓伪味蠅蟺蠉蟻蠅蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 蠄蠀蠂喂魏萎蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼 未蠉谓伪渭畏蟼 魏伪喂 蟿畏蟼 纬蔚谓谓伪喂蠈蟿畏蟿伪蟼 蟿慰谓蠋谓蔚喂 蟿喂蟼 未蔚蟽渭蔚蠉蟽蔚喂蟼 渭伪蟼. 危蔚 蠈蟽慰蠀蟼 魏伪喂 蠈蟽蔚蟼 苇蠂慰蠀谓 蟻喂蟽魏维蟻蔚喂 蟿伪 蟺维谓蟿伪 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 伪蟺蔚位蔚蠀胃苇蟻蠅蟽畏, 蟺慰蠀 苇味畏蟽伪谓 魏伪喂 蟺苇胃伪谓伪谓 魏维蟿蠅 伪蟺蠈 蟿慰谓 魏伪蟿伪蟺喂蔚蟽蟿喂魏蠈 味蠀纬蠈 伪蠀蟿萎蟼 蟿畏蟼 蠂蠋蟻伪蟼 魏伪喂 蟽蔚 蠈蟽蔚蟼 魏伪喂 蠈蟽慰蠀蟼 蔚尉伪魏慰位慰蠀胃慰蠉谓 谓伪 渭维蠂慰谓蟿伪喂 纬喂伪 渭喂伪 魏伪位蠉蟿蔚蟻畏 味蠅萎 蠀蟺慰蟽蠂蠈渭伪蟽蟿蔚 蠈蟿喂 胃伪 魏维谓慰蠀渭蔚 蠈,蟿喂 渭蟺慰蟻慰蠉渭蔚 纬喂伪 谓伪 蠁蟿喂维尉慰蠀渭蔚 魏慰喂谓蠈蟿畏蟿蔚蟼 蟿蠈蟽慰 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻苇蟼 蟺慰蠀 胃伪 伪蟺蠅胃萎蟽慰蠀谓 魏维胃蔚 伪蟺蠈蟺蔚喂蟻伪, 伪蟺蠈 魏维胃蔚 魏伪蟿蔚蠉胃蠀谓蟽畏, 蔚蟺伪谓伪蠁慰蟻维蟼 蟿畏蟼 魏伪蟿伪蟺喂蔚蟽蟿喂魏萎蟼 喂蟽蠂蠉慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 位蔚蠀魏萎蟼 蠀蟺蔚蟻慰蠂萎蟼, 蟿畏蟼 蟺伪蟿蟻喂伪蟻蠂委伪蟼, 蟿慰蠀 魏蟻维蟿慰蠀蟼 魏伪喂 蟿慰蠀 魏蔚蠁伪位伪委慰蠀.
- GenresPoliticsRaceNonfiction
120 pages, Paperback
First published May 7, 2017
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Displaying 1 - 8 of 8 reviews
November 26, 2018
Burn Down the American Plantation. I really enjoyed this extremely short book-took maybe two hours to read-for its clarity and radical commitments although it is not without its issues.
BDAP begins with a few claims two of which are that: the American Civil did not really end and the system of slavery was not abolished. I am sympathetic to these claims, but my immediate thought is that these are clearly false if taken literally. The civil war did end and the system of chattel slavery was abolished. That said, it is true that the structures of power and white supremacist policies continued and the 13th amendment does allow slavery, which seems to be their point.
It might seem nick picky, but it is important to make such a distinction between 'civil war never ended' and 'white supremacy settler colonialism continues to be US policies'. To argue that civil war never ended is to negate the role of black people in the struggle against the institution of slavery and white supremacy and what took place in the immediate after math as outline in Du Bois' Black Reconstruction, which the authors mention but to their detriment and my dismay do not cite. Nonetheless, the rest of the analysis of the 'history of the black struggle' is a welcome introduction for those unfamiliar.
The final two sections of the book 'What we are working towards' and 'revolutionary Abolitionist moment' are easy to read and a good introduction to non-authoritarian and non-sectarian organization, of which there are not enough. I think the framing and language are really appealing, too. For example, in the section on revolutionary justice they write, "Every prison uprising from Attica to Lucasville, is an example of revolutionary justice." Passages like this do the work of politicizing events that are often seen as non-political, spontaneous, and representing disorder. Instead of calling them prison riots or riots we should be calling them uprisings and putting them in the larger context of resistance to state oppression.
