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賲賯丕賱丕鬲 賮丿乇丕賱蹖爻鬲
賲賯丕賱丕鬲 賮丿乇丕賱蹖爻鬲 (鬲賮爻蹖乇蹖 噩丕賲毓 亘乇 賯丕賳賵賳 丕爻丕爻蹖 丕蹖丕賱丕鬲 賲鬲丨丿賴鈥屰� 丌賲乇蹖讴丕)
芦趩丕乇趩賵亘 丨讴賵賲鬲 丿乇 丌賲乇蹖讴丕 亘丕蹖丿 亘乇 亘賳蹖丕賳 乇囟丕蹖鬲 賲乇丿賲 丕爻鬲賵丕乇 诏乇丿丿. 噩乇蹖丕賳 賯丿乇鬲 賲賱蹖 亘丕蹖丿 丕夭 丕蹖賳 爻乇趩卮賲賴鈥屰� 丕氐蹖賱 賵 丨賯蹖賯蹖 賴乇 丕賯鬲丿丕乇 賲卮乇賵毓 賳卮卅鬲 诏蹖乇丿.禄 賴賲蹖賱鬲賳貙 賮丿乇丕賱蹖爻鬲 鄄郾
芦丕诏乇 丕賳爻丕賳鈥屬囏� 賮乇卮鬲賴 亘賵丿賳丿貙 丨讴賵賲鬲 賱丕夭賲 賳亘賵丿 賵 丕诏乇 亘賳丕 亘賵丿 賮乇卮鬲诏丕賳 亘乇 亘卮乇 丨讴賵賲鬲 讴賳賳丿貙 賱夭賵賲蹖 賳丿丕卮鬲 賴蹖趩 賳馗丕乇鬲蹖 丕夭 丿乇賵賳 蹖丕 亘乇賵賳 亘乇 丨讴賵賲鬲 丕毓賲丕賱 卮賵丿.禄 賲丿蹖爻賳貙 賮丿乇丕賱蹖爻鬲 鄣郾
芦丨丕卅夭 丕賴賲蹖鬲 亘爻蹖丕乇 丕爻鬲 讴賴 丿乇 蹖讴 賳馗丕賲 噩賲賴賵乇蹖 賳賴鈥屫嗁囏� 噩丕賲毓賴 丿乇 亘乇丕亘乇 爻鬲賲诏乇蹖 丨讴賲乇丕賳丕賳 賲丨丕賮馗鬲 卮賵丿貙 亘賱讴賴 賴乇 亘禺卮 丕夭 噩丕賲毓賴 丿乇 亘乇丕亘乇 亘蹖丿丕丿诏乇蹖 亘禺卮 丿蹖诏乇 丌賳 賲氐賵賳 亘賲丕賳丿 賵 丨賯賵賯 丕賮乇丕丿 蹖丕 丨賯賵賯 丕賯賱蹖鬲 丿乇 亘乇丕亘乇 诏乇賵賴鈥屫ㄙ嗀屸€屬囏й� 賲賳賮毓鬲鈥屫堐屫з嗁団€屰� 丕讴孬乇蹖鬲 丨賮馗 卮賵丿.禄 賲丿蹖爻賳貙 賮丿乇丕賱蹖爻鬲 鄣郾
芦禺胤乇 睾氐亘 賯丿乇鬲 鬲賵爻胤 賯賵賴鈥屰� 賲賯賳賳賴 ... 賲蹖鈥屫堌з嗀� 亘丕 鬲噩賲毓 賴賲賴鈥屰� 丕禺鬲蹖丕乇丕鬲 丿乇 蹖讴鈥屫ж� 亘賴 賴賲丕賳 丨讴賵賲鬲 爻鬲賲讴丕乇蹖 亘蹖丕賳噩丕賲丿 讴賴 鬲賴丿蹖丿 睾氐亘 賯丿乇鬲 鬲賵爻胤 賯賵賴鈥屰� 賲噩乇蹖賴 賲賳鬲賴蹖 賲蹖鈥屫促堌�.禄 賲丿蹖爻賳貙 賮丿乇丕賱蹖爻鬲 鄞鄹
芦禺胤乇 丌卮讴丕乇丕 丿乇 噩丕蹖蹖 亘夭乇诏鈥屫� 丕爻鬲 讴賴 ... 賴賲賴鈥屰� 丕毓鬲亘丕乇 賯丕賳賵賳鈥屭柏ж臂� 鬲賳賴丕 亘賴 蹖讴 賳賴丕丿 爻倬乇丿賴 卮賵丿.禄 賲丿蹖爻賳貙 賮丿乇丕賱蹖爻鬲 鄱鄢
芦趩丕乇趩賵亘 丨讴賵賲鬲 丿乇 丌賲乇蹖讴丕 亘丕蹖丿 亘乇 亘賳蹖丕賳 乇囟丕蹖鬲 賲乇丿賲 丕爻鬲賵丕乇 诏乇丿丿. 噩乇蹖丕賳 賯丿乇鬲 賲賱蹖 亘丕蹖丿 丕夭 丕蹖賳 爻乇趩卮賲賴鈥屰� 丕氐蹖賱 賵 丨賯蹖賯蹖 賴乇 丕賯鬲丿丕乇 賲卮乇賵毓 賳卮卅鬲 诏蹖乇丿.禄 賴賲蹖賱鬲賳貙 賮丿乇丕賱蹖爻鬲 鄄郾
芦丕诏乇 丕賳爻丕賳鈥屬囏� 賮乇卮鬲賴 亘賵丿賳丿貙 丨讴賵賲鬲 賱丕夭賲 賳亘賵丿 賵 丕诏乇 亘賳丕 亘賵丿 賮乇卮鬲诏丕賳 亘乇 亘卮乇 丨讴賵賲鬲 讴賳賳丿貙 賱夭賵賲蹖 賳丿丕卮鬲 賴蹖趩 賳馗丕乇鬲蹖 丕夭 丿乇賵賳 蹖丕 亘乇賵賳 亘乇 丨讴賵賲鬲 丕毓賲丕賱 卮賵丿.禄 賲丿蹖爻賳貙 賮丿乇丕賱蹖爻鬲 鄣郾
芦丨丕卅夭 丕賴賲蹖鬲 亘爻蹖丕乇 丕爻鬲 讴賴 丿乇 蹖讴 賳馗丕賲 噩賲賴賵乇蹖 賳賴鈥屫嗁囏� 噩丕賲毓賴 丿乇 亘乇丕亘乇 爻鬲賲诏乇蹖 丨讴賲乇丕賳丕賳 賲丨丕賮馗鬲 卮賵丿貙 亘賱讴賴 賴乇 亘禺卮 丕夭 噩丕賲毓賴 丿乇 亘乇丕亘乇 亘蹖丿丕丿诏乇蹖 亘禺卮 丿蹖诏乇 丌賳 賲氐賵賳 亘賲丕賳丿 賵 丨賯賵賯 丕賮乇丕丿 蹖丕 丨賯賵賯 丕賯賱蹖鬲 丿乇 亘乇丕亘乇 诏乇賵賴鈥屫ㄙ嗀屸€屬囏й� 賲賳賮毓鬲鈥屫堐屫з嗁団€屰� 丕讴孬乇蹖鬲 丨賮馗 卮賵丿.禄 賲丿蹖爻賳貙 賮丿乇丕賱蹖爻鬲 鄣郾
芦禺胤乇 睾氐亘 賯丿乇鬲 鬲賵爻胤 賯賵賴鈥屰� 賲賯賳賳賴 ... 賲蹖鈥屫堌з嗀� 亘丕 鬲噩賲毓 賴賲賴鈥屰� 丕禺鬲蹖丕乇丕鬲 丿乇 蹖讴鈥屫ж� 亘賴 賴賲丕賳 丨讴賵賲鬲 爻鬲賲讴丕乇蹖 亘蹖丕賳噩丕賲丿 讴賴 鬲賴丿蹖丿 睾氐亘 賯丿乇鬲 鬲賵爻胤 賯賵賴鈥屰� 賲噩乇蹖賴 賲賳鬲賴蹖 賲蹖鈥屫促堌�.禄 賲丿蹖爻賳貙 賮丿乇丕賱蹖爻鬲 鄞鄹
芦禺胤乇 丌卮讴丕乇丕 丿乇 噩丕蹖蹖 亘夭乇诏鈥屫� 丕爻鬲 讴賴 ... 賴賲賴鈥屰� 丕毓鬲亘丕乇 賯丕賳賵賳鈥屭柏ж臂� 鬲賳賴丕 亘賴 蹖讴 賳賴丕丿 爻倬乇丿賴 卮賵丿.禄 賲丿蹖爻賳貙 賮丿乇丕賱蹖爻鬲 鄱鄢
766 pages, Paperback
First published May 1, 1788
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About the author
Alexander Hamilton
933听books870听followersLibrarian Note: There is more than one author in the GoodReads database with this name.
American politician Alexander Hamilton, the first secretary of the treasury of United States from 1789 to 1795, established the national bank and public credit system; a duel with Aaron Burr, his rival, mortally wounded him.
One of the Founding Fathers, this economist and philosopher led calls for the convention at Philadelphia and as first Constitutional lawyer co-wrote the Federalist Papers , a primary source for Constitutional interpretation.
During the Revolutionary War, he, born in the West Indies but educated in the north, joined the militia, which chose him artillery captain. Hamilton, senior aide-de-camp and confidant to George Washington, general, led three battalions at the siege of Yorktown. People elected him to the Continental congress, but he resigned to practice law and to found in New York. He served in the legislature of New York and later returned to Congress; at the convention in Philadelphia, only he signed the Constitution for New York. Under Washington, then president, he influenced formative government policy widely. Hamilton, an admirer of British, emphasized strong central government and implied powers, under which the new Congress funded and assumed the debts and created an import tariff and whiskey tax.
A coalition, the formative Federalist Party, arose around Hamilton, and another coalition, the formative Democratic-Republican Party, arose around Thomas Jefferson and James Madison before 1792; these coalitions differed strongly over domestic fiscal goals and Hamiltonian foreign policy of extensive trade and friendly relations with Britain. Exposed in an affair with Maria Reynolds, Hamilton resigned to return to Constitutional law and advocacy of strong federalism. In 1798, the quasi-war with France led him to argue for an army, which he organized and commanded de facto.
Opposition of Hamilton to John Adams, fellow Federalist, contributed to the success of Thomas Jefferson, a Democratic-Republican, in the uniquely deadlocked election of 1800. With defeat of his party, his industrializing ideas lost their former prominence. In 1801, Hamilton founded the Federalist broadsheet New-York Evening Post, now known as the New York Post. His intensity with the vice-president eventually resulted in his death.
After the war of 1812, Madison, Albert Gallatin, and other former opponents of the late Hamilton revived some of his federalizing programs, such as infrastructure, tariffs, and a standing Army and Navy. His Federalist and business-oriented economic visions for the country continue to influence party platforms to this day.
American politician Alexander Hamilton, the first secretary of the treasury of United States from 1789 to 1795, established the national bank and public credit system; a duel with Aaron Burr, his rival, mortally wounded him.
One of the Founding Fathers, this economist and philosopher led calls for the convention at Philadelphia and as first Constitutional lawyer co-wrote the Federalist Papers , a primary source for Constitutional interpretation.
During the Revolutionary War, he, born in the West Indies but educated in the north, joined the militia, which chose him artillery captain. Hamilton, senior aide-de-camp and confidant to George Washington, general, led three battalions at the siege of Yorktown. People elected him to the Continental congress, but he resigned to practice law and to found in New York. He served in the legislature of New York and later returned to Congress; at the convention in Philadelphia, only he signed the Constitution for New York. Under Washington, then president, he influenced formative government policy widely. Hamilton, an admirer of British, emphasized strong central government and implied powers, under which the new Congress funded and assumed the debts and created an import tariff and whiskey tax.
A coalition, the formative Federalist Party, arose around Hamilton, and another coalition, the formative Democratic-Republican Party, arose around Thomas Jefferson and James Madison before 1792; these coalitions differed strongly over domestic fiscal goals and Hamiltonian foreign policy of extensive trade and friendly relations with Britain. Exposed in an affair with Maria Reynolds, Hamilton resigned to return to Constitutional law and advocacy of strong federalism. In 1798, the quasi-war with France led him to argue for an army, which he organized and commanded de facto.
Opposition of Hamilton to John Adams, fellow Federalist, contributed to the success of Thomas Jefferson, a Democratic-Republican, in the uniquely deadlocked election of 1800. With defeat of his party, his industrializing ideas lost their former prominence. In 1801, Hamilton founded the Federalist broadsheet New-York Evening Post, now known as the New York Post. His intensity with the vice-president eventually resulted in his death.
After the war of 1812, Madison, Albert Gallatin, and other former opponents of the late Hamilton revived some of his federalizing programs, such as infrastructure, tariffs, and a standing Army and Navy. His Federalist and business-oriented economic visions for the country continue to influence party platforms to this day.
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June 10, 2007
Read the Federalist Papers. Then, just for kicks, switch on Hannity & Colmes, or Crossfire, or read USA Today... and then ask yourself, WHAT THE FUCKING CHRIST HAPPENED TO THIS COUNTRY? Then crawl into a corner and whimper for eight hours straight. (That's what I did.)
February 28, 2011
Praise God I'm an American. One should not be able to graduate public high schools without mastery of Basic Economics & The Federalist Papers.
March 8, 2012
With all the talk in political discourse these days about "what the US Founding Fathers intended", I felt it was time to go straight to the source. If you've ever had similar thoughts, this is the place to start. This work is long - around 22 hours of Librivox audio - and written in archaic, ornate English. But anyone reading it will be immediately impressed by its scholarship and depth. It also gives a clear picture of what said Founding Fathers were up against - unbridled, often unprincipled, and outright rude opposition to pretty much every last bit of the Constitution at every turn. This series of essays was painstakingly written to try and convince the country that, while the new Constitution was not and could not be perfect, it was urgently needed to get the Union government functional, and that it was perhaps the best that could be done, given an imperfect world and us imperfect humans. The writers of the new Constitution were clearly trying their utmost to create a government and society as fair, conflict-free and well-functioning as they could manage. Interesting how slaves were reluctantly counted, in a compromise with the South, as having 3/5 the personhood of a free-born man. Really, every American, and anybody interested in how power, justice, and societies work, should read this carefully. It's left me a little tired, but happy and satisfied.
February 23, 2025
The Federalist Papers are a collection of 85 essays authored by Alexander Hamilton (51), James Madison (29), and John Jay (5). They were written over six months and published under the alias of Publius in various New York newspapers. The authors' raison d'etre was to convince New York citizens to ratify the United States Constitution that had been drafted in 1787. The former Articles of Confederation had proved ineffective, particularly in areas concerning self-defence, taxation, and commerce. With the rise of American global hegemony, the Federalist Papers have become some of the most influential works of political science in modern times.
This book is quite long, and, in parts, repetitive. This is not the authors' fault, as the essays were not originally conceived as a cohesive book. Consequently, for those with limited time, I recommend selective reading. Essays of note include Federalist 10 about the role of factions within the republic; Federalist 32 on taxation powers; Federalist 39 respecting the benefits of the new nation; Federalist 42 on the scope of federal power; Federalist 51 regarding the checks and balances of the federalist system; Federalist 68 about the election of the president; and Federalist 78 regarding the independence of the federal judiciary.
Greco-Roman history is referenced throughout. In Federalist 9, for instance, Hamilton posited his dread at ancient republics' oscillation between tyranny and anarchy. Liberty intermittently flourished but was dismissed by 'tempestuous waves of sedition and party rage'. Only a firm union comprised of virtuous republican citizens can ensure peace and liberty. The present Republican Party led by Donald Trump is not philosophically republican. He incites rage and sedition--January 6th--and routinely calls for his opponents' imprisonment. Only constitutional checks and balances, rooted in ancient principles, are preventing his dictatorial ambitions.
