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Venture of Islam #1
賲睾丕賲乇丞 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲: 丕賱毓氐乇 丕賱賰賱丕爻賷賰賷 賱賱廿爻賱丕賲 - 丕賱賲噩賱丿 丕賱兀賵賱
賷購毓丿賾 鈥溬呚贺з呚必� 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲鈥� 毓氐丕乇丞 噩賴丿 丕賱賲丐乇賾禺 賵毓丕賱賽賲購 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲賷丕鬲 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷 丕賱賰亘賷乇 賲丕乇卮丕賱 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳貙 胤賵丕賱 爻賳賵丕鬲 毓賲賱賴 丕賱胤賵賷賱丞 兀爻鬲丕匕丕賸 孬賲賾 乇卅賷爻丕賸 賱賭鈥澷勜嗀� 丕賱賮賰乇 丕賱丕噩鬲賲丕毓賷鈥� 賮賷 噩丕賲毓丞 卮賷賰丕睾賵. 賷鬲賳丕賵賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賲賳 夭丕賵賷丞 賳馗乇賺 毓丕賱賲賷賾丞. 賮賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 賷賳鬲賲賷 廿賱賶 賲丕 賷購毓乇賮 亘賲丿乇爻丞 鈥溫з勜ж辟娯� 丕賱毓丕賱賲賷鈥� 丕賱鬲賷 毓購賳賷鬲 亘丿乇丕爻丞 丕賱丨囟丕乇丕鬲 賮賷 鬲賮丕毓賱賴丕 賵鬲胤賵賾乇賴丕 賵毓賱丕賯鬲賴丕 亘丕賱丨囟丕乇丕鬲 丕賱兀禺乇賶. 賵賱賲賾丕 賰丕賳鬲 丕賱丨丕囟乇丞 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲賷賾丞 賴賷 賲爻乇丨 丕賱兀丨丿丕孬 丕賱乇卅賷爻 賱鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱毓丕賱賲 賮賷 丕賱爻賳賵丕鬲 丕賱兀賱賮 丕賱爻丕亘賯丞 毓賱賶 氐毓賵丿 丕賱睾乇亘 賵丿禺賵賱 丕賱毓氐乇 丕賱鬲賯賳賷貙 賮廿賳賾賴丕 鬲丨鬲賱 賲賵賯毓丕賸 賲乇賰夭賷賾丕賸 賱丕 睾賳賶 毓賳賴 賱賰賱賾 丿丕乇爻 賷鬲賵禺賾賶 賮賴賲 鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱毓丕賱賲貙 亘賱 賵賱賰賱賾 丿丕乇爻 賷胤賲丨 廿賱賶 廿丿乇丕賰 丕賱馗乇賵賮 丕賱鬲賷 賵賱丿鬲 丕賱丨丿丕孬丞 賵爻胤賴丕.
爻毓賷丕賸 賵乇丕亍 賮賴賲 賲乇賰賾亘 賱賱馗丕賴乇丞 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷賾丞貙 賱丕 賷賳丨氐乇 丕賴鬲賲丕賲 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 亘丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 賵丨賵丕丿孬賴 丕賱賲鬲賯賱賾亘丞 賲賳 氐毓賵丿 丕賱丿賵賱 賵丕賱賲賲丕賱賰 賵爻賯賵胤賴丕貙 亘賱 賷丨丕賵賱 兀賳 賷亘乇夭 丕賱毓賵丕賲賱 丕賱賲丕孬賱丞 禺賱賮賴 賲賳 胤亘賷毓丞 丕賱噩睾乇丕賮賷丕 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷賾丞貙 賵鬲兀孬賷乇丕鬲 丕賱亘賷卅丞貙 賵馗乇賵賮 丕賱廿賳鬲丕噩 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷貙 賵胤亘賷毓丞 丕賱亘購賳賶 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷賾丞 賵丕賱丕噩鬲賲丕毓賷賾丞 賵賴賷丕賰賱 丕賱丨購賰賲 丕賱胤賵賷賱丞 丕賱兀賲丿貙 賲乇賵乇丕賸 亘禺胤賵胤 丕賱鬲噩丕乇丞 賵賲丕 丨賲賱鬲賴 賲賳 鬲兀孬賷乇丕鬲 孬賯丕賮賷丞 賲鬲亘丕丿賱丞貙 賵賵氐賵賱丕賸 廿賱賶 丿乇丕爻丞 丕賱鬲賯丕賱賷丿 丕賱孬賯丕賮賷丞 賮賷 禺胤賵胤 丕爻鬲賲乇丕乇賷賾鬲賴丕 賵丕賳賯胤丕毓賴丕 賵鬲賮丕毓賱丕鬲賴丕.
賷氐丨賾 賵氐賮 賲賳賴噩 鈥溬呚贺з呚必� 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲鈥� 亘丕賱卮賲賵賱 賵丕賱廿賳爻丕賳賷賾丞. 賮賴賵 卮丕賲賱 賲賳 噩賴丞 賲丕 賷購睾胤賾賷賴 賲賳 夭賲丕賳 鬲丕乇賷禺賷賾 賷亘丿兀 賲賳 丕賱馗乇賵賮 丕賱爻丕亘賯丞 賱馗賴賵乇 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賵賷賳鬲賴賷 廿賱賶 賲乇丨賱丞 氐毓賵丿 丕賱賯賵賲賷丕鬲 賵賲乇丨賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕乇 賵賲丕 亘毓丿賴丕. 賵賴賵 卮丕賲賱 賲賳 噩賴丞 賲丕 賷購睾胤賾賷賴 噩睾乇丕賮賷賾丕賸貙 廿匕 賷胤賵賮 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘丕賱賯丕乇卅 賮賷 賰賱賾 乇賯毓丞 噩睾乇丕賮賷賾丞 賵氐賱鬲 廿賱賷賴丕 丕賱丨丕囟乇丞 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲賷賾丞 賮賷 兀賯氐賶 丕賲鬲丿丕丿丕鬲賴丕 賲賳 丕賱兀乇禺亘賷賱 丕賱賲丕賱賷夭賷貙 廿賱賶 賵爻胤 廿賮乇賷賯賷丕貙 賲乇賵乇丕賸 亘丿賵賱 丕賱鬲鬲丕乇 賮賷 噩賳賵亘 乇賵爻賷丕 賵丕賱噩夭乇 丕賱丕鬲賷 丕爻鬲賵胤賳賴丕 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賮賷 丕賱亘丨乇 丕賱兀亘賷囟 丕賱賲鬲賵爻胤.
賰丕賳 賲丕乇卮丕賱 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 爻亘賾丕賯丕賸 廿賱賶 賳賯丿 丕賳丨賷丕夭丕鬲 丕賱丿乇丕爻丕鬲 丕賱丕爻鬲卮乇丕賯賷賾丞 賵賳馗乇鬲賴丕 廿賱賶 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賵丿賵乇賴 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷賾貙 亘卮賴丕丿丞 廿丿賵丕乇丿 爻毓賷丿 賳賮爻賴貙 丕賱匕賷 噩毓賱賴 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕賱賵丨賷丿 丕賱匕賷 賯丿賾賲 鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 亘丕賱兀賲丕賳丞 丕賱賲胤賱賵亘丞. 賱丕 賷賰鬲賮賷 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 亘鬲賮賰賷賰 丕賱賲賯賵賱丕鬲 丕賱丕爻鬲卮乇丕賯賷丞 丕賱賲鬲賲乇賰夭丞 丨賵賱 丕賱睾乇亘貙 亘賱 賷購毓賷丿 鬲賯賵賷賲 丕賱賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 賵丕賱賲賳丕賴噩 丕賱鬲賷 丕賳亘賳鬲 毓賱賷賴丕貙 賮賷乇賮囟 毓賱賶 爻亘賷賱 丕賱賲孬丕賱 賱丕 丕賱丨氐乇貙 丕爻鬲毓賲丕賱 賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 賲孬賱 鈥溫з勜簇辟� 丕賱兀賵爻胤鈥� 兀賵 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕賱 丕賱賵丕爻毓 丕賱賲囟賱賾賱 賱賭鈥澵ヘ迟勜з呝娾€� 賱賵氐賮 賰賱賾 賲丕 賷賳鬲賲賷 廿賱賶 賴匕賴 丕賱丨囟丕乇丞 丿賵賳 鬲賲賷賷夭 亘賷賳 賲丕 賷賳鬲賲賷 廿賱賶 鈥溫з勜娰嗏€� 賮賷 氐賲賷賲賴 賵亘賷賳 賲丕 賷賳鬲賲賷 廿賱賶 丕賱孬賯丕賮丞 賮賷 毓賲賵賲賴丕貨 亘賱 廿賳賾 賳賯丿賴 賱賷鬲賲丿賾丿 廿賱賶 賮丨氐 丌賱賷丕鬲 丕賱鬲乇噩賲丞 丕賱氐賵鬲賷丞 賵鬲賯賳賷丕鬲 乇爻賲 丕賱禺乇丕卅胤 賵兀孬乇 丕賱賳夭毓丞 丕賱睾乇亘賷賾丞 賮賷 鬲囟禺賷賲 亘毓囟 兀噩夭丕亍 丕賱毓丕賱賲.
賷噩賲毓 鈥溬呚贺з呚必� 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲鈥� 亘賷賳 丕賱丿乇丕爻丞 丕賱丿賯賷賯丞 賱賱卮乇賵胤 丕賱賲丕丿賾賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲購丨丿賾丿 廿賲賰丕賳丕鬲 丕賱賮毓賱 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷貙 賵亘賷賳 丕賱鬲賯丿賷乇 丕賱乇賮賷毓 賱丿賵乇 丕賱毓亘賯乇賷丞 丕賱賮乇丿賷賾丞 賮賷 丕噩鬲乇丕丨 賲爻丕賱賰 噩丿賷丿丞 賱賱賮毓賱 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷 毓亘乇 賮購乇噩 卮亘賰丕鬲 丕賱賲氐丕賱丨 丕賱賯丕卅賲丞貙 賵亘賷賳 賵毓賷 丨爻丕爻 賵賳丕賮匕 廿賱賶 亘丕胤賳 丕賱乇賵丨 丕賱丿賷賳賷丞 賵丕賱鬲噩丕乇亘 丕賱噩賲丕賱賷賾丞. 廿賳賾賴 鬲兀乇賷禺 賱賱賵毓賷 賵丕賱囟賲賷乇貙 賲孬賱賲丕 賴賵 鬲兀乇賷禺 賱卮丐賵賳 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿 賵丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 賵丕賱鬲噩丕乇丞貨 廿賳賾賴 亘亘爻丕胤丞 鬲兀乇賷禺 賱賱丨囟丕乇丞 亘鬲毓賯賷丿丕鬲賴丕 賰丕賮賾丞. 賱賯丿 鬲丨賱賾賶 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳貙 鬲亘毓丕賸 賱丕賱鬲夭丕賲賴 丕賱丿賷賳賷 賵丕賱兀禺賱丕賯賷賾 丕賱毓賲賷賯賷賳貙 亘氐乇丕賲丞 賲賳賴噩賷賾丞 賵廿賳氐丕賮 毓夭賾 賳馗賷乇賴貙 賮賰丕賳 賲購賳胤賱賯購賴 廿賳爻丕賳賷賾丕賸 賱丕 賷乇賶 賱兀賲賾丞 賮囟賱丕賸 毓賱賶 兀賲賾丞貙 廿賱丕 亘賳鬲丕噩賴丕 丕賱丨囟丕乇賷 賵孬賲丕乇賴丕 丕賱兀禺賱丕賯賷賾丞 賵賮賯 卮乇賵胤 夭賲丕賳賴丕 賵賲賰丕賳賴丕.
爻毓賷丕賸 賵乇丕亍 賮賴賲 賲乇賰賾亘 賱賱馗丕賴乇丞 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷賾丞貙 賱丕 賷賳丨氐乇 丕賴鬲賲丕賲 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 亘丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 賵丨賵丕丿孬賴 丕賱賲鬲賯賱賾亘丞 賲賳 氐毓賵丿 丕賱丿賵賱 賵丕賱賲賲丕賱賰 賵爻賯賵胤賴丕貙 亘賱 賷丨丕賵賱 兀賳 賷亘乇夭 丕賱毓賵丕賲賱 丕賱賲丕孬賱丞 禺賱賮賴 賲賳 胤亘賷毓丞 丕賱噩睾乇丕賮賷丕 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷賾丞貙 賵鬲兀孬賷乇丕鬲 丕賱亘賷卅丞貙 賵馗乇賵賮 丕賱廿賳鬲丕噩 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷貙 賵胤亘賷毓丞 丕賱亘購賳賶 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷賾丞 賵丕賱丕噩鬲賲丕毓賷賾丞 賵賴賷丕賰賱 丕賱丨購賰賲 丕賱胤賵賷賱丞 丕賱兀賲丿貙 賲乇賵乇丕賸 亘禺胤賵胤 丕賱鬲噩丕乇丞 賵賲丕 丨賲賱鬲賴 賲賳 鬲兀孬賷乇丕鬲 孬賯丕賮賷丞 賲鬲亘丕丿賱丞貙 賵賵氐賵賱丕賸 廿賱賶 丿乇丕爻丞 丕賱鬲賯丕賱賷丿 丕賱孬賯丕賮賷丞 賮賷 禺胤賵胤 丕爻鬲賲乇丕乇賷賾鬲賴丕 賵丕賳賯胤丕毓賴丕 賵鬲賮丕毓賱丕鬲賴丕.