BDAP begins with a few claims two of which are that: the American Civil did not really end and the system of slavery was not abolished. I am sympathetic to these claims, but my immediate thought is that these are clearly false if taken literally. The civil war did end and the system of chattel slavery was abolished. That said, it is true that the structures of power and white supremacist policies continued and the 13th amendment does allow slavery, which seems to be their point.
It might seem nick picky, but it is important to make such a distinction between 'civil war never ended' and 'white supremacy settler colonialism continues to be US policies'. To argue that civil war never ended is to negate the role of black people in the struggle against the institution of slavery and white supremacy and what took place in the immediate after math as outline in Du Bois' Black Reconstruction, which the authors mention but to their detriment and my dismay do not cite. Nonetheless, the rest of the analysis of the 'history of the black struggle' is a welcome introduction for those unfamiliar.
The final two sections of the book 'What we are working towards' and 'revolutionary Abolitionist moment' are easy to read and a good introduction to non-authoritarian and non-sectarian organization, of which there are not enough. I think the framing and language are really appealing, too. For example, in the section on revolutionary justice they write, "Every prison uprising from Attica to Lucasville, is an example of revolutionary justice." Passages like this do the work of politicizing events that are often seen as non-political, spontaneous, and representing disorder. Instead of calling them prison riots or riots we should be calling them uprisings and putting them in the larger context of resistance to state oppression.
November 1, 2024
Very repetitive. A crisper and shorter document would have been more effective. Some interesting principles, but not much concrete enough to actually disagree with - a lot of motherhood statements
Self-defence as a primary principle is just the reproduction of the existing logic of statehood? Just saying they will do it better, like every state does / strives to鈥� Actual examples seem to focus more on what鈥檚 required in terms of organisational structure: (1) decentralisation, localisation & autonomy (2) dual organisation of an above-ground political movement (for direction, to construct a new way of life, and recruitment) and underground militant movement (for defence, to drive material gains / 鈥渞evolutionary justice鈥�)
Quotes:
First, capital was kick-started by approaching a particular body (a black body) with direct relations of force, not by approaching a white body with variable capital. Thus, one could say that slavery is closer to capital鈥檚 primal desire than is exploitation. It is a relation of terror as opposed to a relation of hegemony. Second, today, late capital is imposing a renaissance of this original desire, the direct relation of force, the despotism of the unwaged relation. This renaissance of slavery鈥搕hat is, the reconfiguration of the prison-industrial complex鈥攈as once again as it鈥檚 structuring metaphor and primary target the black body
The US signed and ratified the 13 th amendment, which abolished slavery, except as punishment for a crime. This exception rendered the entire notion of abolition false
President Andrew Johnson, who came to office after Lincoln鈥檚 assassination, has been often described as one of the most racist presidents in US history. Instead of supporting the community initiatives that would have eased racial antagonism, he enthusiastically supported the draconian black codes which restricted freedom of movement for black people, and trapped them in a labor economy based on share-cropping debt. Johnson vetoed legislation that would have given blacks land鈥攚hile granting former plantations back to slave owners. He vetoed the Civil Rights bill and instead chose to support the rising white supremacist militia movements
As Wilderson observed, white citizens 鈥渁re not simply 鈥榩rotected鈥� by the police, they are鈥� in their very corporeality鈥搕he police
the Kurds, an oppressed minority group, initially adopted the traditional Marxist-Leninist framework for revolution with a focus towards national liberation, hoping to seize state power and gradually abolish capitalism. At the turn of the century, however, the movement shifted direction and adopted anarchist ideas and reorganized their societies and militant groups so as to render the State obsolete
If they are set up in a well-considered manner, with new social functions built into their foundations, these networks of resistance can become the communes and councils capable of carving away at state power
Our political vision 鈥� Self-Defense: The heart of revolutionary transformation 鈥� Primary unit of self-governance: The neighborhood council 鈥� Conflict resolution and revolutionary justice 鈥� Towards the abolition of gender 14
Ownership through use, the co-operative economy and expropriation
the resistance in Haiti during the revolution shows the benefits of building a decentralized fighting force from within an imperial society. The history of the resistance consisted of debilitating switch-backs between the two formations that Russell Maroon Shoatz refers to as the 鈥渉ydra鈥� and the 鈥渄ragon.鈥� When the decentralized forces (the hydra) were unleashed, the resistance enjoyed military success. When a leader centralized the militia and grabbed power (the dragon), they would either be executed by the slavers or imperialists or, as occurred in later years, killed by their own people鈥檚 resistance due to their despotic behavior
In Rojava, combatants are trained both in fighting techniques and the benefits of creating a feminist, egalitarian society. They put these values into effect through their relationships. For example, to dismantle the lingering effects of patriarchy, no man can give a woman an order; to maintain participation and egalitarian relationships, all fighters contribute to decision-making within units, particularly by selecting their own leaders for specific missions
The core tenets of Rojava鈥檚 self-defense project are as follows: 鈥� Defense is integral to the growth of the revolutionary movement. 鈥� Militias operate according to liberatory political principles. 鈥� Within militia units, decision-making is participatory, led from the bottom-up, and leaders are elected during missions. 鈥� Self-defense training is provided to anybody who desires it
Unlike State-based organizations, which turn citizens into helpless recipients of services, volunteer-run projects instead supplied the resources, tools and knowledge for people to provide for themselves, make the primary decisions about organization, and, if firmly tied to self-defense forces, eventually take over the infrastructure necessary for survival
The symbiotic relationship between the worker鈥檚 councils, collectivized land projects, and horizontal militias demonstrates how the political foundation facilitated cooperation between each of the three organizational structures
To further empower its members, each council is also subdivided into particular committees based on specific issues. These groups then become the primary actors on issues pertaining their lives.