This book is quite long, and, in parts, repetitive. This is not the authors' fault, as the essays were not originally conceived as a cohesive book. Consequently, for those with limited time, I recommend selective reading. Essays of note include Federalist 10 about the role of factions within the republic; Federalist 32 on taxation powers; Federalist 39 respecting the benefits of the new nation; Federalist 42 on the scope of federal power; Federalist 51 regarding the checks and balances of the federalist system; Federalist 68 about the election of the president; and Federalist 78 regarding the independence of the federal judiciary.
Greco-Roman history is referenced throughout. In Federalist 9, for instance, Hamilton posited his dread at ancient republics' oscillation between tyranny and anarchy. Liberty intermittently flourished but was dismissed by 'tempestuous waves of sedition and party rage'. Only a firm union comprised of virtuous republican citizens can ensure peace and liberty. The present Republican Party led by Donald Trump is not philosophically republican. He incites rage and sedition--January 6th--and routinely calls for his opponents' imprisonment. Only constitutional checks and balances, rooted in ancient principles, are preventing his dictatorial ambitions.
June 5, 2015
Why has government been instituted at all? Because the passions of men will not conform to the dictates of reason and justice without restraint.
Like any educated American who hasn鈥檛 already read this book, this classic has long been on my reading list. Nevertheless, even amongst us haughty literati, I suspect that this book is a Mark Twain kind of classic鈥攐ne that we wish to have read, but don鈥檛 look forward to actually reading. It certainly was that way for me. Philistine that I am, the idea of leafing through 500 pages of articles by this country鈥檚 founding fathers did not exactly give me goosebumps.
I鈥檓 afraid that my fears were partially borne out by this book. It was not terribly pleasant. And if I am to be honest, I must shamefacedly admit that I often found these articles dreadfully dull. One obstacle to my reading pleasure simply came from the style of writing. These pieces were written in great haste, over the span of a year, by harried men who were not professional thinkers or writers. As a result, this book can often feel a bit haphazard and disorganized. Several papers seem as though they were dashed off between breakfast and lunch; the arguments tumble forward in a torrential outpouring of frenetic scribbling. The prose, too, was often cramped, bloated, and opaque:
The circumstances of the body authorized to make the permanent appointments would, of course, have governed the modification of a power which related to the temporary appointments; and as the national Senate is the body whose situation is alone contemplated in the clause upon which the suggestion under examination has been founded, the vacancies to which it alludes can only be deemed to respect those officers in whose appointment that body has a concurrent agency with the President.
Another disappointment was simply the method of argumentation. The words 鈥減robably鈥� and 鈥渓ikely鈥� do a great deal of work in these papers. The authors are constantly making light of certain possibilities and boldly predicting others. This rhetorical device is seldom convincing. Who knows what the future will bring? A related technique is to use what Dawkins calls the 鈥渁rgument from personal incredulity.鈥� This is when an author says things like 鈥淚t is impossible for me to believe,鈥� or 鈥淚 cannot even imagine this to be so,鈥� and the like. Again, the author is using the seeming likelihood of a certain outcome as an argument; but unfortunately for us reality doesn't care what we find easy to believe, or what we think likely to happen.
So because the arguments employed were not based on either philosophical principles or empirical data, I was often left cold. In fact, I was frequently reminded of a criticism Bertrand Russell made of St. Thomas Aquinas. Russell did not consider Aquinas to be a great philosopher because Aquinas began with his conclusions, which he got from Aristotle and the Bible, instead of following his logic wherever it led. Similarly, the authors of these papers started with their conclusion鈥攖hat we should ratify the Constitution鈥攁nd then grasped for arguments, like a lawyer defending his client. Of course, that鈥檚 the nature of propaganda; but it isn鈥檛 very intellectually stimulating.
Aside from the writing and the rhetoric, a third barrier to a pleasant reading experience for me was simply the subject-matter. Many of these essays get into the nitty-gritty of the proposed administration. It often felt as if I were reading a proposal to reorganize a department at work rather than a book of political philosophy. I鈥檓 sure if I wasn鈥檛 such a troglodyte I would have gotten more out of these managerial niceties; but as I am still thoroughly lodged under a rock, I frequently found it impossible to focus. My eyes would get blurry; my brain would turn off; and I would read several pages on autopilot before realizing that I wasn鈥檛 absorbing a thing.
Alright, so I鈥檝e discussed all the negatives. But despite all I鈥檝e said, I still think this book is well worth reading. Madison鈥檚 essays, in particular, were for me the real highlight, even though they only comprised about a third of this book. Compared with Hamilton, Madison is much more of a theorist. His famous Federalist No. 10 is as deep as anything in Montesquieu, Marx, Machiavelli, or any other political philosopher whose name starts with an M. What鈥檚 more, he struck me as more widely learned, often making reference to ancient history as illustrations. And to be fair, the indefatigable Hamilton, though often tiresome, is not without his moments of greatness. He at least possesses the merit of being diligent and thorough.
Yet the real treat, I鈥檇 argue, is not reading the articles themselves, but reading the Constitution afterwards. By the time you get to the very end of The Federalist Papers, and turn to that slim founding document in the very back, you will have spent a dozen or more hours interpreting, defending, and exploring these 10 humble pages, tucked away like an appendix. Every sentence in the Constitution has been explained, clarified, and justified with excruciating care. And as a result, it was as if I was reading it for the first time鈥攚hich is worth some literary boredom and headache, if you ask me.
November 16, 2024
Federalism in America is not an easy thing. It's complicated. The various British governments that founded thirteen North American colonies over a 125-year time span had no intention of eventually molding those colonies into an independent republic. The colonies differed in size, in population, and in culture; and when they eventually did become a new nation, the Articles of Confederation that first constituted their government proved inadequate to the task. A convention at Philadelphia, in the summer of 1787, assigned itself the task of writing a new and stronger Constitution for the United States of America; and when the state of New York in particular reacted coolly to the proposed Constitution, three great Americans set out to persuade New Yorkers that this new Constitution was something that New Yorkers and all Americans needed.
Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, writing under the pseudonym 鈥淭he Federalist,鈥� published 77 essays in three New York newspapers between October 1787 and April 1788. And New York did eventually ratify the Constitution, although late (11th out of 13) and narrowly (by a 30-27 vote). Beyond those immediate historical circumstances, however, The Federalist Papers, as published here in book form by Yale University Press with eight additional essays, provide an essential look at constitutional government itself.
As Hamilton, Madison, and Jay review the different constitutional arrangements attempted by various nation-states throughout history and around the world, they find many of said arrangements wanting. The three are all arguing energetically for the abandonment of the old Articles of Confederation, and for their replacement by a new Constitution that will give the central government the power it needs to run a modern nation safely and effectively. One senses in Madison鈥檚 and Hamilton鈥檚 words approval of a central government strong enough to exceed at times the strict limits of its constitutional authority, if doing so will preserve the health of the nation and the security of its people.
Hamilton, Madison, and Jay were acutely aware of the core argument that would be advanced by opponents of the new Constitution: that the 1787 convention at Philadelphia had been charged only with revising the Articles of Confederation 鈥� not with throwing them out altogether and setting up an entirely new system of government for the United States of America. It is for this reason that the three offer strong counterarguments against such thinking, as when Madison in The Federalist No. 40 on January 18, 1788, asks stubborn supporters of the Articles to consider the following question: 鈥淟et them declare, whether it was of most importance to the happiness of the people of America, that the articles of Confederation should be disregarded, and an adequate government be provided, and the Union preserved; or that an adequate government should be omitted, and the articles of Confederation preserved鈥� (p. 200). In this installment of The Federalist (its subject: 鈥淭he Powers of the Convention to Form a Mixed Government Examined and Sustained鈥�), the three Federalists make clear their sense of the urgency of the present situation, and their sense that the new Constitution is the only true guarantor of peace and stability for the young U.S.A.
The governments of the thirteen states were acutely jealous of their own rights, and suspicious of any attempt to strengthen federal power at their own expense; and one can see Hamilton in particular deploying all of his brilliance as a rhetor to overcome such arguments. Indeed, any first-time reader of The Federalist Papers is likely to see quickly the extent to which it is truly Hamilton's book; the song "Non-Stop" from the hit musical Hamilton points out that, even though the work of writing the essays was supposed to be "divided evenly among the three men", what happened in fact was that "John Jay got sick after writing five/James Madison wrote 29/Hamilton wrote the other 51". Non-stop indeed.
In The Federalist No. 59 of February 22, 1788 (鈥淐oncerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members鈥�), Hamilton deploys that vast energy of his in addressing objections to the provision in Article I, clause 1, section 4, that the federal Congress may make or alter the regulations that the states set up for the holding of elections for U.S. senators and representatives. With a bit of the fiery impatience that was so much a part of his character, Hamilton states that the propriety of this constitutional provision 鈥渞ests upon the evidence of this plain proposition, that every government ought to contain in itself the means of its own preservation鈥� (p. 300; emphasis in original). Hamilton has no intention of sitting idly by while power-hungry state governments starve the federal government into annihilation: 鈥淣othing can be more evident, than that an exclusive power of regulating elections for the national government, in the hands of the State legislatures, would leave the existence of the Union entirely at their mercy. They could at any moment annihilate it, by neglecting to provide for the choice of persons to administer its affairs鈥� (p. 301). Clearly, none of that is going to happen on Alexander Hamilton鈥檚 watch, if Hamilton has anything to do with it.
Hamilton in particular brings that same forcefulness of argument to such subjects as the independence of the federal judiciary. In The Federalist No. 79 of June 18, 1788, he writes that 鈥淚n the general course of human nature, a power over a man鈥檚 subsistence amounts to a power over his will. And we can never hope to see realized in practice, the complete separation of the judicial from the legislative power, in any system which leaves the former dependent for pecuniary resources on the occasional grants of the latter鈥� (p. 398; emphasis in original). Always, the three Federalists keep in mind potential abuses of the system, and argue that the new Constitution is set up so carefully, so meticulously, that no such abuse is possible.
Modern readers may take issue with some elements of this classic defense of and apologia for the United States Constitution. The original Constitution, for example, did not contain a Bill of Rights. Hamilton argues in The Federalist No. 84, published in three installments in July and August of 1788, that 鈥渂ills of rights鈥re not only unnecessary in the proposed Constitution, but would even be dangerous鈥� (p. 433), and even claims that 鈥渢he Constitution is itself, in every rational sense, and to every useful purpose, A BILL OF RIGHTS鈥� (p. 435; emphasis in original). But not everyone went along with Hamilton鈥檚 argument. George Mason of Virginia was among those who felt that a constitution without a bill of rights went too far in giving the government power; and as we all know, the Bill of Rights did eventually become a part of the Constitution.
Similarly, when Hamilton in The Federalist No. 70 (March 15, 1788) defends the establishment of an energetic executive branch, on grounds that 鈥渁 feeble Executive implies a feeble execution of the government鈥� (p. 354), it is interesting to wonder what Hamilton and the other authors of The Federalist might think regarding the way in which presidential power has grown since the end of the Second World War. In the nuclear age, a president might have only 30 minutes in which to decide whether or not to launch atomic weapons of terrible destructive power; there is no time in which to convene 535 members of Congress and ask for a formal declaration of war, and the president鈥檚 staff always carries the well-known 鈥渇ootball鈥� of nuclear codes, ready at a moment鈥檚 notice. Under those circumstances, wars initiated by presidential action rather than declared by Congress have become a new normal 鈥� something that might well trouble Hamilton, Madison, and Jay.
Still, The Federalist Papers hold great power as a defense of American constitutional government. This Yale University Press edition of The Federalist Papers includes a helpful introduction by Ian Shapiro and three scholarly essays by various scholars discussing the Constitution鈥檚 long-term and worldwide impact, as well as the complete texts of the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution with its amendments. It is like having a complete seminar in constitutional theory, all within the limits of a 579-page book.
Whether one鈥檚 own political sympathies would tend to be Federalist or Anti-Federalist, every reader with an interest in the question of how to reconcile government power with the rights of the citizen 鈥� and certainly every American 鈥� should read The Federalist Papers.
Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, writing under the pseudonym 鈥淭he Federalist,鈥� published 77 essays in three New York newspapers between October 1787 and April 1788. And New York did eventually ratify the Constitution, although late (11th out of 13) and narrowly (by a 30-27 vote). Beyond those immediate historical circumstances, however, The Federalist Papers, as published here in book form by Yale University Press with eight additional essays, provide an essential look at constitutional government itself.
As Hamilton, Madison, and Jay review the different constitutional arrangements attempted by various nation-states throughout history and around the world, they find many of said arrangements wanting. The three are all arguing energetically for the abandonment of the old Articles of Confederation, and for their replacement by a new Constitution that will give the central government the power it needs to run a modern nation safely and effectively. One senses in Madison鈥檚 and Hamilton鈥檚 words approval of a central government strong enough to exceed at times the strict limits of its constitutional authority, if doing so will preserve the health of the nation and the security of its people.
Hamilton, Madison, and Jay were acutely aware of the core argument that would be advanced by opponents of the new Constitution: that the 1787 convention at Philadelphia had been charged only with revising the Articles of Confederation 鈥� not with throwing them out altogether and setting up an entirely new system of government for the United States of America. It is for this reason that the three offer strong counterarguments against such thinking, as when Madison in The Federalist No. 40 on January 18, 1788, asks stubborn supporters of the Articles to consider the following question: 鈥淟et them declare, whether it was of most importance to the happiness of the people of America, that the articles of Confederation should be disregarded, and an adequate government be provided, and the Union preserved; or that an adequate government should be omitted, and the articles of Confederation preserved鈥� (p. 200). In this installment of The Federalist (its subject: 鈥淭he Powers of the Convention to Form a Mixed Government Examined and Sustained鈥�), the three Federalists make clear their sense of the urgency of the present situation, and their sense that the new Constitution is the only true guarantor of peace and stability for the young U.S.A.
The governments of the thirteen states were acutely jealous of their own rights, and suspicious of any attempt to strengthen federal power at their own expense; and one can see Hamilton in particular deploying all of his brilliance as a rhetor to overcome such arguments. Indeed, any first-time reader of The Federalist Papers is likely to see quickly the extent to which it is truly Hamilton's book; the song "Non-Stop" from the hit musical Hamilton points out that, even though the work of writing the essays was supposed to be "divided evenly among the three men", what happened in fact was that "John Jay got sick after writing five/James Madison wrote 29/Hamilton wrote the other 51". Non-stop indeed.
In The Federalist No. 59 of February 22, 1788 (鈥淐oncerning the Power of Congress to Regulate the Election of Members鈥�), Hamilton deploys that vast energy of his in addressing objections to the provision in Article I, clause 1, section 4, that the federal Congress may make or alter the regulations that the states set up for the holding of elections for U.S. senators and representatives. With a bit of the fiery impatience that was so much a part of his character, Hamilton states that the propriety of this constitutional provision 鈥渞ests upon the evidence of this plain proposition, that every government ought to contain in itself the means of its own preservation鈥� (p. 300; emphasis in original). Hamilton has no intention of sitting idly by while power-hungry state governments starve the federal government into annihilation: 鈥淣othing can be more evident, than that an exclusive power of regulating elections for the national government, in the hands of the State legislatures, would leave the existence of the Union entirely at their mercy. They could at any moment annihilate it, by neglecting to provide for the choice of persons to administer its affairs鈥� (p. 301). Clearly, none of that is going to happen on Alexander Hamilton鈥檚 watch, if Hamilton has anything to do with it.