賷氐丨賾 賵氐賮 賲賳賴噩 鈥溬呚贺з呚必� 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲鈥� 亘丕賱卮賲賵賱 賵丕賱廿賳爻丕賳賷賾丞. 賮賴賵 卮丕賲賱 賲賳 噩賴丞 賲丕 賷購睾胤賾賷賴 賲賳 夭賲丕賳 鬲丕乇賷禺賷賾 賷亘丿兀 賲賳 丕賱馗乇賵賮 丕賱爻丕亘賯丞 賱馗賴賵乇 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賵賷賳鬲賴賷 廿賱賶 賲乇丨賱丞 氐毓賵丿 丕賱賯賵賲賷丕鬲 賵賲乇丨賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕乇 賵賲丕 亘毓丿賴丕. 賵賴賵 卮丕賲賱 賲賳 噩賴丞 賲丕 賷購睾胤賾賷賴 噩睾乇丕賮賷賾丕賸貙 廿匕 賷胤賵賮 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘丕賱賯丕乇卅 賮賷 賰賱賾 乇賯毓丞 噩睾乇丕賮賷賾丞 賵氐賱鬲 廿賱賷賴丕 丕賱丨丕囟乇丞 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲賷賾丞 賮賷 兀賯氐賶 丕賲鬲丿丕丿丕鬲賴丕 賲賳 丕賱兀乇禺亘賷賱 丕賱賲丕賱賷夭賷貙 廿賱賶 賵爻胤 廿賮乇賷賯賷丕貙 賲乇賵乇丕賸 亘丿賵賱 丕賱鬲鬲丕乇 賮賷 噩賳賵亘 乇賵爻賷丕 賵丕賱噩夭乇 丕賱丕鬲賷 丕爻鬲賵胤賳賴丕 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賮賷 丕賱亘丨乇 丕賱兀亘賷囟 丕賱賲鬲賵爻胤.
賰丕賳 賲丕乇卮丕賱 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 爻亘賾丕賯丕賸 廿賱賶 賳賯丿 丕賳丨賷丕夭丕鬲 丕賱丿乇丕爻丕鬲 丕賱丕爻鬲卮乇丕賯賷賾丞 賵賳馗乇鬲賴丕 廿賱賶 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賵丿賵乇賴 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷賾貙 亘卮賴丕丿丞 廿丿賵丕乇丿 爻毓賷丿 賳賮爻賴貙 丕賱匕賷 噩毓賱賴 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕賱賵丨賷丿 丕賱匕賷 賯丿賾賲 鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 亘丕賱兀賲丕賳丞 丕賱賲胤賱賵亘丞. 賱丕 賷賰鬲賮賷 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 亘鬲賮賰賷賰 丕賱賲賯賵賱丕鬲 丕賱丕爻鬲卮乇丕賯賷丞 丕賱賲鬲賲乇賰夭丞 丨賵賱 丕賱睾乇亘貙 亘賱 賷購毓賷丿 鬲賯賵賷賲 丕賱賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 賵丕賱賲賳丕賴噩 丕賱鬲賷 丕賳亘賳鬲 毓賱賷賴丕貙 賮賷乇賮囟 毓賱賶 爻亘賷賱 丕賱賲孬丕賱 賱丕 丕賱丨氐乇貙 丕爻鬲毓賲丕賱 賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 賲孬賱 鈥溫з勜簇辟� 丕賱兀賵爻胤鈥� 兀賵 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕賱 丕賱賵丕爻毓 丕賱賲囟賱賾賱 賱賭鈥澵ヘ迟勜з呝娾€� 賱賵氐賮 賰賱賾 賲丕 賷賳鬲賲賷 廿賱賶 賴匕賴 丕賱丨囟丕乇丞 丿賵賳 鬲賲賷賷夭 亘賷賳 賲丕 賷賳鬲賲賷 廿賱賶 鈥溫з勜娰嗏€� 賮賷 氐賲賷賲賴 賵亘賷賳 賲丕 賷賳鬲賲賷 廿賱賶 丕賱孬賯丕賮丞 賮賷 毓賲賵賲賴丕貨 亘賱 廿賳賾 賳賯丿賴 賱賷鬲賲丿賾丿 廿賱賶 賮丨氐 丌賱賷丕鬲 丕賱鬲乇噩賲丞 丕賱氐賵鬲賷丞 賵鬲賯賳賷丕鬲 乇爻賲 丕賱禺乇丕卅胤 賵兀孬乇 丕賱賳夭毓丞 丕賱睾乇亘賷賾丞 賮賷 鬲囟禺賷賲 亘毓囟 兀噩夭丕亍 丕賱毓丕賱賲.
賷噩賲毓 鈥溬呚贺з呚必� 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲鈥� 亘賷賳 丕賱丿乇丕爻丞 丕賱丿賯賷賯丞 賱賱卮乇賵胤 丕賱賲丕丿賾賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲購丨丿賾丿 廿賲賰丕賳丕鬲 丕賱賮毓賱 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷貙 賵亘賷賳 丕賱鬲賯丿賷乇 丕賱乇賮賷毓 賱丿賵乇 丕賱毓亘賯乇賷丞 丕賱賮乇丿賷賾丞 賮賷 丕噩鬲乇丕丨 賲爻丕賱賰 噩丿賷丿丞 賱賱賮毓賱 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷 毓亘乇 賮購乇噩 卮亘賰丕鬲 丕賱賲氐丕賱丨 丕賱賯丕卅賲丞貙 賵亘賷賳 賵毓賷 丨爻丕爻 賵賳丕賮匕 廿賱賶 亘丕胤賳 丕賱乇賵丨 丕賱丿賷賳賷丞 賵丕賱鬲噩丕乇亘 丕賱噩賲丕賱賷賾丞. 廿賳賾賴 鬲兀乇賷禺 賱賱賵毓賷 賵丕賱囟賲賷乇貙 賲孬賱賲丕 賴賵 鬲兀乇賷禺 賱卮丐賵賳 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿 賵丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 賵丕賱鬲噩丕乇丞貨 廿賳賾賴 亘亘爻丕胤丞 鬲兀乇賷禺 賱賱丨囟丕乇丞 亘鬲毓賯賷丿丕鬲賴丕 賰丕賮賾丞. 賱賯丿 鬲丨賱賾賶 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳貙 鬲亘毓丕賸 賱丕賱鬲夭丕賲賴 丕賱丿賷賳賷 賵丕賱兀禺賱丕賯賷賾 丕賱毓賲賷賯賷賳貙 亘氐乇丕賲丞 賲賳賴噩賷賾丞 賵廿賳氐丕賮 毓夭賾 賳馗賷乇賴貙 賮賰丕賳 賲購賳胤賱賯購賴 廿賳爻丕賳賷賾丕賸 賱丕 賷乇賶 賱兀賲賾丞 賮囟賱丕賸 毓賱賶 兀賲賾丞貙 廿賱丕 亘賳鬲丕噩賴丕 丕賱丨囟丕乇賷 賵孬賲丕乇賴丕 丕賱兀禺賱丕賯賷賾丞 賵賮賯 卮乇賵胤 夭賲丕賳賴丕 賵賲賰丕賳賴丕.
814 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 1974
168 people are currently reading
3979 people want to read
About the author
Marshall G.S. Hodgson
15听books71听followersMarshall Goodwin Simms Hodgson was an Islamic studies academic and a world historian at the University of Chicago. He was chairman of the interdisciplinary Committee on Social Thought in Chicago.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 54 reviews
July 23, 2023
I originally read this in 2011 for a university course I gave it a 4 then, I'll make it a 5 now. Experience has made this much more compelling. One of the best histories of Islam in English.
April 4, 2011
A reviewer's remark of 'Poorly Written' actually provoked me to write this review. Venture of Islam is a remarkable book from any perspective, i.e., religious writing, literary style or simple lucidity of expression. The first 69 pages are my all time favorite as far as an introduction to sociology of religion in general and Islamic vocabulary in particular. I have just finished the first volume having read many parts for the second time. Hodgson's take on the political history of early Muslim period is perhaps the strongest part of this volume; whereas, his take on Islamic theology and philosophy is perhaps the weakest. I suspect that this is not because of his lack of command on the subject but the extraordinary historical detail from which he has to pick and choose for drawing his conclusions. I think any serious reader of Islamic history and culture should not miss it. I would let this volume sink in before I get my hands on the second one.
August 24, 2021
賷購賲賰賳 兀賳 賳毓丿 丕賱毓賲賱 丕賱賰亘賷乇 賵丕賱乇丕卅毓 " 賲睾丕賲乇丞 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲" 爻噩賱賸丕 噩丕賲毓賸丕 毓賳 噩賲賷毓 丨賯亘 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲賷 賵賲賳丕胤賯賴 賷賴鬲賲 亘鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱賵毓賷 賵丕賱囟賲賷乇 賵亘丨乇賰丞 丕賱鬲賯丕賱賷丿 丕賱孬賯丕賮賷丞 賵鬲賲賵囟毓丕鬲賴丕 丕賱丕噩鬲賲丕毓賷丞貙 賮賴賵 賷賳馗乇 廿賱賶 丕賱丨囟丕乇丞 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 賷購卮賷乇 廿賱賷賴丕 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 亘賭 " 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲丕鬲賷丞" 亘賵氐賮賴丕 賲賳爻賵噩丞 囟賲賳 丕賱兀亘毓丕丿 丕賱毓丕賱賲賷丞貙 賵亘賴匕賴 丕賱乇丐賷丞 賮廿賳 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 賷購卮賰賽賾賱 賯胤賷毓丞 賲毓 丕賱鬲乇丕孬 丕賱丕爻鬲卮乇丕賯賷 丕賱鬲賯賱賷丿賷貙 賵廿賳 賰丕賳 爻賷鬲賯丕胤毓 賲毓賴 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 賰賲丕 爻賳乇賶 賮賷 亘毓囟 丕賱賯囟丕賷丕貙 賱賰賳 賲丕 賲賷賾夭 乇丐賷丞 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 賴賵 乇賮囟賴 賱賱賲賳丕賴噩 丕賱噩賵賴乇賷丞 鬲噩丕賴 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲貙 賵賲賳 賴賳丕 賷氐賷睾 賲賳賴噩賴 賵賷賯賷賲 氐乇丨 賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲賴 丕賱噩丿賷丿丞 賮賷 賳馗乇鬲賴 賱賱丨囟丕乇丞 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲丕鬲賷丞 賮賷 賲賯丿賲丞 賰鬲丕亘賴 丕賱囟禺賲丞 丕賱鬲賷 賵氐賱鬲 賱賲卅鬲賷賳 氐賮丨丞貙 賵賴匕賴 丕賱賲賯丿賲丞 賴賷 賲賮鬲丕丨 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賰賰賱貙 賮賲賳 禺賱丕賱賴丕 卮乇毓 賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 賮賷 鬲胤賴賷乇 丕賱丨賯賱 丕賱丕爻鬲卮乇丕賯賷 賲賳 丕賱兀賱賮丕馗 賵丕賱賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 丕賱賲爻鬲毓丕乇丞 賲賳 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱兀賵乇賵亘賷貙 賵丕賱鬲賷 鬲鬲賲丨賵乇 丨賵賱 賮賰乇丞 丕賱賲乇賰夭賷丞 丕賱兀賵乇賵亘賷丞.
January 11, 2018
The purpose of Islam was to create a special tribe, 'Ummah' built on the allegiance of the divine as opposed to the non-divine societies based on individual demands. Marshall from this modest beginnings builds an evolutionary portrait of Islam as a global phenomenon. And I think the main reason why Islam was able to dominate its so many other adversaries was that of its mercantile roots. After all, the religion originated from a mercantile town of Mecca. The Meccan culture before Islam resembled the urban metropolis, loose moral values, no tribal structures, in short confusion and frustration for some as they saw the less worthy making money when they could not have in the old tribal setting. Mohammad's message took them back to the known security of tribal value structures.
This unique state is still very modern, even today. Revolutions even today are based on very similar frustrations.