Revolutionary groups can create social programs, such as a free health clinics, safe houses for immigrants and others targeted by the State, educational programs, etc., with a revolutionary outlook, in order to bring new people into new revolutionary methods of organization, while building localized resources. 鈥� They can help form new collectives and councils, based on either local circumstances or a specific issue, such as tenants鈥� associations, revolutionary youth groups, or neighborhood assemblies
The entire council-based system, as in Spain, Chiapas, or Rojava, is predicated on the health of the social fabric. All pragmatics, education, and values are collectively organized so that the individual can overcome alienation and powerlessness by personally shaping the conditions of their lives through discussion and decision-making
By building new organizations, based completely on a new social outlook, they were able to create a more functional, liberatory society
Jineology, which is essentially the re-making of social sciences from the female perspective.
Anarchists and other revolutionary groups have already began selfdefense classes, queer gun clubs, and rapid response networks for trans people
To carve out autonomous territory, or to begin the revolutionary process, goods, land, and tools must be expropriated, or taken away from those who withhold them
Self-defence as a primary principle is just the reproduction of the existing logic of statehood? Just saying they will do it better, like every state does / strives to鈥� Actual examples seem to focus more on what鈥檚 required in terms of organisational structure: (1) decentralisation, localisation & autonomy (2) dual organisation of an above-ground political movement (for direction, to construct a new way of life, and recruitment) and underground militant movement (for defence, to drive material gains / 鈥渞evolutionary justice鈥�)
Quotes:
First, capital was kick-started by approaching a particular body (a black body) with direct relations of force, not by approaching a white body with variable capital. Thus, one could say that slavery is closer to capital鈥檚 primal desire than is exploitation. It is a relation of terror as opposed to a relation of hegemony. Second, today, late capital is imposing a renaissance of this original desire, the direct relation of force, the despotism of the unwaged relation. This renaissance of slavery鈥搕hat is, the reconfiguration of the prison-industrial complex鈥攈as once again as it鈥檚 structuring metaphor and primary target the black body
The US signed and ratified the 13 th amendment, which abolished slavery, except as punishment for a crime. This exception rendered the entire notion of abolition false
President Andrew Johnson, who came to office after Lincoln鈥檚 assassination, has been often described as one of the most racist presidents in US history. Instead of supporting the community initiatives that would have eased racial antagonism, he enthusiastically supported the draconian black codes which restricted freedom of movement for black people, and trapped them in a labor economy based on share-cropping debt. Johnson vetoed legislation that would have given blacks land鈥攚hile granting former plantations back to slave owners. He vetoed the Civil Rights bill and instead chose to support the rising white supremacist militia movements
As Wilderson observed, white citizens 鈥渁re not simply 鈥榩rotected鈥� by the police, they are鈥� in their very corporeality鈥搕he police
the Kurds, an oppressed minority group, initially adopted the traditional Marxist-Leninist framework for revolution with a focus towards national liberation, hoping to seize state power and gradually abolish capitalism. At the turn of the century, however, the movement shifted direction and adopted anarchist ideas and reorganized their societies and militant groups so as to render the State obsolete
If they are set up in a well-considered manner, with new social functions built into their foundations, these networks of resistance can become the communes and councils capable of carving away at state power
Our political vision 鈥� Self-Defense: The heart of revolutionary transformation 鈥� Primary unit of self-governance: The neighborhood council 鈥� Conflict resolution and revolutionary justice 鈥� Towards the abolition of gender 14
Ownership through use, the co-operative economy and expropriation
the resistance in Haiti during the revolution shows the benefits of building a decentralized fighting force from within an imperial society. The history of the resistance consisted of debilitating switch-backs between the two formations that Russell Maroon Shoatz refers to as the 鈥渉ydra鈥� and the 鈥渄ragon.鈥� When the decentralized forces (the hydra) were unleashed, the resistance enjoyed military success. When a leader centralized the militia and grabbed power (the dragon), they would either be executed by the slavers or imperialists or, as occurred in later years, killed by their own people鈥檚 resistance due to their despotic behavior