Hamilton in particular brings that same forcefulness of argument to such subjects as the independence of the federal judiciary. In The Federalist No. 79 of June 18, 1788, he writes that 鈥淚n the general course of human nature, a power over a man鈥檚 subsistence amounts to a power over his will. And we can never hope to see realized in practice, the complete separation of the judicial from the legislative power, in any system which leaves the former dependent for pecuniary resources on the occasional grants of the latter鈥� (p. 398; emphasis in original). Always, the three Federalists keep in mind potential abuses of the system, and argue that the new Constitution is set up so carefully, so meticulously, that no such abuse is possible.
Modern readers may take issue with some elements of this classic defense of and apologia for the United States Constitution. The original Constitution, for example, did not contain a Bill of Rights. Hamilton argues in The Federalist No. 84, published in three installments in July and August of 1788, that 鈥渂ills of rights鈥re not only unnecessary in the proposed Constitution, but would even be dangerous鈥� (p. 433), and even claims that 鈥渢he Constitution is itself, in every rational sense, and to every useful purpose, A BILL OF RIGHTS鈥� (p. 435; emphasis in original). But not everyone went along with Hamilton鈥檚 argument. George Mason of Virginia was among those who felt that a constitution without a bill of rights went too far in giving the government power; and as we all know, the Bill of Rights did eventually become a part of the Constitution.
Similarly, when Hamilton in The Federalist No. 70 (March 15, 1788) defends the establishment of an energetic executive branch, on grounds that 鈥渁 feeble Executive implies a feeble execution of the government鈥� (p. 354), it is interesting to wonder what Hamilton and the other authors of The Federalist might think regarding the way in which presidential power has grown since the end of the Second World War. In the nuclear age, a president might have only 30 minutes in which to decide whether or not to launch atomic weapons of terrible destructive power; there is no time in which to convene 535 members of Congress and ask for a formal declaration of war, and the president鈥檚 staff always carries the well-known 鈥渇ootball鈥� of nuclear codes, ready at a moment鈥檚 notice. Under those circumstances, wars initiated by presidential action rather than declared by Congress have become a new normal 鈥� something that might well trouble Hamilton, Madison, and Jay.
Still, The Federalist Papers hold great power as a defense of American constitutional government. This Yale University Press edition of The Federalist Papers includes a helpful introduction by Ian Shapiro and three scholarly essays by various scholars discussing the Constitution鈥檚 long-term and worldwide impact, as well as the complete texts of the Articles of Confederation and the Constitution with its amendments. It is like having a complete seminar in constitutional theory, all within the limits of a 579-page book.
Whether one鈥檚 own political sympathies would tend to be Federalist or Anti-Federalist, every reader with an interest in the question of how to reconcile government power with the rights of the citizen 鈥� and certainly every American 鈥� should read The Federalist Papers.
August 31, 2007
First, I'm going to begin with a bitch.
THIS "BOOK" WAS NOT WRITTEN BY ALEXANDER HAMILTON. IT IS NOT A BOOK. IT IS A COMPILATION OF SEVERAL ESSAYS WRITTEN UNDER THE PSEUDONYM "PUBLIUS" AND THE AUTHOR(S) WERE ANONYMOUS FOR A LONG TIME.
The true authorship of these was only known several years after the fact. And took several decades after the authors had been determined to finalize exactly who wrote what.
Furthermore, virtually ever copy includes at least a copy of the Bill of Rights, Declaration of Independence, and (if you're very lucky) The Articles of confederation.
None of the US foundational documents were conceivably written by Alexander Hamilton. However, he did write the vast majority of the Federalist Papers.
There are hundreds of printings of this work. The copy I read well over 200 times (well, the first 30 of the federalists or so, anyway) was a deep red mass market paperback. I can't remember the publisher. There was a publisher that made all its mass market "classic" paperbacks in deep red for awhile. It had the lovely disintegrating acidic paper, and the binding was just starting to fall apart as I slugged the bottle of champagne and vowed to not read the work again until I was 30.
Anyway, this is an incredible book if you're willing to read it well. That means at least one week for one paper. I'm not kidding. It benefits very much from close reading.
All the hype is true, but reading it poorly makes it sound like pithy bullshit. Follow the terminology in the paper, and put together the relationships between all terms. Anyway, read it.
THIS "BOOK" WAS NOT WRITTEN BY ALEXANDER HAMILTON. IT IS NOT A BOOK. IT IS A COMPILATION OF SEVERAL ESSAYS WRITTEN UNDER THE PSEUDONYM "PUBLIUS" AND THE AUTHOR(S) WERE ANONYMOUS FOR A LONG TIME.
The true authorship of these was only known several years after the fact. And took several decades after the authors had been determined to finalize exactly who wrote what.
Furthermore, virtually ever copy includes at least a copy of the Bill of Rights, Declaration of Independence, and (if you're very lucky) The Articles of confederation.
None of the US foundational documents were conceivably written by Alexander Hamilton. However, he did write the vast majority of the Federalist Papers.
There are hundreds of printings of this work. The copy I read well over 200 times (well, the first 30 of the federalists or so, anyway) was a deep red mass market paperback. I can't remember the publisher. There was a publisher that made all its mass market "classic" paperbacks in deep red for awhile. It had the lovely disintegrating acidic paper, and the binding was just starting to fall apart as I slugged the bottle of champagne and vowed to not read the work again until I was 30.
Anyway, this is an incredible book if you're willing to read it well. That means at least one week for one paper. I'm not kidding. It benefits very much from close reading.
All the hype is true, but reading it poorly makes it sound like pithy bullshit. Follow the terminology in the paper, and put together the relationships between all terms. Anyway, read it.
January 27, 2019
First and foremost let me just say, God Bless These United States of America.
Significance of this book is beyond a 5. Enjoyability is below a 3. Hence I鈥檒l meet in the middle and give it a 4.
If your going into reading this thinking it鈥檚 going to be awesome, you鈥檙e wrong. It鈥檚 a full time job and it鈥檚 extraordinarily difficult, however difficult it may be it is essential reading. These men were brilliant and I am incredibly thankful they existed at the Time they did to allow us the future we live in. The fact that all these men existed in this place at the same time to create such an all star team is nothing short of divine providence.
I agree with so much of the reviews I鈥檝e seen here on 欧宝娱乐 on TFP, it should be mandatory education from 1-8 and all thru high school. The youth would benefit tremendously to know how much blood, sweat, and tears was poured into creating the nation we all so thoroughly enjoy today. Not only should this education be taught in school but the foundation of this education should be laid at home to our children long before they arrive.
As difficult as this book was to read, and so utterly boring most of the time I absolutely loved it and I highly encourage anyone thinking about reading it do so with earnest expedience.
鈥淎ccumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary in the same hands 鈥� may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny.鈥� (Madison, #47)
鈥淚f men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.鈥� (Madison, #51)
鈥淲hatever fine declarations may be inserted in any constitution respecting it, must altogether depend on public opinion, and on the general spirit of the people and of the government.鈥� (Hamilton, # 84)
Significance of this book is beyond a 5. Enjoyability is below a 3. Hence I鈥檒l meet in the middle and give it a 4.
If your going into reading this thinking it鈥檚 going to be awesome, you鈥檙e wrong. It鈥檚 a full time job and it鈥檚 extraordinarily difficult, however difficult it may be it is essential reading. These men were brilliant and I am incredibly thankful they existed at the Time they did to allow us the future we live in. The fact that all these men existed in this place at the same time to create such an all star team is nothing short of divine providence.
I agree with so much of the reviews I鈥檝e seen here on 欧宝娱乐 on TFP, it should be mandatory education from 1-8 and all thru high school. The youth would benefit tremendously to know how much blood, sweat, and tears was poured into creating the nation we all so thoroughly enjoy today. Not only should this education be taught in school but the foundation of this education should be laid at home to our children long before they arrive.
As difficult as this book was to read, and so utterly boring most of the time I absolutely loved it and I highly encourage anyone thinking about reading it do so with earnest expedience.
鈥淎ccumulation of all powers, legislative, executive, and judiciary in the same hands 鈥� may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny.鈥� (Madison, #47)
鈥淚f men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.鈥� (Madison, #51)
鈥淲hatever fine declarations may be inserted in any constitution respecting it, must altogether depend on public opinion, and on the general spirit of the people and of the government.鈥� (Hamilton, # 84)
August 17, 2009
Wow...This book has completely transformed my views and understanding of our government. The US constitution make so much more sense now that I have read its defense. It's also interesting to read some of the outlandish arguments that were propagated against this ingenious document. Not much has changed in American politics over the centuries. Our media, pundits, and politicians still banter in much the same way today as they did back in the 1780's.
I will admit that this book challenged me. The arguments were hard to comprehend at times and I really had to bear down in order to gain some understanding. I also spent roughly one quarter of my reading time looking up words in the dictionary. Makes me regret the time I spent in front of the television or video games instead of sharpening my mind. Keep in mind that the Federalist Papers were originally published as a series of essays in a New York newspaper. In comparison, I believe that much of today's news has been watered down for a society that has little patience for a real, thorough debate of substantial issues.
I will admit that this book challenged me. The arguments were hard to comprehend at times and I really had to bear down in order to gain some understanding. I also spent roughly one quarter of my reading time looking up words in the dictionary. Makes me regret the time I spent in front of the television or video games instead of sharpening my mind. Keep in mind that the Federalist Papers were originally published as a series of essays in a New York newspaper. In comparison, I believe that much of today's news has been watered down for a society that has little patience for a real, thorough debate of substantial issues.
January 9, 2023
鉁� 2 stars
~
[read for high school 鈥榡unior year鈥� great books class]
~
now i want to go listen to hamilton bc that鈥檚 more fun then this book was <333
~
[read for high school 鈥榡unior year鈥� great books class]
~
now i want to go listen to hamilton bc that鈥檚 more fun then this book was <333
June 22, 2010
4.0 stars. One of the most important works of American political science and philosophy, this collection of arguments detailing the benefits and advantages of the federal system as envisioned by the founding fathers is a must read to understand the beginnings of the republic.
April 3, 2017
HAMILTON WROTE THE OTHER FIFTY-ONE
[edit--I haven't actually read this book, I just felt like commenting that]
[edit--I haven't actually read this book, I just felt like commenting that]
August 8, 2018
"The Federalist" is a collection of 85 essays published originally in New York state newspapers in 1787-1788 encouraging the ratification of the Constitution. The pseudonym Publius was used for the three intelligent authors--Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay. The authors were responding to criticisms against the Constitution by the anti-Federalists who also wrote newspaper articles. (Some of the concerns of the anti-Federalists were addressed in the Bill of Rights in 1791.)
"The Federalist" discussed the need for a strong central government which included a standing army and taxation, the weakness of the current Articles of Confederation, the structure of the branches of government under the new Constitution, checks and balances, separation of powers, and the ratification process. There is some repetition of ideas in the essays since "The Federalist" was not written as a book originally.
The framers of the Constitution came from small and large states, and from urban and rural areas. Some states had many areas of commerce and industry where others were mostly agricultural. Some states supported slavery, but others wanted to outlaw it. Some of the Founding Fathers wanted a strong central government, but others were more concerned with states rights. The Constitution may not be perfect, but it was quite an accomplishment considering the different interests of the various states and the willingness to compromise. "The Federalist" helped the people understand the Constitution in 1787, and is still consulted by the courts today.
"The Federalist" discussed the need for a strong central government which included a standing army and taxation, the weakness of the current Articles of Confederation, the structure of the branches of government under the new Constitution, checks and balances, separation of powers, and the ratification process. There is some repetition of ideas in the essays since "The Federalist" was not written as a book originally.
The framers of the Constitution came from small and large states, and from urban and rural areas. Some states had many areas of commerce and industry where others were mostly agricultural. Some states supported slavery, but others wanted to outlaw it. Some of the Founding Fathers wanted a strong central government, but others were more concerned with states rights. The Constitution may not be perfect, but it was quite an accomplishment considering the different interests of the various states and the willingness to compromise. "The Federalist" helped the people understand the Constitution in 1787, and is still consulted by the courts today.
Want to read
November 27, 2008I don't know who's a bigger jackass: me, for never having so much as peeped at these, or the grownps at all the various schools I've attended, for not even once suggesting I should.
Actually, that's a lie. I totally do know.
Actually, that's a lie. I totally do know.
Read
April 7, 2025i barely understood this book
January 30, 2015
85 papers written by Hamilton, Madison & John Jay laying out the arguments for voting for the new Constitution instead of keeping the Articles of the Confederation, dissecting their vision of the structure and execution of the government. Why is this not required reading for every voting citizen??!! I especially think every elected federal official should have to read it annually to remind themselves what the Constitution is all about and how they should conduct themselves for the good of the country. I've had this on my shelf since 1982, but was inspired this past year to read it after reading Founding Brothers and all the horrible comments from talking heads on either side of the aisle who seem to think they are experts on the subject. Need to go to the source material to really understand. Yes, some of it is dry and repetitive, but most of the papers are beautifully laid out and even at times elegantly written. Many of the arguments and concerns sound SO current!! Hard to believe they wrote these essays over 200 yrs ago.
My plan was to read one paper/day, and give some time for absorption & reflection. Well my journey lasted 6 months versus 3, but worth the time and effort to read this important work!
My plan was to read one paper/day, and give some time for absorption & reflection. Well my journey lasted 6 months versus 3, but worth the time and effort to read this important work!
June 6, 2024
An essential source for understanding how America works, the Federalist Papers emerged shortly after the founders drafted the Constitution. They were a series of 85 newspaper columns written by political leaders James Madison, Alexander Hamilton, and John Jay, under the pen name Publius. Urging the states to ratify the constitution, the columns expounded on its reasoning, language, and structure.听
For example, Hamilton, in Federalist 22, highlighted the central importance of government by consent: 鈥淭he fabric of American empire ought to rest on the solid bases of the consent of the people. The streams of national power ought to flow from that pure, original fountain of all legitimate authority.鈥澨�
Madison, in Federalist 51, wrote about how the structure of government must accept and harness the realities of human nature: 鈥淚f men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.鈥澨�
And Madison, in Federalist 58, emphasized the importance of governmental checks and balances: 鈥淎n elective despotism was not the government we fought for; but one in which the powers of government should be so divided and balanced among the several bodies of magistracy so that no one could transcend their legal limits without being effectually checked and restrained by the others.鈥澨�
Today, it's common for people to focus myopically on the Constitution鈥檚 errors. Columnist Ryan Cooper, for example, expressed sentiments common on the left: 鈥淭he American Constitution is an outdated, malfunctioning piece of junk鈥攁nd it鈥檚 only getting worse. When written, the Constitution made a morally hideous compromise with slavery that took a war and 750,000 lives to make right. And while its basic structure sort of worked for a while in the 20th century, the Constitution is now falling prey to the same defects that have toppled every other similar governing document the world over.鈥澨�
Meanwhile, many others over-emphasize the Constitution鈥檚 virtues. America鈥檚 40th president Ronald Reagan (still a conservative champion) expressed a view common on the right: 鈥淚f our Constitution has endured, through times perilous as well as prosperous, it has not been simply as a plan of government, no matter how ingenious or inspired that might be. This document that we honor today has always been something more to us, filled us with a deeper feeling than one of simple admiration鈥攁 feeling, one might say, more of reverence.鈥�
Neither extreme view gets it right. Some parts of the Constitution are quite dreadful. And some parts are extremely positive. America鈥檚 founding document should thus be criticized听 and also celebrated鈥攏ot one or the other.听
It's a great irony of human history that the same document that contains numerous abominations鈥攕ome of which still reverberate today鈥攁lso sets forth an essential architecture of government that has dramatically increased human flourishing.
All of this is true at the same time.