The other strong value of Islam is its focus on building and maintaining the ideal society. The Qur'an makes it sufficiently clear that the new way is for everyone, not just for moral heroes, by praising almost as much those who urge others to a virtue as those who practice it themselves. The new life must be lived by a society at large.
So here lies concrete proof that Islam cannot be adopted as merely an individual's religion. It has a basic need to be implemented to the society. How do the Ulema make it transform into an individual religion remains a mystery for me?
And I think this is why Islam does not fit very well in the Western cultures which are based on individual empowerment.
This unique state is still very modern, even today. Revolutions even today are based on very similar frustrations.
The other strong value of Islam is its focus on building and maintaining the ideal society. The Qur'an makes it sufficiently clear that the new way is for everyone, not just for moral heroes, by praising almost as much those who urge others to a virtue as those who practice it themselves. The new life must be lived by a society at large.
So here lies concrete proof that Islam cannot be adopted as merely an individual's religion. It has a basic need to be implemented to the society. How do the Ulema make it transform into an individual religion remains a mystery for me?
And I think this is why Islam does not fit very well in the Western cultures which are based on individual empowerment.
August 1, 2017
awesome book I have ever read in Islamic history, discuss all the period from the beginning of Muhammed profit, classical Islam to the high caliphate.
in a book include +500 pages a brief knowledge of that classical age. as writer talk about all is important, happened and levels that Muslims took-lived-did is a must.
the events which divided Islam to thus Sunnah and Shi'ah, all events of Fitnnah, definitions of Imamate-Caliphate-Mazhab and its Ulama' - Fiqh-Shi'r-i.e.
it's difficult to write a review for a huge book in a great history for the east and it just part, but at all it took my eyes and I recommend to all who care about knowing Islam.
in a book include +500 pages a brief knowledge of that classical age. as writer talk about all is important, happened and levels that Muslims took-lived-did is a must.
the events which divided Islam to thus Sunnah and Shi'ah, all events of Fitnnah, definitions of Imamate-Caliphate-Mazhab and its Ulama' - Fiqh-Shi'r-i.e.
it's difficult to write a review for a huge book in a great history for the east and it just part, but at all it took my eyes and I recommend to all who care about knowing Islam.
January 13, 2025
馗賳賳鬲 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲噩乇丿 賲賯丿賲丞 賯氐賷乇丞 賱賱廿爻賱丕賲 賱賱賯丕乇卅 丕賱睾乇亘賷 丕賱兀賰丕丿賷賲賷貙 賵賱賰賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賰丕賳 賲賱賷卅賸丕 亘丕賱賲賱丕丨馗丕鬲 丕賱毓賲賷賯丞 丨賵賱 鬲賮乇賾丿 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賵兀賴賲 丕賱賮乇賵賯丕鬲 亘賷賳賴 賵亘賷賳 丕賱兀丿賷丕賳 丕賱鬲賵丨賷丿賷丞 丕賱兀禺乇賶. 賰賲丕 鬲胤乇賯 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 廿賱賶 鬲胤賵乇 丕賱卮乇賷毓丞 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲賷丞 賵丿賵乇 丕賱卮丕賮毓賷 賮賷 賳賯賱 賲賳夭賱丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬 丕賱卮乇賷賮 廿賱賶 賲賳夭賱丞 丕賱賳氐 丕賱賲賯丿爻貙 賵賰賷賮 鬲賲 賲兀爻爻丞 賲賮賴賵賲 丕賱爻賳丞 賵丕賱噩賲丕毓丞 亘毓賷丿賸丕 毓賳 丕賱卮賷毓丞. 丨丕賵賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 兀賷囟賸丕 鬲賯乇賷亘 丕賱卮賷毓丞 賲賳 丿丕卅乇丞 丕賱囟賵亍貙 賲賵囟丨賸丕 丕賱賮乇賵賯丕鬲 丕賱賱丕賴賵鬲賷丞 丕賱賯賱賷賱丞 亘賷賳賴賲 賵亘賷賳 丕賱爻賳丞 賵丕賱丿賵乇 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 丕賱匕賷 賱毓亘賵賴 賲賳匕 兀丨丿丕孬 丕賱賮鬲賳丞 丕賱賰亘乇賶 賵賲賯鬲賱 毓孬賲丕賳 亘賳 毓賮丕賳.
兀賵囟丨 丕賱賰丕鬲亘 賲賷賱賸丕 胤賮賷賮賸丕 賱賲賳賴噩 丕賱卮賷毓丞 賵丕氐胤賮丕賮賸丕 賲毓賴賲 亘爻亘亘 丕賱賲馗賱賵賲賷丞 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 賵賯毓鬲 毓賱賷賴賲 賵丕賱鬲賳賰賷賱 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 丕賱匕賷 賲乇賵丕 亘賴 賮賷 毓氐賵乇 丕賱丨賰賲 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲賷.
兀卮丕乇 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 兀賷囟賸丕 廿賱賶 丕禺鬲賱丕賮 丕賱孬賯丕賮丞 丕賱爻丕賲賷丞-丕賱廿賷乇丕賳賷丞 賵賰賷賮 兀賳賴丕 兀囟丕賮鬲 賱賱廿爻賱丕賲 丕賱賰孬賷乇貙 賵賰賷賮 賰丕賳 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 兀賰亘乇 賲丐孬乇 賮賷賴丕. 賰賲丕 丨丕賵賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 鬲賯乇賷亘 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賲賳 丕賱賲爻賷丨賷丞 賵丕賱賷賴賵丿賷丞 毓賱賶 丕賱乇睾賲 賲賳 丕禺鬲賱丕賮 丕賱鬲兀爻賷爻 丕賱賲賷鬲丕賮賷夭賷賯賷 賱賰賱 賲賳賴賲丕. 賮丕賱賲爻賷丨賷丞 鬲兀爻爻鬲 毓賱賶 賱丨馗丞 丕賱鬲噩爻丿 賵丕賱氐賱亘 賱賱賲爻賷丨貙 賵丕賱賷賴賵丿賷丞 毓賱賶 丕禺鬲賷丕乇 丕賱賱賴 賱卮毓亘 廿爻乇丕卅賷賱貙 兀賲丕 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賮賰丕賳 鬲兀爻賷爻賴 賮乇丿賷賸丕 廿賱賶 丨丿 賲丕 毓賱賶 丕賱賲爻丐賵賱賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賯毓 毓賱賶 賰賱 賲爻賱賲 亘氐賮鬲賴 賮乇丿賸丕貙 賱賷賰賵賳 兀禺賱丕賯賷賸丕 賵賷爻賱賲 賳賮爻賴 賵乇賵丨賴 賱兀賵丕賲乇 丕賱賱賴.
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賱賷亍 亘丕賱賴賵丕賲卮 丕賱賲賴賲丞 噩丿賸丕貙 賵賰丕賳鬲 賲氐丕丿乇賴 毓賲賷賯丞 禺氐賵氐賸丕 毓賳丿 丕賱丨丿賷孬 毓賳 賲氐丕丿乇 鬲噩賲賷毓 丕賱丨丿賷孬 丕賱卮乇賷賮貙 賵乇賵丕賷丞 丕賱爻賷乇丞 丕賱賳亘賵賷丞貙 賵氐賳丕毓丞 丕賱卮禺氐賷丞 丕賱賲丨賲丿賷丞 毓亘乇 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺.
兀賵囟丨 丕賱賰丕鬲亘 賲賷賱賸丕 胤賮賷賮賸丕 賱賲賳賴噩 丕賱卮賷毓丞 賵丕氐胤賮丕賮賸丕 賲毓賴賲 亘爻亘亘 丕賱賲馗賱賵賲賷丞 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 賵賯毓鬲 毓賱賷賴賲 賵丕賱鬲賳賰賷賱 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 丕賱匕賷 賲乇賵丕 亘賴 賮賷 毓氐賵乇 丕賱丨賰賲 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲賷.
兀卮丕乇 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 兀賷囟賸丕 廿賱賶 丕禺鬲賱丕賮 丕賱孬賯丕賮丞 丕賱爻丕賲賷丞-丕賱廿賷乇丕賳賷丞 賵賰賷賮 兀賳賴丕 兀囟丕賮鬲 賱賱廿爻賱丕賲 丕賱賰孬賷乇貙 賵賰賷賮 賰丕賳 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 兀賰亘乇 賲丐孬乇 賮賷賴丕. 賰賲丕 丨丕賵賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 鬲賯乇賷亘 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賲賳 丕賱賲爻賷丨賷丞 賵丕賱賷賴賵丿賷丞 毓賱賶 丕賱乇睾賲 賲賳 丕禺鬲賱丕賮 丕賱鬲兀爻賷爻 丕賱賲賷鬲丕賮賷夭賷賯賷 賱賰賱 賲賳賴賲丕. 賮丕賱賲爻賷丨賷丞 鬲兀爻爻鬲 毓賱賶 賱丨馗丞 丕賱鬲噩爻丿 賵丕賱氐賱亘 賱賱賲爻賷丨貙 賵丕賱賷賴賵丿賷丞 毓賱賶 丕禺鬲賷丕乇 丕賱賱賴 賱卮毓亘 廿爻乇丕卅賷賱貙 兀賲丕 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賮賰丕賳 鬲兀爻賷爻賴 賮乇丿賷賸丕 廿賱賶 丨丿 賲丕 毓賱賶 丕賱賲爻丐賵賱賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賯毓 毓賱賶 賰賱 賲爻賱賲 亘氐賮鬲賴 賮乇丿賸丕貙 賱賷賰賵賳 兀禺賱丕賯賷賸丕 賵賷爻賱賲 賳賮爻賴 賵乇賵丨賴 賱兀賵丕賲乇 丕賱賱賴.
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賱賷亍 亘丕賱賴賵丕賲卮 丕賱賲賴賲丞 噩丿賸丕貙 賵賰丕賳鬲 賲氐丕丿乇賴 毓賲賷賯丞 禺氐賵氐賸丕 毓賳丿 丕賱丨丿賷孬 毓賳 賲氐丕丿乇 鬲噩賲賷毓 丕賱丨丿賷孬 丕賱卮乇賷賮貙 賵乇賵丕賷丞 丕賱爻賷乇丞 丕賱賳亘賵賷丞貙 賵氐賳丕毓丞 丕賱卮禺氐賷丞 丕賱賲丨賲丿賷丞 毓亘乇 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺.
September 3, 2023
This is the first volume in a three-volume series of the History of Islam, by the historian Marshall G.S. Hodgson, from the distinguished department of History of the University of Chicago. This volume covers the formative years of Islam, starting from just before its rise in Arabia to the collapse of the Abbasid Caliphate. Geographically it is mainly centered on from Oxus to Nile region, which means the historical centers of Islam: The Hijaz, Iraq and Iran, Syria and Egypt, the dynamic between this region was decisive in the making of the Islamic Civilization.
This is a work of meticulously careful scholarship. It adopts a macro vision of World History which tries to put everything in a wider context enabling us to see the bigger picture. The author provides us with a long introduction discussing important Islamic terms and concepts, such as Shari鈥檃, Prophetic Tradition, Sunna, which usually get misleading translation and conditions the whole discipline of Historiography of Islam. He is also very cautious when it comes to unconscious biases imported from the study of western civilization, often in the form of misleading parallelisms.
Another strength of this book is that it does venture into the unknown territory of religion. Every phenomenon is easier to describe and analyze in terms of socio-political structures and economic conditions. Moreover, Islam in particular is very elusive as a religious phenomenon, and we tend to see it considered by many as a political agenda, or at least a response to economic opportunity. Here is an author who captures the religious impulse of Islam and puts it intelligibly into words, demonstrating thus that the pure religious motivation does exist, it is even crucial to the socio-political and the economic, which make his description of Islam a consistent whole.
Religion, as the author tries to define it, is a cosmic vision in which the individual is seeking to make sense of himself and of the Cosmos. Of course, the degree of investment in this vision varies considerably from individual to individual, it ranges from naive wishful thinking to total abandonment for the sake of this vision, in the forms of monasticism or maybe martyrdom. Within this spectrum, we find Islam, which can be considered as a moral challenge posed by Mohammed to his tribe in Arabia, in the form of a social reform with egalitarian ideals. The vision of Islam is one of a cosmos where the individual is accountable to only one deity. His tribal allegiances, worldly advantages won鈥檛 change the level of commitment he should invest, thus making all believers equal before God. There is a sense of exclusive allegiance and exclusive truth inside of Islam which prevent anything else from infiltrating this immediate relationship between created and creator, not even priests and political leaders. In the following centuries even the status of the sacred scripture i.e. the Qur鈥檃n will be subject to debate for the sake of this exclusivity which pious groups kept pushing further and further.