In Rojava, combatants are trained both in fighting techniques and the benefits of creating a feminist, egalitarian society. They put these values into effect through their relationships. For example, to dismantle the lingering effects of patriarchy, no man can give a woman an order; to maintain participation and egalitarian relationships, all fighters contribute to decision-making within units, particularly by selecting their own leaders for specific missions
The core tenets of Rojava鈥檚 self-defense project are as follows: 鈥� Defense is integral to the growth of the revolutionary movement. 鈥� Militias operate according to liberatory political principles. 鈥� Within militia units, decision-making is participatory, led from the bottom-up, and leaders are elected during missions. 鈥� Self-defense training is provided to anybody who desires it
Unlike State-based organizations, which turn citizens into helpless recipients of services, volunteer-run projects instead supplied the resources, tools and knowledge for people to provide for themselves, make the primary decisions about organization, and, if firmly tied to self-defense forces, eventually take over the infrastructure necessary for survival
The symbiotic relationship between the worker鈥檚 councils, collectivized land projects, and horizontal militias demonstrates how the political foundation facilitated cooperation between each of the three organizational structures
To further empower its members, each council is also subdivided into particular committees based on specific issues. These groups then become the primary actors on issues pertaining their lives.
Revolutionary groups can create social programs, such as a free health clinics, safe houses for immigrants and others targeted by the State, educational programs, etc., with a revolutionary outlook, in order to bring new people into new revolutionary methods of organization, while building localized resources. 鈥� They can help form new collectives and councils, based on either local circumstances or a specific issue, such as tenants鈥� associations, revolutionary youth groups, or neighborhood assemblies
The entire council-based system, as in Spain, Chiapas, or Rojava, is predicated on the health of the social fabric. All pragmatics, education, and values are collectively organized so that the individual can overcome alienation and powerlessness by personally shaping the conditions of their lives through discussion and decision-making
By building new organizations, based completely on a new social outlook, they were able to create a more functional, liberatory society
Jineology, which is essentially the re-making of social sciences from the female perspective.
Anarchists and other revolutionary groups have already began selfdefense classes, queer gun clubs, and rapid response networks for trans people
To carve out autonomous territory, or to begin the revolutionary process, goods, land, and tools must be expropriated, or taken away from those who withhold them
May 20, 2019
A critically important document, even if all of the points don't resonate with you 100%. For instance, I deeply appreciate RAM's framing of dismantling prison/slavery and white supremacy as one in the same issue. The metaphor of the underground railroad leads to the vision of a physical network of solidarity and mutual aid to remove people from carceral structures while building up revolutionary neighborhood networks. It's a true call to action, with specific ideas and principles in making it a reality.
October 31, 2018
A rather simple pamphlet discussing a radical anarchist/libertarian-communist program. There isn't anything that is particularly new or novel in this, if you're familiar with radical left-wing politics; and it doesn't seem like it would be at all persuasive to anybody who is not already on board with the program.
Read
August 25, 2019Read for a book club. It will be interesting to discuss.
June 24, 2024
An excellent read
March 2, 2025
Amazing introduction read for those who dream of complete economic reform and social justice in the US. The zine starts with explaining how the Civil War never truly ended 鈥渟lavery鈥濃€攂ut instead reinstituted it. The RAM provides examples throughout history (post-Civil War) to justify its narrative with subjects varying from racism to sexism toward women.
This zine leaves you feeling hopeful for the future and inspired to create community. We the people have power in numbers, and we WILL make a revolutionary change. We have to.
This zine leaves you feeling hopeful for the future and inspired to create community. We the people have power in numbers, and we WILL make a revolutionary change. We have to.
July 3, 2019
This is the biggest piece of sociopolitical trash my eyes have ever had to endure. Combining irrationality with some pretty horrendous and uneducated viewpoints this book is a prime example of the millennial generations lack of knowledge utter garbage.
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