For example, Hamilton, in Federalist 22, highlighted the central importance of government by consent: 鈥淭he fabric of American empire ought to rest on the solid bases of the consent of the people. The streams of national power ought to flow from that pure, original fountain of all legitimate authority.鈥澨�
Madison, in Federalist 51, wrote about how the structure of government must accept and harness the realities of human nature: 鈥淚f men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself.鈥澨�
And Madison, in Federalist 58, emphasized the importance of governmental checks and balances: 鈥淎n elective despotism was not the government we fought for; but one in which the powers of government should be so divided and balanced among the several bodies of magistracy so that no one could transcend their legal limits without being effectually checked and restrained by the others.鈥澨�
Today, it's common for people to focus myopically on the Constitution鈥檚 errors. Columnist Ryan Cooper, for example, expressed sentiments common on the left: 鈥淭he American Constitution is an outdated, malfunctioning piece of junk鈥攁nd it鈥檚 only getting worse. When written, the Constitution made a morally hideous compromise with slavery that took a war and 750,000 lives to make right. And while its basic structure sort of worked for a while in the 20th century, the Constitution is now falling prey to the same defects that have toppled every other similar governing document the world over.鈥澨�
Meanwhile, many others over-emphasize the Constitution鈥檚 virtues. America鈥檚 40th president Ronald Reagan (still a conservative champion) expressed a view common on the right: 鈥淚f our Constitution has endured, through times perilous as well as prosperous, it has not been simply as a plan of government, no matter how ingenious or inspired that might be. This document that we honor today has always been something more to us, filled us with a deeper feeling than one of simple admiration鈥攁 feeling, one might say, more of reverence.鈥�
Neither extreme view gets it right. Some parts of the Constitution are quite dreadful. And some parts are extremely positive. America鈥檚 founding document should thus be criticized听 and also celebrated鈥攏ot one or the other.听
It's a great irony of human history that the same document that contains numerous abominations鈥攕ome of which still reverberate today鈥攁lso sets forth an essential architecture of government that has dramatically increased human flourishing.
All of this is true at the same time.
July 13, 2020
Well, folks, I finally did it. It took a combination of audio and print but I finally finished The Federalist Papers.
Whew.
I went in expecting to love it. I loved . And I loved . (Though I haven't finished it yet.) And I loved . So, it isn't like dense political theory phases me. Particularly when it connects to American constitutional law--one of my favorite subjects. This was going to be easy, right?
WRONG.
I think the problem is you go in expecting theory and get procedure instead. This is the nitty-gritty details of constitutional governance. It references historical examples and quotes political philosophers, but mostly to explain why the constitution was written the way it was. There are details about why state governments will hold more loyalty than the federal government, why the states must unite, why a term limit of four years will curb presidential power, and how pride (if not patriotism) will keep representatives in check.
At the end of the day, I have to go with 5 stars. It is the Federalist Papers. I remain in awe of what these men managed to accomplish with their writing. But I will freely say this was not an interesting or even enjoyable read.
Also, shoutout to Dan who I convinced to read the Federalist Papers with me in high school which I obviously then did not do even though he did and still holds it against me. Sorry 'bout that.
December 8, 2018
We can all probably think of certain books we "should have read" during high school, or college, and somehow never did. For me, the collection of short essays that make up The Federalist Papers was one of those books. Since I love my country and am an ardent believer in her Constitution, my lengthy delay in reading TFP is both ironic and embarrassing. Now, however, my conscience is assuaged and I appreciate the Constitution, and the complicated path to its birth, all the more.
The Federalist Papers is a collection of 85 essays, published in newspapers over a span of several months in 1787-1788. Authored mostly by Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, with a few by John Jay, the papers were published anonymously under the pen name Publius. Their purpose was to make a comprehensive, detailed and compelling case for the adoption and ratification of a new United States Constitution to supersede the existing Articles of Confederation.
The 18th century intellectual arguments put forth in these essays make some demands on the reader (this is not a beach read), but it is time well invested. The adoption of a new Constitution was controversial, and surrounded with much energetic debate (including similar essays published by the Anti-Federalists). Accordingly, the three writers of the Federalist Papers went to great lengths to make the case for the foundations of what is now our current system of government.
As you read, you will see the varying currents of ideas that gradually became our executive, legislative and judicial branches. There are many historical references to republics and political systems from centuries past, and the essays are a great tutorial in making a reasoned argument and defending it. Fascinating reading about the birth and evolution of the greatest of republics!
The Federalist Papers is a collection of 85 essays, published in newspapers over a span of several months in 1787-1788. Authored mostly by Alexander Hamilton and James Madison, with a few by John Jay, the papers were published anonymously under the pen name Publius. Their purpose was to make a comprehensive, detailed and compelling case for the adoption and ratification of a new United States Constitution to supersede the existing Articles of Confederation.
The 18th century intellectual arguments put forth in these essays make some demands on the reader (this is not a beach read), but it is time well invested. The adoption of a new Constitution was controversial, and surrounded with much energetic debate (including similar essays published by the Anti-Federalists). Accordingly, the three writers of the Federalist Papers went to great lengths to make the case for the foundations of what is now our current system of government.
As you read, you will see the varying currents of ideas that gradually became our executive, legislative and judicial branches. There are many historical references to republics and political systems from centuries past, and the essays are a great tutorial in making a reasoned argument and defending it. Fascinating reading about the birth and evolution of the greatest of republics!
April 10, 2020
Propaganda at its very best and finest. 螖喂蠈蟿喂 蠈蟺蠅蟼 位苇蔚喂 魏伪喂 慰 Hamilton 蟽蟿慰 蟺蟻蠋蟿慰 维蟻胃蟻慰 蟿慰蠀 尾喂尾位委慰蠀, "For in politics, as in religion, it is equally absurd to aim at making proselytes by fire and sword. Heresies in either can rarely be cured by persecution."
韦慰 尾喂尾位委慰 伪蟺慰蟿蔚位蔚委蟿伪喂 伪蟺蠈 慰纬未蠈谓蟿伪 蟺苇谓蟿蔚 魏蔚委渭蔚谓伪, 未畏渭慰蟽喂蔚蠀渭苇谓伪 蟿慰 1788 蟽蔚 蔚蠁畏渭蔚蟻委未蔚蟼 蟿蠅谓 螚螤螒, 渭蔚 蟽魏慰蟺蠈 蟿畏谓 蟺蟻慰蠋胃畏蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 蔚蟺喂魏蠉蟻蠅蟽畏蟼 蟿慰蠀 危蠀谓蟿维纬渭伪蟿慰蟼 蟿蠅谓 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 伪蟺蠈 蟿喂蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蟺慰蠀 伪蟺蔚位蔚蠀胃蔚蟻蠋胃畏魏伪谓 渭蔚蟿维 蟿畏谓 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏萎 螘蟺伪谓维蟽蟿伪蟽畏. 螌位伪 蟿伪 魏蔚委渭蔚谓伪 伪蟺蔚蠀胃蠉谓慰谓蟿伪喂 "蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺慰位委蟿蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委伪蟼 蟿畏蟼 螡苇伪蟼 违蠈蟻魏畏蟼", 伪位位维 蟽蟿畏谓 蟺蟻伪纬渭伪蟿喂魏蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蔚委谓伪喂 渭委伪 伪蟺维谓蟿畏蟽畏 蟽蔚 蔚魏蔚委谓慰蠀蟼 蟺慰蠀 蔚蟺苇魏蟻喂谓伪谓 蟿慰 谓苇慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 魏伪喂 蠀蟺慰蟽蟿萎蟻喂味伪谓 蠈蟿喂 慰喂 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 苇蟺蟻蔚蟺蔚 谓伪 未喂伪蟿畏蟻萎蟽慰蠀谓 蟿畏谓 伪蠀蟿慰谓慰渭委伪 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟽蟿慰 蟺位伪委蟽喂慰 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼 蟿蠅谓 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏蠋谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 (Confederation). 螤蟻蠈魏蔚蟿伪喂 纬喂伪 魏蔚委渭蔚谓伪 蟺蟻慰蟺伪纬谓未喂蟽蟿喂魏慰蠉 蠂伪蟻伪魏蟿萎蟻伪 渭蔚 谓慰渭喂魏维, 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏维 魏伪喂 位慰纬喂魏维 蔚蟺喂蠂蔚喂蟻萎渭伪蟿伪 蠀蟺苇蟻 蟿畏蟼 谓苇伪蟼 渭慰蟻蠁萎蟼 蟺慰蠀 蔚蟺蟻蠈魏蔚喂蟿慰 谓伪 位维尾慰蠀谓 慰喂 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蔚蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏萎蟼.
螕喂伪 蠈蟽慰蠀蟼 蔚谓未喂伪蠁苇蟻慰谓蟿伪喂 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 喂蟽蟿慰蟻委伪 伪蠀蟿萎蟼 蟿畏蟼 蠀蟺蔚蟻未蠉谓伪渭畏蟼, 蔚委谓伪喂 苇谓伪 蔚魏蟺位畏魏蟿喂魏维 蔚谓未喂伪蠁苇蟻慰谓 尾喂尾位委慰. 螤蟻慰蠁伪谓蠋蟼 畏 胃蔚蠋蟻畏蟽畏 蟿蠅谓 蟽蠀纬纬蟻伪蠁苇蠅谓 蟿蠅谓 维蟻胃蟻蠅谓 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂 伪谓蟿喂魏蔚喂渭蔚谓喂魏萎, 未蔚未慰渭苇谓慰蠀 蠈蟿喂 苇蠂慰蠀谓 苇谓伪谓 蟺慰位蠉 蟽蠀纬魏蔚魏蟻喂渭苇谓慰 蟽魏慰蟺蠈, 蔚委谓伪喂 蠈渭蠅蟼 蔚尉伪喂蟻蔚蟿喂魏维 魏伪位慰纬蟻伪渭渭苇谓伪 蠈位伪 魏伪喂 蠀蟺慰未蔚喂纬渭伪蟿喂魏维 蠅蟼 蟺蟻慰蟼 蟿慰谓 蟿蟻蠈蟺慰 伪谓维蟺蟿蠀尉畏蟼 蟿畏蟼 胃苇蟽畏蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼 魏伪喂 蟿慰谓 蟿蟻蠈蟺慰 蟺慰蠀... 蟺蔚蟿蟽慰魏蠈尾慰蠀谓 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏慰蠉蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼 伪谓蟿喂蟺维位慰蠀蟼. 螘蟺委蟽畏蟼, 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂 蠈位伪 蟿伪 魏蔚委渭蔚谓伪 蟿慰 委未喂慰 蔚谓未喂伪蠁苇蟻慰谓蟿伪. 违蟺维蟻蠂慰蠀谓 魏维蟺慰喂伪 蟿伪 慰蟺慰委伪 伪谓伪蟺蟿蠉蟽蟽慰蠀谓 蟺慰位蠉 蟿蔚蠂谓喂魏维 蟽畏渭蔚委伪 蟿慰蠀 危蠀谓蟿维纬渭伪蟿慰蟼 魏伪喂 蟿伪 慰蟺慰委伪 纬喂伪 魏维蟺慰喂慰谓 渭畏 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓蠈 委蟽蠅蟼 未蔚谓 苇蠂慰蠀谓 蟿蠈蟽慰 蔚谓未喂伪蠁苇蟻慰谓. 危蠀谓慰位喂魏维, 蠈渭蠅蟼, 蔚委谓伪喂 蟺慰位蠉 未喂伪蠁蠅蟿喂蟽蟿喂魏蠈 纬喂伪 蟿慰谓 蟿蟻蠈蟺慰 蟽魏苇蠄畏蟼 蟺慰蠀 慰未萎纬畏蟽蔚 蟽蟿慰 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏蠈 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 魏伪喂 蟿喂蟼 螚螤螒 蠈蟺蠅蟼 蟿喂蟼 尉苇蟻慰蠀渭蔚 蟽萎渭蔚蟻伪.
韦蠋蟻伪, 纬喂伪蟿委 蠂蟻蔚喂维蟽蟿畏魏蔚 蠈位畏 伪蠀蟿萎 畏 蟺蟻慰蟽蟺维胃蔚喂伪 纬喂伪 谓伪 蔚蟺喂魏蠀蟻蠅胃蔚委 蟿慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪; 螖蔚谓 蟿慰 胃苇位伪谓蔚 慰喂 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓慰委;
危蟿伪 渭苇蟽伪 蟿畏蟼 未蔚魏伪蔚蟿委伪蟼 蟿慰蠀 1780, 慰喂 未蔚魏伪蟿蟻蔚委蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏萎蟼 蟺慰蠀 蔚委蠂伪谓 魏蔚蟻未委蟽蔚喂 蟿畏谓 伪谓蔚尉伪蟻蟿畏蟽委伪 蟿慰蠀蟼 魏伪蟿维 蟿畏谓 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏萎 螘蟺伪谓维蟽蟿伪蟽畏, 尾蟻苇胃畏魏伪谓 蟽蔚 苇谓伪 魏蟻委蟽喂渭慰 蟽畏渭蔚委慰 蟿畏蟼 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏萎蟼 喂蟽蟿慰蟻委伪蟼. 螚 蔚蟺慰谓慰渭伪味蠈渭蔚谓畏 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪 (Confederation) 未蔚 位蔚喂蟿慰蠀蟻纬慰蠉蟽蔚. 螝伪胃蠈位慰蠀 蠈渭蠅蟼. 围蟻萎渭伪蟿伪 未蔚谓 蠀蟺萎蟻蠂伪谓 魏伪喂 蠈蟿伪谓 蠀蟺萎蟻蠂伪谓 慰喂 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蟿伪 魏蟻伪蟿慰蠉蟽伪谓 纬喂伪 蟿慰谓 蔚伪蠀蟿蠈 蟿慰蠀蟼 蠂蠅蟻委蟼 谓伪 蟽蟿苇位谓慰蠀谓 蟿畏谓 蔚喂蟽蠁慰蟻维 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟽蟿慰 蟽蟿慰 螝慰喂谓慰尾慰蠉位喂慰 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼 (Congress), 蠈蟺蠅蟼 蔚委蠂伪谓 蠀蟺慰蟽蠂蔚胃蔚委. 螣喂 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 未蔚谓 苇蟽蟿蔚位谓伪谓 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺慰蠀蟼 蟽蟿慰 蔚胃谓喂魏蠈 螝慰喂谓慰尾慰蠉位喂慰 , 蔚委蠂伪谓 畏 魏伪胃蔚渭委伪 蟿慰 未喂魏蠈 蟿畏蟼 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿蠈 魏伪喂 谓伪蠀蟿喂魏蠈 魏伪喂 蔚蟺蔚未委蠅魏伪谓 谓伪 蟽蠀谓维蟺蟿慰蠀谓 尉蔚蠂蠅蟻喂蟽蟿苇蟼 蔚渭蟺慰蟻喂魏苇蟼 蟽蠀渭蠁蠅谓委蔚蟼 渭蔚 维位位蔚蟼 蠂蠋蟻蔚蟼.