But the moral challenge posed by Mohammed to his fellow tribesmen did not emerge out of nowhere. It is the continuity and the culmination of a long process which the whole region was subject to. These are ideas which appeared following the post axial age transformation. With the development of agrarian based societies, prosperity of commerce and intensification of exchange both commercial and intellectual, religion itself went through a transformation from what was centered on cults and rituals to Nature or local deities to a sophisticated vision of Man which put individual responsibility towards others and Gods in the forefront. Moral integrity and justice in dealing with others in markets or in courts become linked with the place of humans in the cosmos. Some groups thought of Religion as a law that governs all aspects of the individual鈥檚 life, others emphasized the individual judgement after death, and notions of reward and punishment were even pushed toward messianic and chiliastic expectations.
A second post axial age transformation that we can see exploited afterwards in the vision of Islam is that of religion as rooted in a historical event. Although religion claims universal and atemporal truths, with the Abrahamic monotheism in particular, it became ever more entangled with one event in History. In Judaism, its not only the covenant but a whole series of events which came to define the faith. For Christianity it was the crucifixion of Christ, and for Islam it was the Prophetic mission of Mohammad. All these points are the beginning of a Drama in which the believers are asked to confirm and renew their commitments to the faith throughout their lives, a Drama that unfolds toward a grand finale which will be the end of the World, but most importantly of History.
A third crucial trend to the understanding of Islam is what the author calls populistic tendencies of post axial age religion. The term populistic perhaps have different connotations than what it did in the 60s. However, what the author tries to convey is that religion, instead of being the task of an elite class of priests and aristocratic sponsors it become more present in market places and a primary concern of the masses. Islam is the culmination of this populistic tendencies in both Abrahamic monotheism and old Iranian religion. The Jewish people thought of themselves as God鈥檚 chosen people, and thus separated themselves from other groups. Christian people instituted a hierarchy among the believers, where only the monks live completely the holy life, which is in no way accessible to lay people. Old Iranian religions had a class of priests. All esoteric forms of these religions were elitist by the very definition of esoterism, starting from the fact that not all people are equal in their ability to see religious truth. In contrast to all these options, Islam refused monasticism and priestly classes, and shunned esoterism as heresy. Muslims sure thought of themselves as carriers of the true message, but they will not keep it to themselves but bring it to all of humanity. The message itself was clear, accessible to all, save those who denied it out of jealousy or bad faith.
This populistic tendency will play a crucial role in the subsequent development of Islam, even more in the choices that different Muslim groups considered on the course of their project of implementing Islam as a way of life and a basis for social order. In fact, the moral challenge of egalitarianism and submission posed by Muhammad to his tribe quickly transformed into a political project during his period in Medina, and got later upgraded to the scale of an international empire. But the same time big questions were not yet answered: the legitimacy of rule, the status of the conquered peoples, the management of the revenue of conquest. All of which was to constitute a major source of conflict, factions and political instability.
Vast territories of Byzantine Syria and Egypt, and Sassanid Iran were conquered due to the weakening of existing local political and social structures that can hold up a resistance, after the devastation caused by the war between the two empires. In less than 10 years of the Prophet Mohammed鈥檚 death, three centers of Islam were defined: Damascus, an occupied historical capital; Kufa and Basra: garrison towns founded in South Iraq; and Fustat : Garrison town founded in Egypt and of course Medina in the Hizaj which during the early conquest remained the headquarter of the Islamic expansion.
The geographical distribution of these centers, the enormous wealth and power which came to the Arab hands with the conquest and the choice of setting up garrison towns was a major factor in the creation of factions, when it is not old tribal factions that were resurfacing. Succession crisis followed immediately. Yet it is a very peculiar succession crisis in which the vision of Islam played a crucial role, and paradoxically enough this crisis itself made some of the most enduring patterns in Islamic civilization.
Muhammad鈥檚 charismatic leadership was built on personal grounds. The following Caliphs were appointed based on the same principle: how much of a close relationship they had with him, in a tacit belief that by being close to the Prophet one can be more able to continue the work of implementing his religious message and political project, at least among the Arabs, as at this point there was no question about the conquered being admitted in this project. The other source of legitimacy was the traditional Arab chieftainship, also a personal mode of government but based on the consensus of powerful tribes and the adequacy of the candidate. Both modes held a strong sense of egalitarianism which emphasizes the dignity of each and every Arab as the highest value. But the innovation brought by the Islamic message was a challenge to privileged groups. Worse than that, different privileged groups were created, such as those who were the first to adhere to Islam. Even underprivileged groups were no longer underprivileged, with the immense wealth and power that flowed back to the Hijaz from the conquest.
In the dynamics that moved all of these groups, one question remained: who was entitled to rule over the community founded by Muhammed, and what was he supposed to do precisely. The civil wars, known as Fitna, which mean in Arabic trial, were complicated struggles on a variety of levels.
The first Fitna was the confrontation between Arab chieftain Mu鈥檃wiya, reclaiming power to his prestigious clan against Ali, the cousin and son in law of the Prophet. It was also the confrontation between a ruler who strived for power, appointing his son as a successor against Arab custom, and a pious if not a very na茂ve leader. This war was also based on tribal allegiances, the Syrians supported Mu鈥檃wiya and Ali sought support in Kufa in a move that was fateful to that region and linked it forever to Ali and his descendants. A third partly, oddly enough, decided to opt out of this struggle, although with a strong Alid sentiment, they went their own way, but this never meant that they were out of the political arena, at least for the time to come.
With the triumph of Mu鈥檃wiya, the pious groups who believed in the possibility and the viability of the religious project of Islam suffered a major blow. At the same time, the Muslim state was for the moment built on an Arab Kingship Model. But once again tribal factions inside Syria itself and the ever-restless Kufa turned to Ali鈥檚 son to rise against the central power, and even power groups in the Hijaz were revolt for their share of power. But Omayyad rule will once again survive this crisis, not only that but the outcome of this second Fitna was two major decisive events in the development of Islam: the elimination of any claim to power by the Hijaz families, and the traumatizing death of Husayn son of Ali, which will mark the most important stage in the making of the Shii Islam.
By this time, it seems that no political theory was involved, even by Muslim standards. Rule was legitimized by sheer military power and ability to rally different factions momentarily to support one candidate. It is true that strong pro-Ali sentiment remained very powerful, but after the crushing defeat it took fewer militant aspects, it even turned to chiliastic expectations and esoteric teachings. The Kharriji faction, those who refused to take sides between Ali and Mu鈥檃wiya were literally roaming around offering their support to whoever suited their political whim of the time. Furthermore, Iranian coverts were slowly becoming a separate interest group, which will play a crucial role in the rise of the Abbasid dynasty.
This level of political fragmentation might distract from where we left Islam as a religion in the first place. But surprisingly it is very present. The failure of the Pro Ali movement and the disappointment they had impacted their interpretation of Islam forever. After the traumatizing death of Husayn, and the prosecution which the other descendants of Ali, these groups adopted a vision where the justice that Muhammad promised is for another time, for the moment they have to morn the injustice that they suffered, and wait patiently.
For those who did not support Ali, although they might on the surface look as if they are getting along with the power, that is not the case. In fact, pious groups, mainly in the Hijaz, turned to a kind of impotent opposition to a political system that left no place for them except the masses and their market place. In fact, these groups abandoned all claims to power. They did return to the message of the Prophet, and tried to find a way to implement Islam as a basis for social order and law. By collecting the sayings of the Prophet, the exegesis of the Qur鈥檃n and the elaboration of a great body of religious literature, they managed to offer a version of Islam more concerned with the individual responsibility towards God and the Last judgment, and heavily focused on conformity to a certain standard of purified conduct and ritual. It is an existence for a pious individual for himself, or at least for a group with whom he shares the same pious concern, which leaves the State, or any other political grouping behind. This group came to came to constitute the majority of Muslims. A part from a public recognition of rulers during Friday prayers, extracted from them by coercion, their political project of Islam ended up paradoxically apolitical.
This is a work of meticulously careful scholarship. It adopts a macro vision of World History which tries to put everything in a wider context enabling us to see the bigger picture. The author provides us with a long introduction discussing important Islamic terms and concepts, such as Shari鈥檃, Prophetic Tradition, Sunna, which usually get misleading translation and conditions the whole discipline of Historiography of Islam. He is also very cautious when it comes to unconscious biases imported from the study of western civilization, often in the form of misleading parallelisms.
Another strength of this book is that it does venture into the unknown territory of religion. Every phenomenon is easier to describe and analyze in terms of socio-political structures and economic conditions. Moreover, Islam in particular is very elusive as a religious phenomenon, and we tend to see it considered by many as a political agenda, or at least a response to economic opportunity. Here is an author who captures the religious impulse of Islam and puts it intelligibly into words, demonstrating thus that the pure religious motivation does exist, it is even crucial to the socio-political and the economic, which make his description of Islam a consistent whole.
Religion, as the author tries to define it, is a cosmic vision in which the individual is seeking to make sense of himself and of the Cosmos. Of course, the degree of investment in this vision varies considerably from individual to individual, it ranges from naive wishful thinking to total abandonment for the sake of this vision, in the forms of monasticism or maybe martyrdom. Within this spectrum, we find Islam, which can be considered as a moral challenge posed by Mohammed to his tribe in Arabia, in the form of a social reform with egalitarian ideals. The vision of Islam is one of a cosmos where the individual is accountable to only one deity. His tribal allegiances, worldly advantages won鈥檛 change the level of commitment he should invest, thus making all believers equal before God. There is a sense of exclusive allegiance and exclusive truth inside of Islam which prevent anything else from infiltrating this immediate relationship between created and creator, not even priests and political leaders. In the following centuries even the status of the sacred scripture i.e. the Qur鈥檃n will be subject to debate for the sake of this exclusivity which pious groups kept pushing further and further.
But the moral challenge posed by Mohammed to his fellow tribesmen did not emerge out of nowhere. It is the continuity and the culmination of a long process which the whole region was subject to. These are ideas which appeared following the post axial age transformation. With the development of agrarian based societies, prosperity of commerce and intensification of exchange both commercial and intellectual, religion itself went through a transformation from what was centered on cults and rituals to Nature or local deities to a sophisticated vision of Man which put individual responsibility towards others and Gods in the forefront. Moral integrity and justice in dealing with others in markets or in courts become linked with the place of humans in the cosmos. Some groups thought of Religion as a law that governs all aspects of the individual鈥檚 life, others emphasized the individual judgement after death, and notions of reward and punishment were even pushed toward messianic and chiliastic expectations.
A second post axial age transformation that we can see exploited afterwards in the vision of Islam is that of religion as rooted in a historical event. Although religion claims universal and atemporal truths, with the Abrahamic monotheism in particular, it became ever more entangled with one event in History. In Judaism, its not only the covenant but a whole series of events which came to define the faith. For Christianity it was the crucifixion of Christ, and for Islam it was the Prophetic mission of Mohammad. All these points are the beginning of a Drama in which the believers are asked to confirm and renew their commitments to the faith throughout their lives, a Drama that unfolds toward a grand finale which will be the end of the World, but most importantly of History.
A third crucial trend to the understanding of Islam is what the author calls populistic tendencies of post axial age religion. The term populistic perhaps have different connotations than what it did in the 60s. However, what the author tries to convey is that religion, instead of being the task of an elite class of priests and aristocratic sponsors it become more present in market places and a primary concern of the masses. Islam is the culmination of this populistic tendencies in both Abrahamic monotheism and old Iranian religion. The Jewish people thought of themselves as God鈥檚 chosen people, and thus separated themselves from other groups. Christian people instituted a hierarchy among the believers, where only the monks live completely the holy life, which is in no way accessible to lay people. Old Iranian religions had a class of priests. All esoteric forms of these religions were elitist by the very definition of esoterism, starting from the fact that not all people are equal in their ability to see religious truth. In contrast to all these options, Islam refused monasticism and priestly classes, and shunned esoterism as heresy. Muslims sure thought of themselves as carriers of the true message, but they will not keep it to themselves but bring it to all of humanity. The message itself was clear, accessible to all, save those who denied it out of jealousy or bad faith.
This populistic tendency will play a crucial role in the subsequent development of Islam, even more in the choices that different Muslim groups considered on the course of their project of implementing Islam as a way of life and a basis for social order. In fact, the moral challenge of egalitarianism and submission posed by Muhammad to his tribe quickly transformed into a political project during his period in Medina, and got later upgraded to the scale of an international empire. But the same time big questions were not yet answered: the legitimacy of rule, the status of the conquered peoples, the management of the revenue of conquest. All of which was to constitute a major source of conflict, factions and political instability.
Vast territories of Byzantine Syria and Egypt, and Sassanid Iran were conquered due to the weakening of existing local political and social structures that can hold up a resistance, after the devastation caused by the war between the two empires. In less than 10 years of the Prophet Mohammed鈥檚 death, three centers of Islam were defined: Damascus, an occupied historical capital; Kufa and Basra: garrison towns founded in South Iraq; and Fustat : Garrison town founded in Egypt and of course Medina in the Hizaj which during the early conquest remained the headquarter of the Islamic expansion.
The geographical distribution of these centers, the enormous wealth and power which came to the Arab hands with the conquest and the choice of setting up garrison towns was a major factor in the creation of factions, when it is not old tribal factions that were resurfacing. Succession crisis followed immediately. Yet it is a very peculiar succession crisis in which the vision of Islam played a crucial role, and paradoxically enough this crisis itself made some of the most enduring patterns in Islamic civilization.
Muhammad鈥檚 charismatic leadership was built on personal grounds. The following Caliphs were appointed based on the same principle: how much of a close relationship they had with him, in a tacit belief that by being close to the Prophet one can be more able to continue the work of implementing his religious message and political project, at least among the Arabs, as at this point there was no question about the conquered being admitted in this project. The other source of legitimacy was the traditional Arab chieftainship, also a personal mode of government but based on the consensus of powerful tribes and the adequacy of the candidate. Both modes held a strong sense of egalitarianism which emphasizes the dignity of each and every Arab as the highest value. But the innovation brought by the Islamic message was a challenge to privileged groups. Worse than that, different privileged groups were created, such as those who were the first to adhere to Islam. Even underprivileged groups were no longer underprivileged, with the immense wealth and power that flowed back to the Hijaz from the conquest.
In the dynamics that moved all of these groups, one question remained: who was entitled to rule over the community founded by Muhammed, and what was he supposed to do precisely. The civil wars, known as Fitna, which mean in Arabic trial, were complicated struggles on a variety of levels.
The first Fitna was the confrontation between Arab chieftain Mu鈥檃wiya, reclaiming power to his prestigious clan against Ali, the cousin and son in law of the Prophet. It was also the confrontation between a ruler who strived for power, appointing his son as a successor against Arab custom, and a pious if not a very na茂ve leader. This war was also based on tribal allegiances, the Syrians supported Mu鈥檃wiya and Ali sought support in Kufa in a move that was fateful to that region and linked it forever to Ali and his descendants. A third partly, oddly enough, decided to opt out of this struggle, although with a strong Alid sentiment, they went their own way, but this never meant that they were out of the political arena, at least for the time to come.
With the triumph of Mu鈥檃wiya, the pious groups who believed in the possibility and the viability of the religious project of Islam suffered a major blow. At the same time, the Muslim state was for the moment built on an Arab Kingship Model. But once again tribal factions inside Syria itself and the ever-restless Kufa turned to Ali鈥檚 son to rise against the central power, and even power groups in the Hijaz were revolt for their share of power. But Omayyad rule will once again survive this crisis, not only that but the outcome of this second Fitna was two major decisive events in the development of Islam: the elimination of any claim to power by the Hijaz families, and the traumatizing death of Husayn son of Ali, which will mark the most important stage in the making of the Shii Islam.
By this time, it seems that no political theory was involved, even by Muslim standards. Rule was legitimized by sheer military power and ability to rally different factions momentarily to support one candidate. It is true that strong pro-Ali sentiment remained very powerful, but after the crushing defeat it took fewer militant aspects, it even turned to chiliastic expectations and esoteric teachings. The Kharriji faction, those who refused to take sides between Ali and Mu鈥檃wiya were literally roaming around offering their support to whoever suited their political whim of the time. Furthermore, Iranian coverts were slowly becoming a separate interest group, which will play a crucial role in the rise of the Abbasid dynasty.
This level of political fragmentation might distract from where we left Islam as a religion in the first place. But surprisingly it is very present. The failure of the Pro Ali movement and the disappointment they had impacted their interpretation of Islam forever. After the traumatizing death of Husayn, and the prosecution which the other descendants of Ali, these groups adopted a vision where the justice that Muhammad promised is for another time, for the moment they have to morn the injustice that they suffered, and wait patiently.
For those who did not support Ali, although they might on the surface look as if they are getting along with the power, that is not the case. In fact, pious groups, mainly in the Hijaz, turned to a kind of impotent opposition to a political system that left no place for them except the masses and their market place. In fact, these groups abandoned all claims to power. They did return to the message of the Prophet, and tried to find a way to implement Islam as a basis for social order and law. By collecting the sayings of the Prophet, the exegesis of the Qur鈥檃n and the elaboration of a great body of religious literature, they managed to offer a version of Islam more concerned with the individual responsibility towards God and the Last judgment, and heavily focused on conformity to a certain standard of purified conduct and ritual. It is an existence for a pious individual for himself, or at least for a group with whom he shares the same pious concern, which leaves the State, or any other political grouping behind. This group came to came to constitute the majority of Muslims. A part from a public recognition of rulers during Friday prayers, extracted from them by coercion, their political project of Islam ended up paradoxically apolitical.
November 21, 2021
I am not fully aware of the current discourse in Islamic history but for me, this is probably the best history book I've read on early Islam. Marshall Hodgson shows why he was a genius. It captures the time period in all its complexity. I do somewhat question the author's interpretation of Islamic beliefs but all in all, this book is a must-read if you're into Islamic history.
May 12, 2015
Hodgson, more than anyone else, set the course for the study of Islamic and Islamicate history and society over the last half-century. The university I attended dropped Hodgson from the undergraduate curriculum just before I began my studies because he was "too difficult" for most students. I've wanted to dig into these three volumes ever since and now, more than twenty year later am finally doing so. I regret putting it off for so long. "The Venture of Islam" certainly isn't light or easy reading, but it is, hands down, the best survey I've read. In this first volume, Hodgson begins by covering the preliminaries of historiography before moving on to pre-Islamic Arabia and then to the period of classical Islam and the High Caliphate.
November 1, 2018
Marshall G. S. Hodgson鈥檚 seminal work, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization, is an essential book for all serious students of Islamic Studies. The 1,540-page work spans three volumes, of which this author will only comment on the first. The volume is titled, 鈥淭he Classical Age of Islam,鈥� and covers a 400-year span from the dawning of the Prophet Muhammad鈥檚 life to the decline of the Abbasid Caliphate. Moreover, the volume is distinguished from the two others by an adumbration of Hodgson鈥檚 historiographical intervention, which is his most significant contribution to the field of Islamic Studies.
In The Venture of Islam, Hodgson seeks to establish a science for Islamic Studies by creating a stable standard of terms. In his time, five hermeneutical approaches of the Western academy dominated the discourse on Islam. Hodgson believes these scholars from the academic traditions of Christianity, Judaism, Islamism, Marxism, and Westernism obscure the true vision of Islam due to their interpretive biases. Hence, Hodgson clarifies terms and coins new ones to propose a new approach that accounts for the many blind spots of his interlocutors. One of the most forceful terms he clarifies in his monumental work is 鈥榯radition鈥�. Hodgson begins with an anecdote:
A recipe for a holiday pastry may be 鈥榯raditional鈥� in the sense merely that it is transmitted unaltered from mother to daughter for untold generations. If it is merely transmissive, a sheer habit, then any change of circumstances may lead to its abandonment, at least once the mother is gone. But if it is vital, meeting a real need, then the tradition will be readjusted or grow as required by circumstance.
From this anecdote, it appears that Hodgson believes that tradition can cease to be living, degenerating to mere transmission. He places the life force of a particular tradition in the hands of those who represent a high culture. For 鈥淸i]t is in what is called 鈥榟igh culture鈥�, in relatively widely shared cultural forms at the literate, urban level,鈥� Hodgson writes, 鈥渢hat social tradition has unmistakably shown itself as a process of change.鈥� With the rise of citied and lettered life, Hodgson notes that the dynamic aspects of tradition intensify, 鈥渟o that generation by generation within each tradition there was a conscious individual cultural initiative in response to the ever-new needs or opportunities of the time.鈥� This does not mean, however, that folk-culture cannot also partake in the shaping of tradition. In general, Hodgson describes tradition as 鈥渁 movement composed of three moments: a creative action, group commitment thereto, and cumulative interaction within the group.鈥� These three moments simultaneously function diachronically and synchronically. In the Muslim world, the former occurs with the advent of the Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him), the commitment of his companions to help institutionalize his creative action (i.e. the religion of Islam), and finally the subsequent debate and dialogue by generations afterward to work out all the implications of the creative action. The latter takes place when secondary creative actions and their subsequent corollaries occur within the diachronic tradition. Hodgson writes, 鈥淏ut not only does a developing interaction arise out of an initial point of creativity; that interaction, that dialogue, itself is made up of a sequence of creative actions and of commitments stemming from them.鈥� Hodgson鈥檚 understanding of tradition is a framework to keep in mind as one reads the book. It best explains the scholarly rigor he employs to outline the many historical continuities and breaks the Muslim world exhibits as a burgeoning world civilization. In this author鈥檚 view, Hodgson鈥檚 terminology is far more palatable than most other approaches to Islamic Studies. However, despite the great efforts Hodgson exerts in constructing his terms, he falls short in applying them consistently. This results in a great deal of instability. Additionally, some of his terms are loosely defined, unnecessarily bulky, and arbitrary. This is perhaps the greatest struggle in reading the book, which only the devout student of Islamic Studies might have the stamina to tolerate.
With regard to the historical content of the first volume, a few things must be said. Hodgson presents an unprecedented breadth of scholarship that leaves the reader with a sense of awe. He pulls from a wide range of sources in multiple languages and critically engages themes in an integrated way, showing how interconnected and interdependent the development of Islamicate politics, economics, religious law, literature, and culture were. This author was tempted to skip a few occasional sections only to continue to plow through the dense material out of fear of missing the gems laden in every chapter. However, Hodgson鈥檚 attempt to cover such a vast history leaves many areas underdeveloped. Rather than viewing this as a weakness of the book, this author agrees with the view that one book cannot do it all. The book is an excellent resource for readers looking for an expansive outline of Islamic Studies.
With regard to the title, one final comment must be made. Hodgson鈥檚 鈥渧enture鈥� is inspired by Qur鈥檃n 2:110, setting up a telos for Muslims where 鈥淸t] he history of Islam as a faith, and of the culture of which it has formed the core, derives its unity and its unique significance from that vision and that venture.鈥� That Hodgson anchors his entire discourse on Islam with the Qur鈥檃n speaks volumes about the kind of intervention he aims to make in the field Islamic Studies in the West.
In The Venture of Islam, Hodgson seeks to establish a science for Islamic Studies by creating a stable standard of terms. In his time, five hermeneutical approaches of the Western academy dominated the discourse on Islam. Hodgson believes these scholars from the academic traditions of Christianity, Judaism, Islamism, Marxism, and Westernism obscure the true vision of Islam due to their interpretive biases. Hence, Hodgson clarifies terms and coins new ones to propose a new approach that accounts for the many blind spots of his interlocutors. One of the most forceful terms he clarifies in his monumental work is 鈥榯radition鈥�. Hodgson begins with an anecdote:
A recipe for a holiday pastry may be 鈥榯raditional鈥� in the sense merely that it is transmitted unaltered from mother to daughter for untold generations. If it is merely transmissive, a sheer habit, then any change of circumstances may lead to its abandonment, at least once the mother is gone. But if it is vital, meeting a real need, then the tradition will be readjusted or grow as required by circumstance.
From this anecdote, it appears that Hodgson believes that tradition can cease to be living, degenerating to mere transmission. He places the life force of a particular tradition in the hands of those who represent a high culture. For 鈥淸i]t is in what is called 鈥榟igh culture鈥�, in relatively widely shared cultural forms at the literate, urban level,鈥� Hodgson writes, 鈥渢hat social tradition has unmistakably shown itself as a process of change.鈥� With the rise of citied and lettered life, Hodgson notes that the dynamic aspects of tradition intensify, 鈥渟o that generation by generation within each tradition there was a conscious individual cultural initiative in response to the ever-new needs or opportunities of the time.鈥� This does not mean, however, that folk-culture cannot also partake in the shaping of tradition. In general, Hodgson describes tradition as 鈥渁 movement composed of three moments: a creative action, group commitment thereto, and cumulative interaction within the group.鈥� These three moments simultaneously function diachronically and synchronically. In the Muslim world, the former occurs with the advent of the Prophet Muhammad (peace and blessings be upon him), the commitment of his companions to help institutionalize his creative action (i.e. the religion of Islam), and finally the subsequent debate and dialogue by generations afterward to work out all the implications of the creative action. The latter takes place when secondary creative actions and their subsequent corollaries occur within the diachronic tradition. Hodgson writes, 鈥淏ut not only does a developing interaction arise out of an initial point of creativity; that interaction, that dialogue, itself is made up of a sequence of creative actions and of commitments stemming from them.鈥� Hodgson鈥檚 understanding of tradition is a framework to keep in mind as one reads the book. It best explains the scholarly rigor he employs to outline the many historical continuities and breaks the Muslim world exhibits as a burgeoning world civilization. In this author鈥檚 view, Hodgson鈥檚 terminology is far more palatable than most other approaches to Islamic Studies. However, despite the great efforts Hodgson exerts in constructing his terms, he falls short in applying them consistently. This results in a great deal of instability. Additionally, some of his terms are loosely defined, unnecessarily bulky, and arbitrary. This is perhaps the greatest struggle in reading the book, which only the devout student of Islamic Studies might have the stamina to tolerate.