Enter Alexander Hamilton. 螠蔚 胃畏蟿蔚委伪 蟽蟿慰谓 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏蠈 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿蠈 魏伪蟿维 蟿畏谓 螘蟺伪谓维蟽蟿伪蟽畏 魏伪喂 苇蠂慰谓蟿伪蟼 未喂伪蟿蔚位苇蟽蔚喂 蔚蟺喂蟿蔚位维蟻蠂畏蟼 蟿慰蠀 Washington 纬喂伪 蟿苇蟽蟽蔚蟻伪 蠂蟻蠈谓喂伪, 慰 Hamilton 蟺委蟽蟿蔚蠀蔚 伪蟺蠈位蠀蟿伪 (蠈蟺蠅蟼 魏伪喂 慰 委未喂慰蟼 慰 Washington) 蟽蟿畏谓 蠉蟺伪蟻尉畏 渭喂伪蟼 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻萎蟼 魏蔚谓蟿蟻喂魏萎蟼 蔚胃谓喂魏萎蟼 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏蟼, 畏 慰蟺慰委伪 胃伪 蔚蟺苇蟿蟻蔚蟺蔚 蟽蟿喂蟼 螚螤螒 谓伪 蟺蟻慰魏蠈蠄慰蠀谓 蔚蟺喂蟿苇位慰蠀蟼. 韦慰 危蔚蟺蟿苇渭尾蟻喂慰 1786, 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻蠈蟽蠅蟺慰喂 伪蟺蠈 蟺苇谓蟿蔚 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 (New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia) 蟽蠀谓伪谓蟿萎胃畏魏伪谓 蟽蟿畏谓 Annapolis 魏伪喂 蟽蠀渭蠁蠋谓畏蟽伪谓 蠈蟿喂 蟿伪 螁蟻胃蟻伪 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼 (Articles of the Confederation) 慰蟺蠅蟽未萎蟺慰蟿蔚 未蔚 尾慰畏胃慰蠉蟽伪谓 蟿畏谓 伪蟺蔚位蟺喂蟽蟿喂魏萎 慰喂魏慰谓慰渭喂魏萎 魏伪喂 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏萎 魏伪蟿维蟽蟿伪蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 蠂蠋蟻伪蟼 魏伪喂 蠀蟺苇纬蟻伪蠄伪谓 渭委伪 未萎位蠅蟽畏 蟿畏谓 慰蟺慰委伪 蟽蠀谓苇蟿伪尉蔚 慰 Hamilton (伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻蠈蟽蠅蟺慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 螡苇伪蟼 违蠈蟻魏畏蟼), 渭蔚 蟿畏谓 慰蟺慰委伪 魏伪位慰蠉蟽伪谓 蟿慰蠀蟼 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺慰蠀蟼 蟿蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 谓伪 蟽蠀谓伪谓蟿畏胃慰蠉谓 蟿慰 螠维喂慰 1787 蟽蟿畏 Philadelphia 魏伪喂 谓伪 伪谓伪胃蔚蠅蟻萎蟽慰蠀谓 蟿伪 螁蟻胃蟻伪 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼 魏伪喂 谓伪 蟽蠀谓蟿维尉慰蠀谓 苇谓伪 谓苇慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蟿蠅谓 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 蟿畏蟼 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏萎蟼.
螆蟿蟽喂, 蟿慰 螠维喂慰 蟿慰蠀 1787 蟺蟻伪纬渭伪蟿慰蟺慰喂萎胃畏魏蔚 蟿慰 蟽蠀谓苇未蟻喂慰 蟽蟿畏 Philadelphia, 蟽蟿蠈蠂慰蟼 蟿慰蠀 慰蟺慰委慰蠀 蟽蟿畏谓 蟺蟻伪纬渭伪蟿喂魏蠈蟿畏蟿伪 萎蟿伪谓 谓伪 蔚谓未蠀谓伪渭蠅胃蔚委 畏 蔚胃谓喂魏萎 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼. 螤伪蟻蠈谓蟿蔚蟼 萎蟿伪谓 畏 creme de la creme 蟺蟻慰蠁伪谓蠋蟼: George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison (伪蟺蠈 蟿畏 Virginia), John Dickinson (伪蟺蠈 蟿慰 Delaware) 魏伪喂 维位位伪 渭蔚纬维位伪 慰谓蠈渭伪蟿伪 蟿畏蟼 蔚蟺慰蠂萎蟼. 螕蟻萎纬慰蟻伪 苇纬喂谓蔚 蟽伪蠁苇蟼 蠈蟿喂 "慰魏, 蔚委蟺伪渭蔚 谓伪 魏维谓慰蠀渭蔚 蟿蟻慰蟺慰蟺慰喂萎蟽蔚喂蟼 伪位位维 蟺蟻伪纬渭伪蟿喂魏维 胃伪 萎蟿伪谓 蟺慰位蠉 魏伪位蠉蟿蔚蟻伪 谓伪 蟿慰 纬蟻维蠄慰蠀渭蔚 伪蟺蠈 蟿畏谓 伪蟻蠂萎, 苇蟿蟽喂 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂"; 螝伪喂 苇蟿蟽喂 苇魏伪谓伪谓.
螘谓蟿蔚位蠋蟼 蟿蠀蠂伪委伪, 慰 James Madison 蔚委蠂蔚 萎未畏 蟽蟿伪 蟽魏伪蟻喂维 苇谓伪 苇蟿慰喂渭慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蠈蟿伪谓 尉蔚魏委谓畏蟽蔚 畏 蟽蠀谓蔚未蟻委伪蟽畏, 蟿慰 慰蟺慰委慰 慰喂 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻蠈蟽蠅蟺慰喂 蟺慰位蠉 纬蟻萎纬慰蟻伪 伪蟺慰蠁维蟽喂蟽伪谓 谓伪 蠂蟻畏蟽喂渭慰蟺慰喂萎蟽慰蠀谓 蠅蟼 尾维蟽畏. 螣 Madison, 蠀蟺蔚蟻尾慰位喂魏维 渭喂魏蟻蠈蟽蠅渭慰蟼 纬喂伪 谓伪 蠀蟺畏蟻蔚蟿萎蟽蔚喂 蟽蟿慰 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿蠈 魏伪喂 渭蔚纬维位慰蟼 尾喂尾位喂慰蠁维纬慰蟼, 蔚委蠂蔚 渭蔚位蔚蟿萎蟽蔚喂 蟽蔚 尾维胃慰蟼 蟿慰谓 Montesquieu 魏伪喂 蔚蟺慰渭苇谓蠅蟼 蟿慰 蠈位慰 蟽蠉蟽蟿畏渭伪 尾伪蟽委蟽蟿畏魏蔚 蟽蟿畏谓 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏萎 胃蔚蠅蟻委伪 蟿慰蠀 蟿蔚位蔚蠀蟿伪委慰蠀 蟺蔚蟻委 未喂维魏蟻喂蟽畏蟼 蟿蠅谓 蔚尉慰蠀蟽喂蠋谓 (蟺慰蠀 喂蟽蠂蠉蔚喂 魏伪喂 蟽萎渭蔚蟻伪 蟽蔚 蠈位蔚蟼 蟿喂蟼 蟽慰尾伪蟻苇蟼 未畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿委蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螖蠉蟽畏蟼). 韦慰 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏蠈 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 尾伪蟽委蟽蟿畏魏蔚 蟽蟿慰 蟺伪蟽委纬谓蠅蟽蟿慰 蟽蠉蟽蟿畏渭伪 蟿蠅谓 "checks and balances", 渭蔚 尾维蟽畏 蟿慰 慰蟺慰委慰 魏维胃蔚 渭苇蟻慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 蔚胃谓喂魏萎蟼 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏蟼 (畏 螔慰蠀位萎 蟿蠅谓 螒谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺蠅谓, 畏 螕蔚蟻慰蠀蟽委伪, 畏 螘魏蟿蔚位蔚蟽蟿喂魏萎 螘尉慰蠀蟽委伪, 蟿伪 螖喂魏伪蟽蟿萎蟻喂伪) 蔚委谓伪喂 伪谓蔚尉维蟻蟿畏蟿慰 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 维位位伪 伪位位维 蟿伪蠀蟿蠈蠂蟻慰谓伪 蟽蠀谓未苇蔚蟿伪喂 渭伪味委 蟿慰蠀蟼 渭蔚 蟿蟻蠈蟺慰 蠋蟽蟿蔚 魏伪谓苇谓伪 渭苇蟻慰蟼 谓伪 渭畏谓 渭蟺慰蟻蔚委 谓伪 伪蟺慰魏蟿萎蟽蔚喂 蠀蟺蔚蟻尾慰位喂魏萎 蔚尉慰蠀蟽委伪 畏 慰蟺慰委伪 胃伪 尾位维蠄蔚喂 蟿慰 蟺慰位委蟿蔚蠀渭伪.
螌蟿伪谓 蟽蠀渭蠁蠅谓萎胃畏魏蔚 蟿慰 魏蔚委渭蔚谓慰 蟿慰蠀 危蠀谓蟿维纬渭伪蟿慰蟼, 尉蔚魏委谓畏蟽蔚 苇谓伪蟼 渭蔚纬维位慰蟼 伪纬蠋谓伪蟼 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蔚蟺喂魏蠉蟻蠅蟽萎 蟿慰蠀 伪蟺蠈 蟿喂蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼. 螒蟺苇谓伪谓蟿喂 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 蠀蟺慰蟽蟿畏蟻喂魏蟿苇蟼 魏伪喂 蟽蠀谓蟿维魏蟿蔚蟼 蟿慰蠀, 蟺慰蠀 蟺委蟽蟿蔚蠀伪谓 蠈蟿喂 渭蠈谓慰 渭喂伪 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻萎 魏蔚谓蟿蟻喂魏萎 蔚尉慰蠀蟽委伪 渭蟺慰蟻蔚委 谓伪 蟺维蔚喂 渭蟺蟻慰蟽蟿维 蟿喂蟼 螚螤螒, 蟽蟿维胃畏魏伪谓 蠈蟽慰喂 胃蔚蠅蟻慰蠉蟽伪谓 蠈蟿喂 慰喂 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蟺蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 蔚委谓伪喂 伪蠀蟿蠈谓慰渭蔚蟼 魏伪喂 伪谓蔚尉维蟻蟿畏蟿蔚蟼 魏伪喂 谓伪 苇蠂慰蠀谓 渭委伪 蠂伪位伪蟻萎 蟽蠉谓未蔚蟽畏 渭蔚蟿伪尉蠉 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟽蟿慰 蟺位伪委蟽喂慰 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼. 螝维蟿喂 蠈渭蠅蟼 蟺慰蠀 蔚委蠂蔚 萎未畏 未慰魏喂渭伪蟽蟿蔚委 魏伪喂 伪蟺慰蟿蠉蠂蔚喂 慰喂魏蟿蟻维. 螣喂 蟺蟻蠋蟿慰喂, 蟺慰蠀 蠀蟺慰蟽蟿萎蟻喂味伪谓 蟿畏谓 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻萎 慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未喂伪魏萎 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏, 慰谓慰渭维蟽蟿畏魏伪谓 Federalists 魏伪喂 苇未蠅蟽伪谓 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 伪谓蟿喂蟺维位慰蠀蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟿畏谓 慰谓慰渭伪蟽委伪 Anti-Federalists. 危蟿慰蠀蟼 蔚蟺喂蠁伪谓苇蟽蟿蔚蟻慰蠀蟼 蟿蠅谓 蟺蟻蠋蟿蠅谓 伪谓萎魏慰蠀谓 魏伪喂 慰 Alexander Hamilton, 慰 James Madison 魏伪喂 慰 John Jay 蟺慰蠀 蔚尉苇未蠅蟽伪谓 伪蠀蟿维 蟿伪 维蟻胃蟻伪, 蟺蟻慰蟽蟺伪胃蠋谓蟿伪蟼 谓伪 蟺蔚委蟽慰蠀谓 蟿慰 位伪蠈 蟿蠅谓 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 (萎 蟿慰蠀位维蠂喂蟽蟿慰谓 蔚魏蔚委谓慰 蟿慰 渭苇蟻慰蟼 蟿慰蠀 位伪慰蠉 蟺慰蠀 畏 纬谓蠋渭畏 蟿慰蠀 渭蔚蟿蟻慰蠉蟽蔚).
螕喂伪蟿委 蟺蟻慰蠁伪谓蠋蟼 苇谓伪 魏蔚委渭蔚谓慰 蟺慰蠀 蟽蠀渭蠁蠋谓畏蟽伪谓 谓伪 慰谓慰渭维蟽慰蠀谓 "危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蟿蠅谓 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓" 慰蟻喂蟽渭苇谓慰喂 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏慰委 魏伪喂 未喂伪谓慰慰蠉渭蔚谓慰喂 未蔚 蟽萎渭伪喂谓蔚 伪蟺慰位蠉蟿蠅蟼 蟿委蟺慰蟿伪 蔚维谓 未蔚谓 未蔚蟽渭蔚蠉慰谓蟿伪谓 伪蟺蠈 伪蠀蟿蠈 慰喂 委未喂蔚蟼 慰喂 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼. 螌蟽慰 蟺蟻蠅蟿慰蟺慰蟻喂伪魏蠈 魏伪喂 蠁喂位蔚位蔚蠉胃蔚蟻慰 魏伪喂 伪谓 萎蟿伪谓 蠈渭蠅蟼 蟿慰 谓苇慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪, 畏 蔚蟺喂魏蠉蟻蠅蟽萎 蟿慰蠀 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 2/3 蟿蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓, 蔚谓谓苇伪 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 未畏位伪未萎, 未蔚谓 萎蟿伪谓 伪蟺位萎 蠀蟺蠈胃蔚蟽畏. 螒蟺蠈 蟿畏谓 维位位畏 渭蔚蟻喂维, 伪魏蠈渭伪 魏伪喂 蔚维谓 蟿慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蔚蟺喂魏蠀蟻蠅谓蠈蟿伪谓 伪蟺蠈 蔚谓谓苇伪 蟺慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼, 胃伪 萎蟿伪谓 未蠉蟽魏慰位慰 谓伪 蔚蠁伪蟻渭慰蟽蟿蔚委 伪蟺慰蟿蔚位蔚蟽渭伪蟿喂魏维 蔚维谓 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏苇蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蠈蟺蠅蟼 畏 螔喂蟻蟿味委谓喂伪 萎 畏 螠伪蟽伪蠂慰蠀蟽苇蟿畏 未蔚谓 蟺蟻慰蠂蠅蟻慰蠉蟽伪谓 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚蟺喂魏蠉蟻蠅蟽畏. 螘蟺喂蟺位苇慰谓, 慰喂 "Anti-Federalists" 萎蟿伪谓 魏伪喂 伪蠀蟿慰委 尾蔚蟿蔚蟻维谓慰喂 蟿畏蟼 螘蟺伪谓维蟽蟿伪蟽畏蟼, 渭蔚 渭蔚纬维位慰 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏蠈 尾维蟻慰蟼 魏伪喂 蟺委蟽蟿蔚蠀伪谓 蠈蟿喂 蟿慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蟺蟻蠈未喂未蔚 蟿慰 伪位畏胃喂谓蠈 蟺谓蔚蠉渭伪 蟿畏蟼 螘蟺伪谓维蟽蟿伪蟽畏蟼 蟿慰 委未喂慰 苇谓蟿慰谓伪 蟺慰蠀 蟺委蟽蟿蔚蠀伪谓 魏伪喂 慰喂 Federalists 蠈蟿喂 畏 蔚蟺喂魏蠉蟻蠅蟽畏 伪蟺慰蟿蔚位慰蠉蟽蔚 渭慰谓蠈未蟻慰渭慰 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蟺蟻伪纬渭维蟿蠅蟽畏 蟿慰蠀 蟺谓蔚蠉渭伪蟿慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 委未喂伪蟼 螘蟺伪谓维蟽蟿伪蟽畏蟼. 韦蟻委伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 蟽畏渭蔚委伪 蟺慰蠀 蟺蟻慰魏维位蔚蟽伪谓 蟿蟻喂尾萎 萎蟿伪谓:
1) 螣 伪蟻喂胃渭蠈蟼 蟿蠅谓 尾慰蠀位蔚蠀蟿蠋谓. 螆谓伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 尾伪蟽喂魏维 味畏蟿萎渭伪蟿伪 萎蟿伪谓 渭蔚 蟺慰喂慰 魏蟻喂蟿萎蟻喂慰 胃伪 蔚蟺喂位蔚纬蠈蟿伪谓 慰 伪蟻喂胃渭蠈蟼 蟿蠅谓 尾慰蠀位蔚蠀蟿蠋谓 魏维胃蔚 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委伪蟼 蟿慰蠀 螝慰谓纬魏蟻苇蟽慰蠀. 韦慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蟺慰蠀 蔚委蠂蔚 蟽蠀谓蟿维尉蔚喂 慰 Madison, 慰 慰蟺慰委慰蟼 蟽畏渭蔚喂蠅蟿苇慰谓 萎蟿伪谓 伪蟺蠈 蟿畏 Virginia, 渭委伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿喂蟼 渭蔚纬伪位蠉蟿蔚蟻蔚蟼 魏伪喂 蟺位慰蠀蟽喂蠈蟿蔚蟻蔚蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼, 蔚委蠂蔚 蠅蟼 尾维蟽畏 蟿慰谓 蟺位畏胃蠀蟽渭蠈, 魏维蟿喂 蟺慰蠀 未蔚谓 喂魏伪谓慰蟺慰喂慰蠉蟽蔚 蟿喂蟼 渭喂魏蟻蠈蟿蔚蟻蔚蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蟺慰蠀 未蔚 胃伪 蔚委蠂伪谓 喂蟽蠈蟿喂渭畏 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺蔚蠀蟽畏 魏伪喂 蠀蟺慰蟽蟿萎蟻喂味伪谓 蠈蟿喂 魏维胃蔚 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委伪 苇蟺蟻蔚蟺蔚 谓伪 苇蠂蔚喂 喂蟽蠈蟿喂渭畏 蠄萎蠁慰 渭蔚 蟿喂蟼 蠀蟺蠈位慰喂蟺蔚蟼. 螤伪蟻蠈蟿喂 蟽蔚 蟺蟻伪魏蟿喂魏蠈 蔚蟺委蟺蔚未慰 蟿慰 味萎蟿畏渭伪 蔚委谓伪喂 蟺蟻慰蠁伪谓苇蟼, 胃蔚蠅蟻畏蟿喂魏维 谓蟿蠉胃畏魏蔚 渭蔚 蟿畏谓 蟺蟻慰尾位畏渭伪蟿喂魏萎 蔚维谓 蟿慰 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏蠈 螝慰喂谓慰尾慰蠉位喂慰 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠅蟺蔚蠉蔚喂 蟿喂蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 (慰蟺蠈蟿蔚 1 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委伪 = 1 蠄萎蠁慰蟼) 萎 蟿慰蠀 位伪慰蠉 (慰蟺蠈蟿蔚 慰喂 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻蠈蟽蠅蟺慰喂 胃伪 蟺蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 蔚魏位苇纬慰谓蟿伪喂 伪谓伪位慰纬喂魏维 尾维蟽蔚喂 蟺位畏胃蠀蟽渭慰蠉). 螚 位蠉蟽畏 蟺慰蠀 蠀喂慰胃蔚蟿萎胃畏魏蔚 蟿蔚位喂魏维 萎蟿伪谓 蟿慰 未喂蟺位蠈 蟽蠉蟽蟿畏渭伪 蟺慰蠀 尉苇蟻慰蠀渭蔚 蟽萎渭蔚蟻伪: 伪谓伪位慰纬喂魏萎 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺蔚蠀蟽畏 蟽蟿畏 螔慰蠀位萎 螒谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺蠅谓, 喂蟽蠈蟿喂渭畏 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺蔚蠀蟽畏 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 蟽蟿畏 螕蔚蟻慰蠀蟽委伪 (2 螕蔚蟻慰蠀蟽喂伪蟽蟿苇蟼 伪谓维 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委伪). 韦慰 蟽蠉蟽蟿畏渭伪 喂魏伪谓慰蟺慰委畏蟽蔚 蟿伪 渭苇位畏 蟿畏蟼 蔚蟺喂蟿蟻慰蟺萎蟼, 伪位位维 魏维蟺蠅蟼 苇蟺蟻蔚蟺蔚 谓伪 蟿慰 蟺慰蠀位萎蟽慰蠀谓 魏伪喂 蟺伪蟻伪苇尉蠅.