With regard to the historical content of the first volume, a few things must be said. Hodgson presents an unprecedented breadth of scholarship that leaves the reader with a sense of awe. He pulls from a wide range of sources in multiple languages and critically engages themes in an integrated way, showing how interconnected and interdependent the development of Islamicate politics, economics, religious law, literature, and culture were. This author was tempted to skip a few occasional sections only to continue to plow through the dense material out of fear of missing the gems laden in every chapter. However, Hodgson鈥檚 attempt to cover such a vast history leaves many areas underdeveloped. Rather than viewing this as a weakness of the book, this author agrees with the view that one book cannot do it all. The book is an excellent resource for readers looking for an expansive outline of Islamic Studies.
With regard to the title, one final comment must be made. Hodgson鈥檚 鈥渧enture鈥� is inspired by Qur鈥檃n 2:110, setting up a telos for Muslims where 鈥淸t] he history of Islam as a faith, and of the culture of which it has formed the core, derives its unity and its unique significance from that vision and that venture.鈥� That Hodgson anchors his entire discourse on Islam with the Qur鈥檃n speaks volumes about the kind of intervention he aims to make in the field Islamic Studies in the West.
January 12, 2009
The Venture of Islam series is simply the best history of the the Islamic (and Islamicate!) world as a whole. Hodgson was such a visionary thinker, it is a shame he passed away so young!
June 7, 2020
A masterful work outlining the pre-Islamic and early Islamic developments underpinning the Muslim moral project throughout the centuries. The book covers pre-Islamic times, early Muslim expansion and the dissipiation of 'Abb芒sid caliphal authority in the 10th century and is the first of a trilogy of which I have only read this volume. If this first volume is any indication of the quality of the others, I can easily see myself reading the other two.
Throughout the pages Hodgson displays intense interest, sensible scepticism, appreciative respect and an almost zealous sense of humility before the sources. In the first 70 pages he pain-stakingly lines out a carefully written introduction to Islamic studies, how to approach different interpretive methods, Arabic language, translations, the works of scholars and their various strengths and definitions. The reader is not only reminded about the various intellectual pitfalls and biases that could afflict anyone who approaches the topic, but is also expected to maintain rigorous caution to definitions, ad hoc constructions and conclusions made by scholars (non-Muslim and Muslim alike). Even something as innocuous as geographical terms are resolutely analyzed and pointed out to be imprecise and misleading, if one does not respect the meaning of words.
If anything, these first 70 pages are perhaps the most essential for any reader interested in Islamic history and could very well stop reading there. But what follows are the results of the scientific ethic and historical humanism that Hodgson urges the reader to apply. Several topics are approached (admittedly with varying quality and command of the topic) with following questions/pre-suppositions in mind:
1) What were the material conditions of pre-Islamic societies that made the Islamic brand of populist monotheism popular?
2) What were the challenges of early Muslim conquerors who took place as the new ruling class of the Nile-to-Oxus region? How did the attitudes of rulers and common folk change over time?
3) How was the moral challenge of the Islamic religion defined and made relevant after the conquests? Hodgson here outlines the various groups of Piety-minded opposition (Jam芒'卯-Sunnis, Sh卯'is, Kh芒rijis, Mu'tazil卯s, etc.) and the intersection of politics, moralism, piety and class made for a very complex intellectual life where modern-day understanding of words cannot be inferred (the word Sh卯'i had different connotations during Marw芒ni and 'Abb芒si caliphal times, for example).
4) What were the different psychological profiles of piety and how did they drive conflicts and confront each other?
5) How did the ideal of rulership evolve from Marw芒ni Arab factionalism to 'Abb芒si idea of absolutist monarchy (loaned from S芒s芒n卯 times) and why?
Many more topics are covered and always in an engaging manner. There have been complaints in earlier reviews that the language sometimes is dense as is common with many academic works and I agree to some extent. On the other hand, many of the ideas and connections Hodgson make are of such complexity (corresponding to the complex realities he is describing!) that one cannot simplify the text without inadvertedly simplifying history (as is commonly done today). If you are interested in Islamic history for whatever reason, know that this is a complex topic and that Hodgson is not afraid to expect a degree of motivation and capacity from the reader who approaches it. In this regard, you get to read the work of a master as well as someone who respects his readers. Great book.
Throughout the pages Hodgson displays intense interest, sensible scepticism, appreciative respect and an almost zealous sense of humility before the sources. In the first 70 pages he pain-stakingly lines out a carefully written introduction to Islamic studies, how to approach different interpretive methods, Arabic language, translations, the works of scholars and their various strengths and definitions. The reader is not only reminded about the various intellectual pitfalls and biases that could afflict anyone who approaches the topic, but is also expected to maintain rigorous caution to definitions, ad hoc constructions and conclusions made by scholars (non-Muslim and Muslim alike). Even something as innocuous as geographical terms are resolutely analyzed and pointed out to be imprecise and misleading, if one does not respect the meaning of words.
If anything, these first 70 pages are perhaps the most essential for any reader interested in Islamic history and could very well stop reading there. But what follows are the results of the scientific ethic and historical humanism that Hodgson urges the reader to apply. Several topics are approached (admittedly with varying quality and command of the topic) with following questions/pre-suppositions in mind:
1) What were the material conditions of pre-Islamic societies that made the Islamic brand of populist monotheism popular?
2) What were the challenges of early Muslim conquerors who took place as the new ruling class of the Nile-to-Oxus region? How did the attitudes of rulers and common folk change over time?
3) How was the moral challenge of the Islamic religion defined and made relevant after the conquests? Hodgson here outlines the various groups of Piety-minded opposition (Jam芒'卯-Sunnis, Sh卯'is, Kh芒rijis, Mu'tazil卯s, etc.) and the intersection of politics, moralism, piety and class made for a very complex intellectual life where modern-day understanding of words cannot be inferred (the word Sh卯'i had different connotations during Marw芒ni and 'Abb芒si caliphal times, for example).
4) What were the different psychological profiles of piety and how did they drive conflicts and confront each other?
5) How did the ideal of rulership evolve from Marw芒ni Arab factionalism to 'Abb芒si idea of absolutist monarchy (loaned from S芒s芒n卯 times) and why?
Many more topics are covered and always in an engaging manner. There have been complaints in earlier reviews that the language sometimes is dense as is common with many academic works and I agree to some extent. On the other hand, many of the ideas and connections Hodgson make are of such complexity (corresponding to the complex realities he is describing!) that one cannot simplify the text without inadvertedly simplifying history (as is commonly done today). If you are interested in Islamic history for whatever reason, know that this is a complex topic and that Hodgson is not afraid to expect a degree of motivation and capacity from the reader who approaches it. In this regard, you get to read the work of a master as well as someone who respects his readers. Great book.
February 5, 2017
This volume is the first of three. Although now a third of a century old, still by far the best description of Islam I've ever seen. The coverage is so much deeper than anything else I've ever seen that it becomes qualitatively different.
The author warns in his Introduction that because of the type of material that's survived into the hands of historians, it's very easy for Islamic history to become long and boring timelines of names and dates. Despite his strenuous efforts, I _still_ got tired of what seemed endless lists of "begats" sometimes. I strongly suspect that in the hands of a lesser author the same type of book would be just plain unreadable.
Here are just a few examples suggesting the breadth and depth of subjects covered:
Over the centuries Bedouins had been trying to unite in some organization larger than a tribe, but mostly they'd had only mediocre results. Islam was (unconsciously?) the solution that finally worked. Loyalty to a confessional faith -a sort of "ideology"- finally subsumed tribalism.
It 's likely that originally Muhammed intended Islam to become another variant within Judaism. But when that tack was roundly rejected by neighboring Jews, Islam started to become a separate faith instead.
The relation between political Islam (the caliphate, the empire) and religious Islam (praise Allah) was uncomfortable right from the start. They very much needed each other, neither could succeed on its own. Yet they didn't really understand each other. There have _always_ been significant fundamentalist trends and splinter groups within Islam. (The first "black flags" appeared before 800 A.D.!) People wanting to "purify" Islam, to "return to the roots", happened as early as the next generation after Muhammed!
Islam has been _extremely_ varied. Tell me the Camel-Riding Warrior, the Machiavellian Courtier, and the Whirling Dervish Sufi all belong to the same religion, and I'll think you're pulling my leg. Except it's true.
At the heart of Islam is an extreme individuality and an extreme equality. If a Martian were given written descriptions of various Earth cultural philosophies and asked to organize them, he'd probably put Islam and America (especially the Puritanism of New England) in the same basket.
Both distance and the passage of time quickly turned the language and poetry of the Quran into something archaic that practically nobody understood. Thus attitudes toward "the book" are very different from ours toward The Bible. The Quran is so short and oddly organized (or in some cases so overly-specific to particular situations in Medina) that _by_itself_ it can't even really be used to completely guide how one should live. Great elaboration by clerics, jurists, and scholars has been necessary.
The author warns in his Introduction that because of the type of material that's survived into the hands of historians, it's very easy for Islamic history to become long and boring timelines of names and dates. Despite his strenuous efforts, I _still_ got tired of what seemed endless lists of "begats" sometimes. I strongly suspect that in the hands of a lesser author the same type of book would be just plain unreadable.
Here are just a few examples suggesting the breadth and depth of subjects covered:
Over the centuries Bedouins had been trying to unite in some organization larger than a tribe, but mostly they'd had only mediocre results. Islam was (unconsciously?) the solution that finally worked. Loyalty to a confessional faith -a sort of "ideology"- finally subsumed tribalism.
It 's likely that originally Muhammed intended Islam to become another variant within Judaism. But when that tack was roundly rejected by neighboring Jews, Islam started to become a separate faith instead.
The relation between political Islam (the caliphate, the empire) and religious Islam (praise Allah) was uncomfortable right from the start. They very much needed each other, neither could succeed on its own. Yet they didn't really understand each other. There have _always_ been significant fundamentalist trends and splinter groups within Islam. (The first "black flags" appeared before 800 A.D.!) People wanting to "purify" Islam, to "return to the roots", happened as early as the next generation after Muhammed!
Islam has been _extremely_ varied. Tell me the Camel-Riding Warrior, the Machiavellian Courtier, and the Whirling Dervish Sufi all belong to the same religion, and I'll think you're pulling my leg. Except it's true.
At the heart of Islam is an extreme individuality and an extreme equality. If a Martian were given written descriptions of various Earth cultural philosophies and asked to organize them, he'd probably put Islam and America (especially the Puritanism of New England) in the same basket.
Both distance and the passage of time quickly turned the language and poetry of the Quran into something archaic that practically nobody understood. Thus attitudes toward "the book" are very different from ours toward The Bible. The Quran is so short and oddly organized (or in some cases so overly-specific to particular situations in Medina) that _by_itself_ it can't even really be used to completely guide how one should live. Great elaboration by clerics, jurists, and scholars has been necessary.
July 6, 2018
Having finally read this book, I do not think as other reviewers do that this book is magisterial. It is certainly worth reading despite the dense language, and the authors tendency to meander into episodes that are not so relevant to the theme of the book.
What makes this such an interesting book is the authors take on the evolution of Islam. A lot of other authors have tended to view Islamic history as a series of events. This one dimensional view is however faulty. Marshall shows very clearly that when you look at how religion has evolved through the ages you need to bear in mind the following factors:
1) Religions don't blossom in a vacuum. Co-existing religions and cultures play a huge part in shaping the character of a religion.
2) No religion, especially Islam, dominates the local culture. Religions adapt to cultures.
With that in mind, it was with great interest that I learnt how Sharia law came to be as it is today. The early proponents of Sharia law sought to make Sharia as universal and encompassing as Halaka, the Jewish body of rules and rituals. This was for two reasons:
A) Islam was now spreading into other countries and they were wanted to maintain the integrity of Arab culture.
B) They observed the worldly influence and power of their contemporary Rabbis and as such they wanted the same status and power. To that end they fabricated Hadith and traditions.
This had devastating consequences for Islam. The misogyny inherent within Arab culture perpetuated. The tribalism which Islam sought to eradicate persisted. The early Faqih and Jurists tried very hard to make Arab culture the only culture in which Islam could be practised.
I did have a few issues with Marshall's research. I did not like his statements on the Quran: 'Garbled and patently incoherent' or his characterisation of Bedouin culture as crude. There is a reason for this. Marshall used the Quranic translation of AJ Arberry. Now, Arberry does a reasonabe job of translating the Arabic but anyone reading his notes can clearly see the mind of a Christian clergyman trying to show up the Quran.