2) 螣 蟺蟻蠈蔚未蟻慰蟼. 危蟿畏谓 伪蠀纬萎 蟿畏蟼 伪谓蔚尉伪蟻蟿畏蟽委伪蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼, 慰喂 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓慰委 蔚委蠂伪谓 苇谓蟿慰谓畏 伪位位蔚蟻纬委伪 蟽蔚 慰蟿喂未萎蟺慰蟿蔚 胃蠉渭喂味蔚 螒纬纬位委伪. 螝伪喂 蟿喂 尾蟻蠅渭维蔚喂 螒纬纬位委伪 伪蟺蠈 蠂喂位喂蠈渭蔚蟿蟻伪; That's right, 畏 尾伪蟽喂位蔚委伪. 韦慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蟺蟻慰苇尾位蔚蟺蔚 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻萎 蔚魏蟿蔚位蔚蟽蟿喂魏萎 蔚尉慰蠀蟽委伪. 螒蠀蟿蠈 魏蟻委胃畏魏蔚 伪蟺伪蟻伪委蟿畏蟿慰 蟺蟻慰魏蔚喂渭苇谓慰蠀 谓伪 蠀蟺维蟻蠂蔚喂 苇位蔚纬蠂慰蟼 魏伪喂 蔚谓蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蟽蟿畏谓 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏, 伪位位维 未畏渭喂慰蠀蟻纬慰蠉蟽蔚 魏伪喂 苇谓蟿慰谓畏 伪谓畏蟽蠀蠂委伪 蠈蟿喂 渭蟺慰蟻蔚委 谓伪 未畏渭喂慰蠀蟻纬慰蠉蟽蔚 蟺维蟿畏渭伪 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蔚纬魏伪胃委未蟻蠀蟽畏 蔚谓蠈蟼 伪谓蟿喂未畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿喂魏慰蠉 魏伪胃蔚蟽蟿蠋蟿慰蟼, 蠈蟺慰蠀 慰 蟺蟻蠈蔚未蟻慰蟼 胃伪 喂蟽慰未蠀谓伪渭慰蠉蟽蔚 渭蔚 蟿慰 尾伪蟽喂位喂维. 螝伪喂 蔚谓蠋 蔚魏蔚委谓畏 蟿畏 蟽蟿喂纬渭萎 伪蠀蟿蠈 未蔚谓 萎蟿伪谓 蟺蟻蠈尾位畏渭伪 纬喂伪蟿委 慰 蟺蟻蠋蟿慰蟼 蟺蟻蠈蔚未蟻慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏萎蟼 萎蟿伪谓 未蔚未慰渭苇谓慰蟼 魏伪喂 苇蠂伪喂蟻蔚 蟿畏蟼 蟺位萎蟻慰蠀蟼 蔚渭蟺喂蟽蟿慰蟽蠉谓畏蟼 蠈位蠅谓, 蟿喂 胃伪 纬喂谓蠈蟿伪谓 渭蔚蟿维;
3) 螣喂 蟽魏位维尾慰喂. 螚 未慰蠀位蔚委伪 蔚委蠂蔚 魏伪蟿伪蟻纬畏胃蔚委 蟽蟿慰 螔慰蟻蟻维, 畏 慰喂魏慰谓慰渭委伪 蟿慰蠀 螡蠈蟿慰蠀 蠈渭蠅蟼 蔚尉伪魏慰位慰蠀胃慰蠉蟽蔚 谓伪 蟽蟿畏蟻委味蔚蟿伪喂 蟽蔚 伪蠀蟿蠈谓 蟿慰谓 蔚蠀纬蔚谓萎 胃蔚蟽渭蠈. 螆谓伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 尾伪蟽喂魏维 蟺蟻慰尾位萎渭伪蟿伪 萎蟿伪谓 魏伪蟿维 蟺蠈蟽慰 慰喂 蟽魏位维尾慰喂 胃伪 苇蟺蟻蔚蟺蔚 谓伪 蠀蟺慰位慰纬委味慰谓蟿伪喂 蟽蟿慰谓 蟺位畏胃蠀蟽渭蠈 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蔚魏位慰纬萎 蟿蠅谓 尾慰蠀位蔚蠀蟿蠋谓 蟽蟿畏 螔慰蠀位萎 蟿蠅谓 螒谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺蠅谓. 螣喂 尾蠈蟻蔚喂慰喂 蟺蟻慰蠁伪谓蠋蟼 未蔚谓 萎胃蔚位伪谓 谓伪 蠀蟺慰位慰纬委味慰谓蟿伪喂 慰喂 蟽魏位维尾慰喂, 未喂蠈蟿喂 蟽蔚 伪蠀蟿萎谓 蟿畏谓 蟺蔚蟻委蟺蟿蠅蟽畏 伪蠀尉伪谓蠈蟿伪谓 蠀蟺蔚蟻尾慰位喂魏维 慰 蟺位畏胃蠀蟽渭蠈蟼 蟿蠅谓 谓蠈蟿喂蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓. 韦伪 蔚魏伪蟿苇蟻蠅胃蔚谓 蔚蟺喂蠂蔚喂蟻萎渭伪蟿伪 蔚委谓伪喂 蔚尉伪喂蟻蔚蟿喂魏维 谓蟿蟻慰蟺喂伪蟽蟿喂魏维 纬喂伪 蟿慰 伪谓胃蟻蠋蟺喂谓慰 蔚委未慰蟼 蠈蟺蠅蟼 蟿慰 伪谓蟿喂位伪渭尾伪谓蠈谓伪蟽蟿蔚 蟿慰谓 20蠈 魏伪喂 21慰 伪喂蠋谓伪, 伪位位维 蟿蠈蟿蔚 伪蟺慰蟿蔚位慰蠉蟽蔚 苇谓伪 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏蠈 味萎蟿畏渭伪 蟺慰蠀 伪蟺伪喂蟿慰蠉蟽蔚 位蠉蟽畏. 螔蔚尾伪委蠅蟼 慰喂 蟻蠈位慰喂 萎蟿伪谓 伪谓蟿委蟽蟿蟻慰蠁慰喂 蟽蟿慰 蔚蟻蠋蟿畏渭伪 魏伪蟿维 蟺蠈蟽慰 慰喂 蟽魏位维尾慰喂 苇蟺蟻蔚蟺蔚 谓伪 位畏蠁胃慰蠉谓 蠀蟺蠈蠄畏 蟽蟿慰谓 蟺位畏胃蠀蟽渭蠈 纬喂伪 蟿慰谓 蠀蟺慰位慰纬喂蟽渭蠈 蟿畏蟼 慰喂魏慰谓慰渭喂魏萎蟼 蔚喂蟽蠁慰蟻维蟼 魏维胃蔚 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委伪蟼 蟽蟿畏谓 螆谓蠅蟽畏. 危蔚 伪蠀蟿萎谓 蟿畏谓 蟺蔚蟻委蟺蟿蠅蟽畏, 慰喂 谓蠈蟿喂慰喂 蟺蟻慰蟿喂渭慰蠉蟽伪谓 谓伪 渭蔚委谓慰蠀谓 蔚魏蟿蠈蟼 慰喂 蟽魏位维尾慰喂, 蔚谓蠋 慰喂 尾蠈蟻蔚喂慰喂 蔚委蠂伪谓 蟿畏谓 伪谓蟿委胃蔚蟿畏 维蟺慰蠄畏, 纬喂伪蟿委 未蔚谓 萎胃蔚位伪谓 谓伪 蟺苇蟽蔚喂 蟺维谓蠅 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟿慰 慰喂魏慰谓慰渭喂魏蠈 尾维蟻慰蟼 蟽蠀谓蟿萎蟻畏蟽畏蟼 蟿畏蟼 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏蟼. 螣 蟽蠀渭尾喂尾伪蟽渭蠈蟼 蟺慰蠀 苇纬喂谓蔚 蟿蔚位喂魏维, 魏伪喂 蟿慰谓 慰蟺慰委慰谓 苇蟺蟻蔚蟺蔚 谓伪 蟽蔚蟻尾委蟻慰蠀谓 慰喂 蠁委位慰喂 渭伪蟼 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 蟽蠀渭蟺慰位委蟿蔚蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼, 萎蟿伪谓 蟿蠈蟽慰 蔚蠀蟻畏渭伪蟿喂魏蠈蟼 蠈蟽慰 魏伪喂 蔚蟺慰谓蔚委未喂蟽蟿慰蟼: 慰喂 蟽魏位维尾慰喂 胃伪 渭蔚蟿蟻慰蠉蟽伪谓 魏伪喂 蟽蟿喂蟼 未蠉慰 蟺蔚蟻喂蟺蟿蠋蟽蔚喂蟼, 喂蟽慰未蠀谓伪渭蠋谓蟿伪蟼 渭蔚 3/5 蟿慰蠀 伪谓胃蟻蠋蟺慰蠀.
违蟺萎蟻蠂伪谓 尾苇尾伪喂伪 魏伪喂 维位位伪 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏维 蟽畏渭蔚委伪. 螚 魏慰喂谓萎 蔚渭蟺慰蟻喂魏萎 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏萎, 慰 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿蠈蟼, 畏 苇位位蔚喂蠄畏 蟺蟻蠈尾位蔚蠄畏蟼 纬喂伪 蟿伪 伪蟿慰渭喂魏维 未喂魏伪喂蠋渭伪蟿伪 蟽蟿慰 魏蔚委渭蔚谓慰 蟿慰蠀 危蠀谓蟿维纬渭伪蟿慰蟼 魏伪喂 维位位伪. 螣喂 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 尾蟻苇胃畏魏伪谓 伪谓蟿喂渭苇蟿蠅蟺蔚蟼 渭蔚 苇谓伪 魏蔚委渭蔚谓慰 蟺慰蠀 蠈蠂喂 渭蠈谓慰 未蔚谓 伪蟺慰蟿蔚位慰蠉蟽蔚 渭喂伪 伪蟺位萎 "蟿蟻慰蟺慰蟺慰委畏蟽畏" 蟿蠅谓 螁蟻胃蟻蠅谓 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼, 伪位位维 蟺慰蠀 蔚纬魏伪胃喂蟽蟿慰蠉蟽蔚 渭委伪 蔚谓蟿蔚位蠋蟼 未喂伪蠁慰蟻蔚蟿喂魏萎 渭慰蟻蠁萎 未喂伪魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏蟼. 韦慰 蟺喂慰 纬谓蠅蟽蟿蠈 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 维蟻胃蟻伪 蔚委谓伪喂 蟿慰 谓慰. 10, 蟽蟿慰 慰蟺慰委慰 慰 Madison 蟿蔚魏渭畏蟻喂蠋谓蔚喂 蠈蟿喂 畏 蔚谓蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蟺慰蠀 未喂伪蟽蠁伪位委味蔚喂 蟿慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蔚委谓伪喂 慰 渭蠈谓慰蟼 蟿蟻蠈蟺慰蟼 未喂伪蟿萎蟻畏蟽畏蟼 蟿畏蟼 未畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿委伪蟼 苇谓伪谓蟿喂 蟿蠅谓 蠁蟻伪尉喂慰谓喂蟽渭蠋谓 魏伪喂 蠈蟿喂 畏 未畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿委伪 (慰 蠈蟻慰蟼 蟺慰蠀 蠂蟻畏蟽喂渭慰蟺慰喂蔚委蟿伪喂 蔚委谓伪喂 "republic" 魏伪喂 蠈蠂喂 "democracy", 未蔚未慰渭苇谓慰蠀 蠈蟿喂 渭喂位维渭蔚 纬喂伪 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠅蟺蔚蠀蟿喂魏萎 魏伪喂 蠈蠂喂 维渭蔚蟽畏 未畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿委伪) 未喂伪蟿畏蟻蔚委蟿伪喂 蔚蠀魏慰位蠈蟿蔚蟻伪 蟽蔚 苇谓伪 渭蔚纬维位慰 魏蟻维蟿慰蟼. 螤慰位蠉 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏蠈 蔚蟺委蟽畏蟼 蔚委谓伪喂 蟿慰 谓慰. 51 纬喂伪 蟿畏 位蔚喂蟿慰蠀蟻纬委伪 蟿慰蠀 蟽蠀蟽蟿萎渭伪蟿慰蟼 蟿蠅谓 "checks and balances".