A lot of the books which Marshall used for his research were written by Orientalists. Edward Said in his book 'Orientalism' showed clearly that the quality of these books were vitiated by the snobbery and racism of the authors. Their analysis precluded almost as much as it included. Subsequently there are a couple of holes in Marshall's research. When describing Umar II, he mentions that Umar II modelled himself on Umar ibn kittab, but fails to mention the fact that Umar II was the great grandson of Umar ibn kittab.
He also stated that when disputants arrived from Egypt to assassinate Uthman ibn Uffan; there were no bodyguards outside the door of Uthman. Completely untrue.
Marshall's description of the Mutazilittes and Ashariites and Falsafah seemed quite accurate. Reading this section of the book highlighted to me a great tragedy in Islam. The fact that the best and brightest minds of that generation wasted their intellectual gifts in the dry as dust arguments that differentiated the various schools of thought. Immersing themselves in trivia and inane debates.
My personal take on this is that the Mutaziliites sought to advance Islam by trying to make reason a part of their faith. They were opposed by literalist clergy who did not want their power diminished. I find it hard to believe there was any other reason. The clergy were opposed to Muslims reading the Quran for themselves and thinking for themselves.
Sadly, their other opponents, the Falsafah, who believed they alone had access to the mysteries of the Quran by virtue of their knowledge of maths and sciences, were not that much more broad-minded. In my opinion the Falsafah, were abounding in intellectual arrogance and snobbery. They were so enamoured of Aristotle and Plato, that they tried to weave the arguments of Plato and Aristotle into Islam.
I think it would be disconcerting for a lot of Muslims to realise the influence of Aristotle and Plato on Islamic thought, especially in Sufism. Interesting to note that that none of the Falsafah seemed to think the Quran sufficient. It would be equally disconcerting to note that Christian monks had a huge influence on Sufism.
The final part of the book which details the decline of the Abbasid Caliphate was sad to read. In the beginning the Abbasid caliphate were exemplary for their patronage of translators and their willingness to learn from other cultures.
Towards the end, it degenerated into sectarianism and the dissolute living by the Caliphs. Which raises an interesting question.
How could it have turned out better for Islam?
The answer will delight Shias. In Abrahamic religions; the family of the prophet were entrusted to keep the masses on the straight path. The descendants of Haroon, the brother of the Prophet Musa, became priests and guided people. So the precedent was already there for Muslims.
The great tragedy that occurred in Islam was the marginalisation of the family of Holy Prophet (PBUH), the Ahlul-bayt. The sons of Hazrat Ali, guided the early Muslims in matters of Islamic law. Due to the depredations of Muawiyah, this vital link became lost to Muslims. Because of that the message of the Quran became lost amongst the Muslims. The Muslim community needed the Ahlul-Bayt for guidance on how the Quran could be applied
The actions of the Ashariites, Mutazilites, and Philosophers, are a stark reminder of what happens when people turn the Quran to their own desires instead of turning their desires to the Quran. As Hazrat Ali remarked in Nahjul-Balagh.
It should be realised that none of Ashariites, Mutazilites, and Philosophers, were able, in my opinion, to access the meaning of the Quran. Despite the great knowledge of the Philosophers and the sharp debating minds of the Ashariites and Mutazilites.
Their inability to do so caused Islam to stagnate. Because as it says in Surah Waqiah 'None may touch this book except the pure'
In the early years of Islam; there were none purer than the family of the Holy Prophet (PBUH). Had they been there to act as the leaders for Muslims, they would have prevented the excesses of the Sufis and the pointless squabbling of the Ashariites and Mutazilites
And the Muslim world would not be in the sorry state it is in today.
What makes this such an interesting book is the authors take on the evolution of Islam. A lot of other authors have tended to view Islamic history as a series of events. This one dimensional view is however faulty. Marshall shows very clearly that when you look at how religion has evolved through the ages you need to bear in mind the following factors:
1) Religions don't blossom in a vacuum. Co-existing religions and cultures play a huge part in shaping the character of a religion.
2) No religion, especially Islam, dominates the local culture. Religions adapt to cultures.
With that in mind, it was with great interest that I learnt how Sharia law came to be as it is today. The early proponents of Sharia law sought to make Sharia as universal and encompassing as Halaka, the Jewish body of rules and rituals. This was for two reasons:
A) Islam was now spreading into other countries and they were wanted to maintain the integrity of Arab culture.
B) They observed the worldly influence and power of their contemporary Rabbis and as such they wanted the same status and power. To that end they fabricated Hadith and traditions.
This had devastating consequences for Islam. The misogyny inherent within Arab culture perpetuated. The tribalism which Islam sought to eradicate persisted. The early Faqih and Jurists tried very hard to make Arab culture the only culture in which Islam could be practised.
I did have a few issues with Marshall's research. I did not like his statements on the Quran: 'Garbled and patently incoherent' or his characterisation of Bedouin culture as crude. There is a reason for this. Marshall used the Quranic translation of AJ Arberry. Now, Arberry does a reasonabe job of translating the Arabic but anyone reading his notes can clearly see the mind of a Christian clergyman trying to show up the Quran.
A lot of the books which Marshall used for his research were written by Orientalists. Edward Said in his book 'Orientalism' showed clearly that the quality of these books were vitiated by the snobbery and racism of the authors. Their analysis precluded almost as much as it included. Subsequently there are a couple of holes in Marshall's research. When describing Umar II, he mentions that Umar II modelled himself on Umar ibn kittab, but fails to mention the fact that Umar II was the great grandson of Umar ibn kittab.
He also stated that when disputants arrived from Egypt to assassinate Uthman ibn Uffan; there were no bodyguards outside the door of Uthman. Completely untrue.
Marshall's description of the Mutazilittes and Ashariites and Falsafah seemed quite accurate. Reading this section of the book highlighted to me a great tragedy in Islam. The fact that the best and brightest minds of that generation wasted their intellectual gifts in the dry as dust arguments that differentiated the various schools of thought. Immersing themselves in trivia and inane debates.
My personal take on this is that the Mutaziliites sought to advance Islam by trying to make reason a part of their faith. They were opposed by literalist clergy who did not want their power diminished. I find it hard to believe there was any other reason. The clergy were opposed to Muslims reading the Quran for themselves and thinking for themselves.
Sadly, their other opponents, the Falsafah, who believed they alone had access to the mysteries of the Quran by virtue of their knowledge of maths and sciences, were not that much more broad-minded. In my opinion the Falsafah, were abounding in intellectual arrogance and snobbery. They were so enamoured of Aristotle and Plato, that they tried to weave the arguments of Plato and Aristotle into Islam.
I think it would be disconcerting for a lot of Muslims to realise the influence of Aristotle and Plato on Islamic thought, especially in Sufism. Interesting to note that that none of the Falsafah seemed to think the Quran sufficient. It would be equally disconcerting to note that Christian monks had a huge influence on Sufism.
The final part of the book which details the decline of the Abbasid Caliphate was sad to read. In the beginning the Abbasid caliphate were exemplary for their patronage of translators and their willingness to learn from other cultures.
Towards the end, it degenerated into sectarianism and the dissolute living by the Caliphs. Which raises an interesting question.
How could it have turned out better for Islam?
The answer will delight Shias. In Abrahamic religions; the family of the prophet were entrusted to keep the masses on the straight path. The descendants of Haroon, the brother of the Prophet Musa, became priests and guided people. So the precedent was already there for Muslims.
The great tragedy that occurred in Islam was the marginalisation of the family of Holy Prophet (PBUH), the Ahlul-bayt. The sons of Hazrat Ali, guided the early Muslims in matters of Islamic law. Due to the depredations of Muawiyah, this vital link became lost to Muslims. Because of that the message of the Quran became lost amongst the Muslims. The Muslim community needed the Ahlul-Bayt for guidance on how the Quran could be applied
The actions of the Ashariites, Mutazilites, and Philosophers, are a stark reminder of what happens when people turn the Quran to their own desires instead of turning their desires to the Quran. As Hazrat Ali remarked in Nahjul-Balagh.
It should be realised that none of Ashariites, Mutazilites, and Philosophers, were able, in my opinion, to access the meaning of the Quran. Despite the great knowledge of the Philosophers and the sharp debating minds of the Ashariites and Mutazilites.
Their inability to do so caused Islam to stagnate. Because as it says in Surah Waqiah 'None may touch this book except the pure'
In the early years of Islam; there were none purer than the family of the Holy Prophet (PBUH). Had they been there to act as the leaders for Muslims, they would have prevented the excesses of the Sufis and the pointless squabbling of the Ashariites and Mutazilites
And the Muslim world would not be in the sorry state it is in today.
September 16, 2015
I really enjoyed reading this book, written by a Quaker who clearly has an insatiable curiosity about history. Hodgson's project to tell the story of world history was unfortunately cut short by his untimely death, but luckily his colleague helped this book, one of three in a series, come to fruition. So much of what I understood to be the essence of what it means to be muslim was debunked in this book, from the five daily prayers to ramadan to even the idea that muslims believe that the prophet really did have a visit from the angel gabriel.
The essence of what it became to be muslim was the cultural traditions that came to be over time, and namely, those traditions that fostered a sense of community. At the same time, Hodgson connects the rise of Islam with there other monotheistic religions, almost placing it in the humanist tradition, the grand wave of the idea that we as humans are all equal before the eyes of God, which counters the hierarchies they sought to displace.
The essence of what it became to be muslim was the cultural traditions that came to be over time, and namely, those traditions that fostered a sense of community. At the same time, Hodgson connects the rise of Islam with there other monotheistic religions, almost placing it in the humanist tradition, the grand wave of the idea that we as humans are all equal before the eyes of God, which counters the hierarchies they sought to displace.
February 11, 2008
This took some time to get into--the first 100 pages or so consists of a rather drab introduction to Islamic Studies and Arabic. This might be interesting to a newbie in Islamic Studies or Middle Eastern history, but the approach to the topic isn't interesting if you're not interested in an area studies approach to knowledge. Also, the Arabic stuff was pretty much old hat. Also, he spends about 50 pages after that "situating" the new religion of Islam in the world of 600 (or so) AD. For some reason, this was insanely dry, dense and all too "scholarly". The rest of the book reads quite well, although it starts to slow down as Islamic civilization gets more and more complex, since the names of the different groups becomes increasingly hard to keep up with, and he spends time jumping from place to place. So far, the second volume suffers from this as well.
December 15, 2016
One of the most complete books written on Islamic History. Even tough it was written in 1959, and reedited twice (last edit was in 1974 I think) this book still provides incredibly comprehensive information that is infused with philosophical terminologies that fill in the gap with an incredible imagination.
Sadly many contemporary books we see published nowadays cannot even hope to provide such detailed and comprehensive information on Middle East and Islamic teachings. Overall, I'd say that anybody interested in free time reading or serious research must have this book in his shelves! Sadly I haven't read the second and third volume yet since my thesis is focused on 9th century Abbasid Caliphate but they are no doubt up to the task of fulfilling the complete history of Islam.
Sadly many contemporary books we see published nowadays cannot even hope to provide such detailed and comprehensive information on Middle East and Islamic teachings. Overall, I'd say that anybody interested in free time reading or serious research must have this book in his shelves! Sadly I haven't read the second and third volume yet since my thesis is focused on 9th century Abbasid Caliphate but they are no doubt up to the task of fulfilling the complete history of Islam.
June 25, 2009
An excellent introduction to the history of the Islamic world--- not just the Middle East and North Africa, but the Turkic, Indian, and East Indian Islamic areas as well. Hodgson was one of the first English-language historians to take a "global" approach to history, and the three volumes of "The Venture of Islam" try to look at the Islamic world in terms of not just Arabia, but of a complex of cultures and economies. There's a long intro chapter on language and Islam itself that can stand alone as a kind of primer for anyone coming to the topic for the first time. A fine read from an historian who died far too young.
July 29, 2011
A marvelous work that anyone seriously interested in Islamic history should read and retain for reference purposes. It's a bit of a daunting work and the 70-page intro in which the author attempts to completely reshape the English terminology for the field is a bit pedantic. The tone of the work can also get to one at times--Hodgson is out to remake the entire historiography of Islam in the West and makes no bones about this fact. Still, the book remains one of the most enlightening you can find or early Islamic histroy and does a much better job than most of approaching the ideal of a "total" history.
July 20, 2015
This book sets before itself the monumental task of capturing the complexity of the Islamicate civilization. The foundation is built upon which to stare at the remote past,with fresh eyes untainted by the prevalent "westernizing " of history, with caution and understanding of the limits and the misconceptions in approaching civilization studies in general. This is in short an amazing example of how history should be written.