螣 蟽蟿蠈蠂慰蟼 蟿蠅谓 Federalist Papers 畏蟿伪谓 谓伪 蔚魏蟺伪喂未蔚蠀蟿蔚委 慰 位伪蠈蟼 蟽蔚 伪蠀蟿蠈 蟿慰 谓苇慰 蟽蠉蟽蟿畏渭伪, 谓伪 蟿慰 蠂蠅谓苇蠄慰蠀谓 魏伪喂 谓伪 魏伪蟿伪谓慰萎蟽慰蠀谓 蟿畏谓 伪谓伪纬魏伪喂蠈蟿畏蟿维 蟿慰蠀 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蟺蟻蠈慰未慰 魏伪喂 蟿畏谓 蔚蠀畏渭蔚蟻委伪 蟿慰蠀 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏慰蠉 位伪慰蠉. 螝伪喂 蟺伪蟻蠈蟿喂 渭维位位慰谓 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚蟺慰蠂萎 蟿慰蠀蟼 未蔚谓 未喂伪尾维蟽蟿畏魏伪谓 蟿蠈蟽慰 蔚蠀蟻苇蠅蟼 蠋蟽蟿蔚 谓伪 蔚蟺畏蟻蔚维蟽慰蠀谓 蟿畏谓 蔚蟺喂魏蠉蟻蠅蟽畏, 蔚魏 蟿蠅谓 蠀蟽蟿苇蟻蠅谓 伪蟺慰蟿苇位蔚蟽伪谓 胃蔚渭蔚位喂蠋未蔚蟼 蔚纬蠂蔚喂蟻委未喂慰 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蔚蟻渭畏谓蔚委伪 蟿慰蠀 危蠀谓蟿维纬渭伪蟿慰蟼. 螝伪喂 伪魏蠈渭伪 蟺喂慰 蔚魏 蟿蠅谓 蠀蟽蟿苇蟻蠅谓, 苇谓伪 喂蟽蟿慰蟻喂魏萎蟼 蟽畏渭伪蟽委伪蟼 尾喂尾位委慰.
韦慰 尾喂尾位委慰 伪蟺慰蟿蔚位蔚委蟿伪喂 伪蟺蠈 慰纬未蠈谓蟿伪 蟺苇谓蟿蔚 魏蔚委渭蔚谓伪, 未畏渭慰蟽喂蔚蠀渭苇谓伪 蟿慰 1788 蟽蔚 蔚蠁畏渭蔚蟻委未蔚蟼 蟿蠅谓 螚螤螒, 渭蔚 蟽魏慰蟺蠈 蟿畏谓 蟺蟻慰蠋胃畏蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 蔚蟺喂魏蠉蟻蠅蟽畏蟼 蟿慰蠀 危蠀谓蟿维纬渭伪蟿慰蟼 蟿蠅谓 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 伪蟺蠈 蟿喂蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蟺慰蠀 伪蟺蔚位蔚蠀胃蔚蟻蠋胃畏魏伪谓 渭蔚蟿维 蟿畏谓 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏萎 螘蟺伪谓维蟽蟿伪蟽畏. 螌位伪 蟿伪 魏蔚委渭蔚谓伪 伪蟺蔚蠀胃蠉谓慰谓蟿伪喂 "蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺慰位委蟿蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委伪蟼 蟿畏蟼 螡苇伪蟼 违蠈蟻魏畏蟼", 伪位位维 蟽蟿畏谓 蟺蟻伪纬渭伪蟿喂魏蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蔚委谓伪喂 渭委伪 伪蟺维谓蟿畏蟽畏 蟽蔚 蔚魏蔚委谓慰蠀蟼 蟺慰蠀 蔚蟺苇魏蟻喂谓伪谓 蟿慰 谓苇慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 魏伪喂 蠀蟺慰蟽蟿萎蟻喂味伪谓 蠈蟿喂 慰喂 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 苇蟺蟻蔚蟺蔚 谓伪 未喂伪蟿畏蟻萎蟽慰蠀谓 蟿畏谓 伪蠀蟿慰谓慰渭委伪 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟽蟿慰 蟺位伪委蟽喂慰 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼 蟿蠅谓 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏蠋谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 (Confederation). 螤蟻蠈魏蔚蟿伪喂 纬喂伪 魏蔚委渭蔚谓伪 蟺蟻慰蟺伪纬谓未喂蟽蟿喂魏慰蠉 蠂伪蟻伪魏蟿萎蟻伪 渭蔚 谓慰渭喂魏维, 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏维 魏伪喂 位慰纬喂魏维 蔚蟺喂蠂蔚喂蟻萎渭伪蟿伪 蠀蟺苇蟻 蟿畏蟼 谓苇伪蟼 渭慰蟻蠁萎蟼 蟺慰蠀 蔚蟺蟻蠈魏蔚喂蟿慰 谓伪 位维尾慰蠀谓 慰喂 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蔚蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏萎蟼.
螕喂伪 蠈蟽慰蠀蟼 蔚谓未喂伪蠁苇蟻慰谓蟿伪喂 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 喂蟽蟿慰蟻委伪 伪蠀蟿萎蟼 蟿畏蟼 蠀蟺蔚蟻未蠉谓伪渭畏蟼, 蔚委谓伪喂 苇谓伪 蔚魏蟺位畏魏蟿喂魏维 蔚谓未喂伪蠁苇蟻慰谓 尾喂尾位委慰. 螤蟻慰蠁伪谓蠋蟼 畏 胃蔚蠋蟻畏蟽畏 蟿蠅谓 蟽蠀纬纬蟻伪蠁苇蠅谓 蟿蠅谓 维蟻胃蟻蠅谓 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂 伪谓蟿喂魏蔚喂渭蔚谓喂魏萎, 未蔚未慰渭苇谓慰蠀 蠈蟿喂 苇蠂慰蠀谓 苇谓伪谓 蟺慰位蠉 蟽蠀纬魏蔚魏蟻喂渭苇谓慰 蟽魏慰蟺蠈, 蔚委谓伪喂 蠈渭蠅蟼 蔚尉伪喂蟻蔚蟿喂魏维 魏伪位慰纬蟻伪渭渭苇谓伪 蠈位伪 魏伪喂 蠀蟺慰未蔚喂纬渭伪蟿喂魏维 蠅蟼 蟺蟻慰蟼 蟿慰谓 蟿蟻蠈蟺慰 伪谓维蟺蟿蠀尉畏蟼 蟿畏蟼 胃苇蟽畏蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼 魏伪喂 蟿慰谓 蟿蟻蠈蟺慰 蟺慰蠀... 蟺蔚蟿蟽慰魏蠈尾慰蠀谓 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏慰蠉蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼 伪谓蟿喂蟺维位慰蠀蟼. 螘蟺委蟽畏蟼, 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂 蠈位伪 蟿伪 魏蔚委渭蔚谓伪 蟿慰 委未喂慰 蔚谓未喂伪蠁苇蟻慰谓蟿伪. 违蟺维蟻蠂慰蠀谓 魏维蟺慰喂伪 蟿伪 慰蟺慰委伪 伪谓伪蟺蟿蠉蟽蟽慰蠀谓 蟺慰位蠉 蟿蔚蠂谓喂魏维 蟽畏渭蔚委伪 蟿慰蠀 危蠀谓蟿维纬渭伪蟿慰蟼 魏伪喂 蟿伪 慰蟺慰委伪 纬喂伪 魏维蟺慰喂慰谓 渭畏 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓蠈 委蟽蠅蟼 未蔚谓 苇蠂慰蠀谓 蟿蠈蟽慰 蔚谓未喂伪蠁苇蟻慰谓. 危蠀谓慰位喂魏维, 蠈渭蠅蟼, 蔚委谓伪喂 蟺慰位蠉 未喂伪蠁蠅蟿喂蟽蟿喂魏蠈 纬喂伪 蟿慰谓 蟿蟻蠈蟺慰 蟽魏苇蠄畏蟼 蟺慰蠀 慰未萎纬畏蟽蔚 蟽蟿慰 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏蠈 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 魏伪喂 蟿喂蟼 螚螤螒 蠈蟺蠅蟼 蟿喂蟼 尉苇蟻慰蠀渭蔚 蟽萎渭蔚蟻伪.
韦蠋蟻伪, 纬喂伪蟿委 蠂蟻蔚喂维蟽蟿畏魏蔚 蠈位畏 伪蠀蟿萎 畏 蟺蟻慰蟽蟺维胃蔚喂伪 纬喂伪 谓伪 蔚蟺喂魏蠀蟻蠅胃蔚委 蟿慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪; 螖蔚谓 蟿慰 胃苇位伪谓蔚 慰喂 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓慰委;
危蟿伪 渭苇蟽伪 蟿畏蟼 未蔚魏伪蔚蟿委伪蟼 蟿慰蠀 1780, 慰喂 未蔚魏伪蟿蟻蔚委蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏萎蟼 蟺慰蠀 蔚委蠂伪谓 魏蔚蟻未委蟽蔚喂 蟿畏谓 伪谓蔚尉伪蟻蟿畏蟽委伪 蟿慰蠀蟼 魏伪蟿维 蟿畏谓 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏萎 螘蟺伪谓维蟽蟿伪蟽畏, 尾蟻苇胃畏魏伪谓 蟽蔚 苇谓伪 魏蟻委蟽喂渭慰 蟽畏渭蔚委慰 蟿畏蟼 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏萎蟼 喂蟽蟿慰蟻委伪蟼. 螚 蔚蟺慰谓慰渭伪味蠈渭蔚谓畏 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪 (Confederation) 未蔚 位蔚喂蟿慰蠀蟻纬慰蠉蟽蔚. 螝伪胃蠈位慰蠀 蠈渭蠅蟼. 围蟻萎渭伪蟿伪 未蔚谓 蠀蟺萎蟻蠂伪谓 魏伪喂 蠈蟿伪谓 蠀蟺萎蟻蠂伪谓 慰喂 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蟿伪 魏蟻伪蟿慰蠉蟽伪谓 纬喂伪 蟿慰谓 蔚伪蠀蟿蠈 蟿慰蠀蟼 蠂蠅蟻委蟼 谓伪 蟽蟿苇位谓慰蠀谓 蟿畏谓 蔚喂蟽蠁慰蟻维 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟽蟿慰 蟽蟿慰 螝慰喂谓慰尾慰蠉位喂慰 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼 (Congress), 蠈蟺蠅蟼 蔚委蠂伪谓 蠀蟺慰蟽蠂蔚胃蔚委. 螣喂 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 未蔚谓 苇蟽蟿蔚位谓伪谓 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺慰蠀蟼 蟽蟿慰 蔚胃谓喂魏蠈 螝慰喂谓慰尾慰蠉位喂慰 , 蔚委蠂伪谓 畏 魏伪胃蔚渭委伪 蟿慰 未喂魏蠈 蟿畏蟼 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿蠈 魏伪喂 谓伪蠀蟿喂魏蠈 魏伪喂 蔚蟺蔚未委蠅魏伪谓 谓伪 蟽蠀谓维蟺蟿慰蠀谓 尉蔚蠂蠅蟻喂蟽蟿苇蟼 蔚渭蟺慰蟻喂魏苇蟼 蟽蠀渭蠁蠅谓委蔚蟼 渭蔚 维位位蔚蟼 蠂蠋蟻蔚蟼.
Enter Alexander Hamilton. 螠蔚 胃畏蟿蔚委伪 蟽蟿慰谓 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏蠈 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿蠈 魏伪蟿维 蟿畏谓 螘蟺伪谓维蟽蟿伪蟽畏 魏伪喂 苇蠂慰谓蟿伪蟼 未喂伪蟿蔚位苇蟽蔚喂 蔚蟺喂蟿蔚位维蟻蠂畏蟼 蟿慰蠀 Washington 纬喂伪 蟿苇蟽蟽蔚蟻伪 蠂蟻蠈谓喂伪, 慰 Hamilton 蟺委蟽蟿蔚蠀蔚 伪蟺蠈位蠀蟿伪 (蠈蟺蠅蟼 魏伪喂 慰 委未喂慰蟼 慰 Washington) 蟽蟿畏谓 蠉蟺伪蟻尉畏 渭喂伪蟼 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻萎蟼 魏蔚谓蟿蟻喂魏萎蟼 蔚胃谓喂魏萎蟼 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏蟼, 畏 慰蟺慰委伪 胃伪 蔚蟺苇蟿蟻蔚蟺蔚 蟽蟿喂蟼 螚螤螒 谓伪 蟺蟻慰魏蠈蠄慰蠀谓 蔚蟺喂蟿苇位慰蠀蟼. 韦慰 危蔚蟺蟿苇渭尾蟻喂慰 1786, 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻蠈蟽蠅蟺慰喂 伪蟺蠈 蟺苇谓蟿蔚 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 (New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia) 蟽蠀谓伪谓蟿萎胃畏魏伪谓 蟽蟿畏谓 Annapolis 魏伪喂 蟽蠀渭蠁蠋谓畏蟽伪谓 蠈蟿喂 蟿伪 螁蟻胃蟻伪 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼 (Articles of the Confederation) 慰蟺蠅蟽未萎蟺慰蟿蔚 未蔚 尾慰畏胃慰蠉蟽伪谓 蟿畏谓 伪蟺蔚位蟺喂蟽蟿喂魏萎 慰喂魏慰谓慰渭喂魏萎 魏伪喂 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏萎 魏伪蟿维蟽蟿伪蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 蠂蠋蟻伪蟼 魏伪喂 蠀蟺苇纬蟻伪蠄伪谓 渭委伪 未萎位蠅蟽畏 蟿畏谓 慰蟺慰委伪 蟽蠀谓苇蟿伪尉蔚 慰 Hamilton (伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻蠈蟽蠅蟺慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 螡苇伪蟼 违蠈蟻魏畏蟼), 渭蔚 蟿畏谓 慰蟺慰委伪 魏伪位慰蠉蟽伪谓 蟿慰蠀蟼 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺慰蠀蟼 蟿蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 谓伪 蟽蠀谓伪谓蟿畏胃慰蠉谓 蟿慰 螠维喂慰 1787 蟽蟿畏 Philadelphia 魏伪喂 谓伪 伪谓伪胃蔚蠅蟻萎蟽慰蠀谓 蟿伪 螁蟻胃蟻伪 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼 魏伪喂 谓伪 蟽蠀谓蟿维尉慰蠀谓 苇谓伪 谓苇慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蟿蠅谓 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 蟿畏蟼 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏萎蟼.
螆蟿蟽喂, 蟿慰 螠维喂慰 蟿慰蠀 1787 蟺蟻伪纬渭伪蟿慰蟺慰喂萎胃畏魏蔚 蟿慰 蟽蠀谓苇未蟻喂慰 蟽蟿畏 Philadelphia, 蟽蟿蠈蠂慰蟼 蟿慰蠀 慰蟺慰委慰蠀 蟽蟿畏谓 蟺蟻伪纬渭伪蟿喂魏蠈蟿畏蟿伪 萎蟿伪谓 谓伪 蔚谓未蠀谓伪渭蠅胃蔚委 畏 蔚胃谓喂魏萎 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼. 螤伪蟻蠈谓蟿蔚蟼 萎蟿伪谓 畏 creme de la creme 蟺蟻慰蠁伪谓蠋蟼: George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Alexander Hamilton, James Madison (伪蟺蠈 蟿畏 Virginia), John Dickinson (伪蟺蠈 蟿慰 Delaware) 魏伪喂 维位位伪 渭蔚纬维位伪 慰谓蠈渭伪蟿伪 蟿畏蟼 蔚蟺慰蠂萎蟼. 螕蟻萎纬慰蟻伪 苇纬喂谓蔚 蟽伪蠁苇蟼 蠈蟿喂 "慰魏, 蔚委蟺伪渭蔚 谓伪 魏维谓慰蠀渭蔚 蟿蟻慰蟺慰蟺慰喂萎蟽蔚喂蟼 伪位位维 蟺蟻伪纬渭伪蟿喂魏维 胃伪 萎蟿伪谓 蟺慰位蠉 魏伪位蠉蟿蔚蟻伪 谓伪 蟿慰 纬蟻维蠄慰蠀渭蔚 伪蟺蠈 蟿畏谓 伪蟻蠂萎, 苇蟿蟽喂 未蔚谓 蔚委谓伪喂"; 螝伪喂 苇蟿蟽喂 苇魏伪谓伪谓.