December 27, 2016
Magisterial, exhaustively erudite and a bit dull (especially when he covers Islamic theology and jurisprudence). The introduction, in which MS discusses the challenges of covering so broad a subject without any Orientalist bias, is very informative.
June 21, 2019
Don't be put off by the methodological material which Hodgson intended as appendices but which the editors put in the introduction. It's all no doubt salutary stuff, but it makes the book seem more intimidating than it needs to be once you get into the narrative chapters.
November 10, 2013
Hodgson is the go-to scholar for Islamic History, and his book clearly defines and outlines the rise of Islam in a scholarly yet readable way. If anyone is thinking about it, please, read it!
April 1, 2022
丕賱鬲乇噩賲丞 噩賲賷賱丞 亘爻 丨爻賷鬲 兀賳 丕賱噩夭亍 丕賱兀賵賱 毓丕丿賷
April 25, 2022
鬲乇噩賲丞 賴匕丕 丕賱毓賲賱 賱賴賵丿噩爻賵賳 丨丿孬 孬賯丕賮賷 賮乇賷丿 賲賳 賳賵毓賴貙 賵兀毓噩亘鬲 亘賳丨鬲 丕賱賲賮丕賴賷賲 亘胤乇賷賯丞 噩丿賷丿丞貙 兀賲丕 毓賳 賲囟賲賵賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賮賴賵 賲賳 兀賮囟賱 賲丕 賯乇兀鬲 賲賳 賲賳馗賵乇 睾乇亘賷 毓賳 丕賱廿爻賱丕賲 賵丕賱毓乇亘賷丞貙 賰鬲丕亘 孬乇賷 噩丿賸丕 賵睾夭賷乇.
January 9, 2025
Kendisi dindar bir Hristiyan, Quaker, olan Hodgson, tarih ilminde ortaya koydu臒u tutumla 莽o臒unlukla gayet sek眉ler bir tarih莽i, yeri gelince din olgusunu anlamaya 莽al谋艧an ve derli toplu din felsefesi ortaya koyabilen bir d眉艧眉n眉r. Oryantalist bir 陌slam tarihine, Avrosentrik bir d眉nya tarihine dopdolu bir cevap.
Y眉ksek kavram 眉retme g眉c眉yle kendine yetmeyen hi莽bir kavram谋 konformist 艧ekilde kullanmayan, bir tarih莽inin okunmas谋 zor ama zevkli 3 ciltlik eserinin ilk cildi.
陌slam谋n klasik 莽a臒谋n谋, 陌slam 枚ncesi eksen 莽a臒谋n谋n dinamikleri, k眉lt眉r眉 ve inan莽lar谋yla tarihini ele alarak, Abbasiler鈥檌n 莽枚z眉lmesine kadar inceliyor.
Bu ilk cildi olu艧turan iki kitap, d枚nemleri 莽ok莽a yap谋lan y眉zeysel bir anlay谋艧la kaba siyasi tarihe, devlet-hanedanlara g枚re ay谋rmak yerine Peygamber鈥檇en Mervan鈥檃 kadarki d枚nemle sonras谋n谋 birbirinden ay谋r谋yor. Bir kabileler konfederasyonundan, mutlakiyetin olu艧umuna de臒i艧imleri g枚r眉yoruz. Hilafetin bir mutlak monar艧iye d枚n眉艧me s眉reci ve Mervani profanl谋臒谋n谋n bir sonucu olarak dindarl谋k yanl谋lar谋 diye tan谋mlad谋臒谋 muhalefeti ve 陌slam d眉nyas谋ndaki 艧ekillendirici k眉lt眉rel etkileriyle ele al谋yor. Fikri ve siyasi b枚l眉nmeler, Abbasiler鈥檌n 莽谋k谋艧谋, y眉kseli艧i ve mutlakiyetin da臒谋l谋艧谋. F谋k谋h, kelam, felsefe, tasavvuf, sanat boyutlar谋yla ele al谋nan 鈥樐皊lam谋n klasik 莽a臒谋鈥�, T眉rklerin mevzuya askeri elit olarak dahil olup y枚netimi belirleyen g眉莽 olmas谋yla kapan谋yor. Di臒er k眉lt眉rlerle eklemlenme s眉re莽leri, temel ayr谋l谋k ve tart谋艧malar, etki alanlar谋, 陌slam鈥櫮眓 evrensel kimli臒i鈥� Maceram谋z ikinci ciltle devam edecek. Ama ne zaman bilmem.
Y眉ksek kavram 眉retme g眉c眉yle kendine yetmeyen hi莽bir kavram谋 konformist 艧ekilde kullanmayan, bir tarih莽inin okunmas谋 zor ama zevkli 3 ciltlik eserinin ilk cildi.
陌slam谋n klasik 莽a臒谋n谋, 陌slam 枚ncesi eksen 莽a臒谋n谋n dinamikleri, k眉lt眉r眉 ve inan莽lar谋yla tarihini ele alarak, Abbasiler鈥檌n 莽枚z眉lmesine kadar inceliyor.
Bu ilk cildi olu艧turan iki kitap, d枚nemleri 莽ok莽a yap谋lan y眉zeysel bir anlay谋艧la kaba siyasi tarihe, devlet-hanedanlara g枚re ay谋rmak yerine Peygamber鈥檇en Mervan鈥檃 kadarki d枚nemle sonras谋n谋 birbirinden ay谋r谋yor. Bir kabileler konfederasyonundan, mutlakiyetin olu艧umuna de臒i艧imleri g枚r眉yoruz. Hilafetin bir mutlak monar艧iye d枚n眉艧me s眉reci ve Mervani profanl谋臒谋n谋n bir sonucu olarak dindarl谋k yanl谋lar谋 diye tan谋mlad谋臒谋 muhalefeti ve 陌slam d眉nyas谋ndaki 艧ekillendirici k眉lt眉rel etkileriyle ele al谋yor. Fikri ve siyasi b枚l眉nmeler, Abbasiler鈥檌n 莽谋k谋艧谋, y眉kseli艧i ve mutlakiyetin da臒谋l谋艧谋. F谋k谋h, kelam, felsefe, tasavvuf, sanat boyutlar谋yla ele al谋nan 鈥樐皊lam谋n klasik 莽a臒谋鈥�, T眉rklerin mevzuya askeri elit olarak dahil olup y枚netimi belirleyen g眉莽 olmas谋yla kapan谋yor. Di臒er k眉lt眉rlerle eklemlenme s眉re莽leri, temel ayr谋l谋k ve tart谋艧malar, etki alanlar谋, 陌slam鈥櫮眓 evrensel kimli臒i鈥� Maceram谋z ikinci ciltle devam edecek. Ama ne zaman bilmem.
March 2, 2019
There's an incredible dearth of English-language resources on Islamic history of this time period. Which is why I really appreciated this book. Hodgson is a very thorough and objective historian. The work is very broadly organized chronologically, as it first describes the origins of Islam, then the Umayyad and High Abbasid caliphates. But within the broad chronology, it's very thematic. For example in the last section, there're chapters on philosophy, science, theology, and adab in the High Abbasid period.
The book is an excellent treatment of cultural and social elements of the time. If you're looking for a straightforward description of military/political events, this is not it. I have yet to find a good resource for that.
This book reads more like a textbook than like any sort of narrative, and it's pretty dry at times. It's probably not meant to be read cover to cover the way I decided to do it, and I must admit sometimes it felt like a slog. However, this book is incredibly valuable for what it does. I've purchased a copy (I initially got it from the library), and I'll be rereading chapters out of it for a while.
The book is an excellent treatment of cultural and social elements of the time. If you're looking for a straightforward description of military/political events, this is not it. I have yet to find a good resource for that.
This book reads more like a textbook than like any sort of narrative, and it's pretty dry at times. It's probably not meant to be read cover to cover the way I decided to do it, and I must admit sometimes it felt like a slog. However, this book is incredibly valuable for what it does. I've purchased a copy (I initially got it from the library), and I'll be rereading chapters out of it for a while.
May 8, 2017
The first book in this series was very confounding for me.
The quality of Hodgson's scholarship is first-rate, and in many ways he does a good job of writing history in an interesting, accessible fashion. This is not "light reading" or an easily-digested version for people with only a casual interest in the subject. This is meant as a serious and comprehensive study ... and I love that.
On the other hand ... the author can be pedantic and tedious to a degree that I've rarely experienced in my life. The first 100 pages or so made for some of the most painful reading I've experienced in a long time (and I've read most of John Calvin's works...).
I am continuing to read the other books in this series (and so far, Vol 2 is less pedantic), but I would say that the combination of high-quality scholarship and his particular approach makes this less than a fully accessible work for people new to the subject.
The quality of Hodgson's scholarship is first-rate, and in many ways he does a good job of writing history in an interesting, accessible fashion. This is not "light reading" or an easily-digested version for people with only a casual interest in the subject. This is meant as a serious and comprehensive study ... and I love that.
On the other hand ... the author can be pedantic and tedious to a degree that I've rarely experienced in my life. The first 100 pages or so made for some of the most painful reading I've experienced in a long time (and I've read most of John Calvin's works...).
I am continuing to read the other books in this series (and so far, Vol 2 is less pedantic), but I would say that the combination of high-quality scholarship and his particular approach makes this less than a fully accessible work for people new to the subject.
November 7, 2019
An exhaustive work that adresses multiple areas of the first three centuries of "Muslim history" - most notably politics, culture, religion and especially personnal and societal piety.
The author tackles with those on a single timeline. Although some jumps or returns occur, I felt all those components were coming together well as I read. The book has helped me to understand some features and legacies of Islam. The same can be said of Arabs, who constituted the major focus of author麓s study for a good first half of the book. Especially valuable is then author麓s insight into how the dominant culture in the region of Middle East was formed, what were its pre-Islamic roots and what influences came to it later with further conquests of previouly Byzantine and Sasanian/Persian lands.
I highly recommend the book to anyone either interested in history in general or anyone working to understand the present or recent past of the Muslim (or even just Arab) matters.
The author tackles with those on a single timeline. Although some jumps or returns occur, I felt all those components were coming together well as I read. The book has helped me to understand some features and legacies of Islam. The same can be said of Arabs, who constituted the major focus of author麓s study for a good first half of the book. Especially valuable is then author麓s insight into how the dominant culture in the region of Middle East was formed, what were its pre-Islamic roots and what influences came to it later with further conquests of previouly Byzantine and Sasanian/Persian lands.
I highly recommend the book to anyone either interested in history in general or anyone working to understand the present or recent past of the Muslim (or even just Arab) matters.
June 16, 2022
陌slam鈥櫮眓 do臒du臒u ko艧ullar谋 ve k谋sa s眉rede h谋zla yay谋lmas谋n谋 sa臒layan intrinsik ve ekstrinsik fakt枚rler nelerdi? Beklentim bu sorular谋 yan谋tlayan bir 艧eylerle kar艧谋la艧makt谋, o y枚nden tatmin etti.
陌tikadi ve mezhepsel ayr谋l谋klarda da orijinlerine ve sonradan geli艧melerine bak谋艧 bir yandan tarafs谋z bir yandan da -bu inan莽lar谋 benimsemeyen biri i莽in- taraflar谋n i莽sel motivasyonlar谋n谋 vermede iyiydi. Taraflar谋 hakikaten anlamaya 莽al谋艧t谋臒谋 g枚z眉k眉yor.
Genel 陌slami terimlere ve ki艧ilere hakim olmayan birisi belki okurken zorlanabilir baya, bu ne demekti bu kimdi vs diye, 莽眉nk眉 莽ok fazla terim ve ki艧i var, ama az 莽ok a艧ina olanlar i莽in sorun olu艧turacak seviyede de臒il. Olmayanlar i莽in de sondaki se莽ilmi艧 terimler ve ki艧iler k谋sm谋 莽谋kart谋l谋p okurken yan谋n谋zda tutarak ilerlenebilir.
陌tikadi ve mezhepsel ayr谋l谋klarda da orijinlerine ve sonradan geli艧melerine bak谋艧 bir yandan tarafs谋z bir yandan da -bu inan莽lar谋 benimsemeyen biri i莽in- taraflar谋n i莽sel motivasyonlar谋n谋 vermede iyiydi. Taraflar谋 hakikaten anlamaya 莽al谋艧t谋臒谋 g枚z眉k眉yor.
Genel 陌slami terimlere ve ki艧ilere hakim olmayan birisi belki okurken zorlanabilir baya, bu ne demekti bu kimdi vs diye, 莽眉nk眉 莽ok fazla terim ve ki艧i var, ama az 莽ok a艧ina olanlar i莽in sorun olu艧turacak seviyede de臒il. Olmayanlar i莽in de sondaki se莽ilmi艧 terimler ve ki艧iler k谋sm谋 莽谋kart谋l谋p okurken yan谋n谋zda tutarak ilerlenebilir.
This entire review has been hidden because of spoilers.
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