螘谓蟿蔚位蠋蟼 蟿蠀蠂伪委伪, 慰 James Madison 蔚委蠂蔚 萎未畏 蟽蟿伪 蟽魏伪蟻喂维 苇谓伪 苇蟿慰喂渭慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蠈蟿伪谓 尉蔚魏委谓畏蟽蔚 畏 蟽蠀谓蔚未蟻委伪蟽畏, 蟿慰 慰蟺慰委慰 慰喂 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻蠈蟽蠅蟺慰喂 蟺慰位蠉 纬蟻萎纬慰蟻伪 伪蟺慰蠁维蟽喂蟽伪谓 谓伪 蠂蟻畏蟽喂渭慰蟺慰喂萎蟽慰蠀谓 蠅蟼 尾维蟽畏. 螣 Madison, 蠀蟺蔚蟻尾慰位喂魏维 渭喂魏蟻蠈蟽蠅渭慰蟼 纬喂伪 谓伪 蠀蟺畏蟻蔚蟿萎蟽蔚喂 蟽蟿慰 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿蠈 魏伪喂 渭蔚纬维位慰蟼 尾喂尾位喂慰蠁维纬慰蟼, 蔚委蠂蔚 渭蔚位蔚蟿萎蟽蔚喂 蟽蔚 尾维胃慰蟼 蟿慰谓 Montesquieu 魏伪喂 蔚蟺慰渭苇谓蠅蟼 蟿慰 蠈位慰 蟽蠉蟽蟿畏渭伪 尾伪蟽委蟽蟿畏魏蔚 蟽蟿畏谓 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏萎 胃蔚蠅蟻委伪 蟿慰蠀 蟿蔚位蔚蠀蟿伪委慰蠀 蟺蔚蟻委 未喂维魏蟻喂蟽畏蟼 蟿蠅谓 蔚尉慰蠀蟽喂蠋谓 (蟺慰蠀 喂蟽蠂蠉蔚喂 魏伪喂 蟽萎渭蔚蟻伪 蟽蔚 蠈位蔚蟼 蟿喂蟼 蟽慰尾伪蟻苇蟼 未畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿委蔚蟼 蟿畏蟼 螖蠉蟽畏蟼). 韦慰 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏蠈 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 尾伪蟽委蟽蟿畏魏蔚 蟽蟿慰 蟺伪蟽委纬谓蠅蟽蟿慰 蟽蠉蟽蟿畏渭伪 蟿蠅谓 "checks and balances", 渭蔚 尾维蟽畏 蟿慰 慰蟺慰委慰 魏维胃蔚 渭苇蟻慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 蔚胃谓喂魏萎蟼 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏蟼 (畏 螔慰蠀位萎 蟿蠅谓 螒谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺蠅谓, 畏 螕蔚蟻慰蠀蟽委伪, 畏 螘魏蟿蔚位蔚蟽蟿喂魏萎 螘尉慰蠀蟽委伪, 蟿伪 螖喂魏伪蟽蟿萎蟻喂伪) 蔚委谓伪喂 伪谓蔚尉维蟻蟿畏蟿慰 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 维位位伪 伪位位维 蟿伪蠀蟿蠈蠂蟻慰谓伪 蟽蠀谓未苇蔚蟿伪喂 渭伪味委 蟿慰蠀蟼 渭蔚 蟿蟻蠈蟺慰 蠋蟽蟿蔚 魏伪谓苇谓伪 渭苇蟻慰蟼 谓伪 渭畏谓 渭蟺慰蟻蔚委 谓伪 伪蟺慰魏蟿萎蟽蔚喂 蠀蟺蔚蟻尾慰位喂魏萎 蔚尉慰蠀蟽委伪 畏 慰蟺慰委伪 胃伪 尾位维蠄蔚喂 蟿慰 蟺慰位委蟿蔚蠀渭伪.
螌蟿伪谓 蟽蠀渭蠁蠅谓萎胃畏魏蔚 蟿慰 魏蔚委渭蔚谓慰 蟿慰蠀 危蠀谓蟿维纬渭伪蟿慰蟼, 尉蔚魏委谓畏蟽蔚 苇谓伪蟼 渭蔚纬维位慰蟼 伪纬蠋谓伪蟼 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蔚蟺喂魏蠉蟻蠅蟽萎 蟿慰蠀 伪蟺蠈 蟿喂蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼. 螒蟺苇谓伪谓蟿喂 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 蠀蟺慰蟽蟿畏蟻喂魏蟿苇蟼 魏伪喂 蟽蠀谓蟿维魏蟿蔚蟼 蟿慰蠀, 蟺慰蠀 蟺委蟽蟿蔚蠀伪谓 蠈蟿喂 渭蠈谓慰 渭喂伪 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻萎 魏蔚谓蟿蟻喂魏萎 蔚尉慰蠀蟽委伪 渭蟺慰蟻蔚委 谓伪 蟺维蔚喂 渭蟺蟻慰蟽蟿维 蟿喂蟼 螚螤螒, 蟽蟿维胃畏魏伪谓 蠈蟽慰喂 胃蔚蠅蟻慰蠉蟽伪谓 蠈蟿喂 慰喂 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蟺蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 蔚委谓伪喂 伪蠀蟿蠈谓慰渭蔚蟼 魏伪喂 伪谓蔚尉维蟻蟿畏蟿蔚蟼 魏伪喂 谓伪 苇蠂慰蠀谓 渭委伪 蠂伪位伪蟻萎 蟽蠉谓未蔚蟽畏 渭蔚蟿伪尉蠉 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟽蟿慰 蟺位伪委蟽喂慰 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼. 螝维蟿喂 蠈渭蠅蟼 蟺慰蠀 蔚委蠂蔚 萎未畏 未慰魏喂渭伪蟽蟿蔚委 魏伪喂 伪蟺慰蟿蠉蠂蔚喂 慰喂魏蟿蟻维. 螣喂 蟺蟻蠋蟿慰喂, 蟺慰蠀 蠀蟺慰蟽蟿萎蟻喂味伪谓 蟿畏谓 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻萎 慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未喂伪魏萎 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏, 慰谓慰渭维蟽蟿畏魏伪谓 Federalists 魏伪喂 苇未蠅蟽伪谓 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 伪谓蟿喂蟺维位慰蠀蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟿畏谓 慰谓慰渭伪蟽委伪 Anti-Federalists. 危蟿慰蠀蟼 蔚蟺喂蠁伪谓苇蟽蟿蔚蟻慰蠀蟼 蟿蠅谓 蟺蟻蠋蟿蠅谓 伪谓萎魏慰蠀谓 魏伪喂 慰 Alexander Hamilton, 慰 James Madison 魏伪喂 慰 John Jay 蟺慰蠀 蔚尉苇未蠅蟽伪谓 伪蠀蟿维 蟿伪 维蟻胃蟻伪, 蟺蟻慰蟽蟺伪胃蠋谓蟿伪蟼 谓伪 蟺蔚委蟽慰蠀谓 蟿慰 位伪蠈 蟿蠅谓 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 (萎 蟿慰蠀位维蠂喂蟽蟿慰谓 蔚魏蔚委谓慰 蟿慰 渭苇蟻慰蟼 蟿慰蠀 位伪慰蠉 蟺慰蠀 畏 纬谓蠋渭畏 蟿慰蠀 渭蔚蟿蟻慰蠉蟽蔚).
螕喂伪蟿委 蟺蟻慰蠁伪谓蠋蟼 苇谓伪 魏蔚委渭蔚谓慰 蟺慰蠀 蟽蠀渭蠁蠋谓畏蟽伪谓 谓伪 慰谓慰渭维蟽慰蠀谓 "危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蟿蠅谓 螚谓蠅渭苇谓蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓" 慰蟻喂蟽渭苇谓慰喂 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏慰委 魏伪喂 未喂伪谓慰慰蠉渭蔚谓慰喂 未蔚 蟽萎渭伪喂谓蔚 伪蟺慰位蠉蟿蠅蟼 蟿委蟺慰蟿伪 蔚维谓 未蔚谓 未蔚蟽渭蔚蠉慰谓蟿伪谓 伪蟺蠈 伪蠀蟿蠈 慰喂 委未喂蔚蟼 慰喂 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼. 螌蟽慰 蟺蟻蠅蟿慰蟺慰蟻喂伪魏蠈 魏伪喂 蠁喂位蔚位蔚蠉胃蔚蟻慰 魏伪喂 伪谓 萎蟿伪谓 蠈渭蠅蟼 蟿慰 谓苇慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪, 畏 蔚蟺喂魏蠉蟻蠅蟽萎 蟿慰蠀 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 2/3 蟿蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓, 蔚谓谓苇伪 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 未畏位伪未萎, 未蔚谓 萎蟿伪谓 伪蟺位萎 蠀蟺蠈胃蔚蟽畏. 螒蟺蠈 蟿畏谓 维位位畏 渭蔚蟻喂维, 伪魏蠈渭伪 魏伪喂 蔚维谓 蟿慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蔚蟺喂魏蠀蟻蠅谓蠈蟿伪谓 伪蟺蠈 蔚谓谓苇伪 蟺慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼, 胃伪 萎蟿伪谓 未蠉蟽魏慰位慰 谓伪 蔚蠁伪蟻渭慰蟽蟿蔚委 伪蟺慰蟿蔚位蔚蟽渭伪蟿喂魏维 蔚维谓 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏苇蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蠈蟺蠅蟼 畏 螔喂蟻蟿味委谓喂伪 萎 畏 螠伪蟽伪蠂慰蠀蟽苇蟿畏 未蔚谓 蟺蟻慰蠂蠅蟻慰蠉蟽伪谓 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚蟺喂魏蠉蟻蠅蟽畏. 螘蟺喂蟺位苇慰谓, 慰喂 "Anti-Federalists" 萎蟿伪谓 魏伪喂 伪蠀蟿慰委 尾蔚蟿蔚蟻维谓慰喂 蟿畏蟼 螘蟺伪谓维蟽蟿伪蟽畏蟼, 渭蔚 渭蔚纬维位慰 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏蠈 尾维蟻慰蟼 魏伪喂 蟺委蟽蟿蔚蠀伪谓 蠈蟿喂 蟿慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蟺蟻蠈未喂未蔚 蟿慰 伪位畏胃喂谓蠈 蟺谓蔚蠉渭伪 蟿畏蟼 螘蟺伪谓维蟽蟿伪蟽畏蟼 蟿慰 委未喂慰 苇谓蟿慰谓伪 蟺慰蠀 蟺委蟽蟿蔚蠀伪谓 魏伪喂 慰喂 Federalists 蠈蟿喂 畏 蔚蟺喂魏蠉蟻蠅蟽畏 伪蟺慰蟿蔚位慰蠉蟽蔚 渭慰谓蠈未蟻慰渭慰 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蟺蟻伪纬渭维蟿蠅蟽畏 蟿慰蠀 蟺谓蔚蠉渭伪蟿慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 委未喂伪蟼 螘蟺伪谓维蟽蟿伪蟽畏蟼. 韦蟻委伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 蟽畏渭蔚委伪 蟺慰蠀 蟺蟻慰魏维位蔚蟽伪谓 蟿蟻喂尾萎 萎蟿伪谓:
1) 螣 伪蟻喂胃渭蠈蟼 蟿蠅谓 尾慰蠀位蔚蠀蟿蠋谓. 螆谓伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 尾伪蟽喂魏维 味畏蟿萎渭伪蟿伪 萎蟿伪谓 渭蔚 蟺慰喂慰 魏蟻喂蟿萎蟻喂慰 胃伪 蔚蟺喂位蔚纬蠈蟿伪谓 慰 伪蟻喂胃渭蠈蟼 蟿蠅谓 尾慰蠀位蔚蠀蟿蠋谓 魏维胃蔚 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委伪蟼 蟿慰蠀 螝慰谓纬魏蟻苇蟽慰蠀. 韦慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蟺慰蠀 蔚委蠂蔚 蟽蠀谓蟿维尉蔚喂 慰 Madison, 慰 慰蟺慰委慰蟼 蟽畏渭蔚喂蠅蟿苇慰谓 萎蟿伪谓 伪蟺蠈 蟿畏 Virginia, 渭委伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿喂蟼 渭蔚纬伪位蠉蟿蔚蟻蔚蟼 魏伪喂 蟺位慰蠀蟽喂蠈蟿蔚蟻蔚蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼, 蔚委蠂蔚 蠅蟼 尾维蟽畏 蟿慰谓 蟺位畏胃蠀蟽渭蠈, 魏维蟿喂 蟺慰蠀 未蔚谓 喂魏伪谓慰蟺慰喂慰蠉蟽蔚 蟿喂蟼 渭喂魏蟻蠈蟿蔚蟻蔚蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 蟺慰蠀 未蔚 胃伪 蔚委蠂伪谓 喂蟽蠈蟿喂渭畏 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺蔚蠀蟽畏 魏伪喂 蠀蟺慰蟽蟿萎蟻喂味伪谓 蠈蟿喂 魏维胃蔚 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委伪 苇蟺蟻蔚蟺蔚 谓伪 苇蠂蔚喂 喂蟽蠈蟿喂渭畏 蠄萎蠁慰 渭蔚 蟿喂蟼 蠀蟺蠈位慰喂蟺蔚蟼. 螤伪蟻蠈蟿喂 蟽蔚 蟺蟻伪魏蟿喂魏蠈 蔚蟺委蟺蔚未慰 蟿慰 味萎蟿畏渭伪 蔚委谓伪喂 蟺蟻慰蠁伪谓苇蟼, 胃蔚蠅蟻畏蟿喂魏维 谓蟿蠉胃畏魏蔚 渭蔚 蟿畏谓 蟺蟻慰尾位畏渭伪蟿喂魏萎 蔚维谓 蟿慰 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏蠈 螝慰喂谓慰尾慰蠉位喂慰 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠅蟺蔚蠉蔚喂 蟿喂蟼 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 (慰蟺蠈蟿蔚 1 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委伪 = 1 蠄萎蠁慰蟼) 萎 蟿慰蠀 位伪慰蠉 (慰蟺蠈蟿蔚 慰喂 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻蠈蟽蠅蟺慰喂 胃伪 蟺蟻苇蟺蔚喂 谓伪 蔚魏位苇纬慰谓蟿伪喂 伪谓伪位慰纬喂魏维 尾维蟽蔚喂 蟺位畏胃蠀蟽渭慰蠉). 螚 位蠉蟽畏 蟺慰蠀 蠀喂慰胃蔚蟿萎胃畏魏蔚 蟿蔚位喂魏维 萎蟿伪谓 蟿慰 未喂蟺位蠈 蟽蠉蟽蟿畏渭伪 蟺慰蠀 尉苇蟻慰蠀渭蔚 蟽萎渭蔚蟻伪: 伪谓伪位慰纬喂魏萎 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺蔚蠀蟽畏 蟽蟿畏 螔慰蠀位萎 螒谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺蠅谓, 喂蟽蠈蟿喂渭畏 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺蔚蠀蟽畏 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓 蟽蟿畏 螕蔚蟻慰蠀蟽委伪 (2 螕蔚蟻慰蠀蟽喂伪蟽蟿苇蟼 伪谓维 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委伪). 韦慰 蟽蠉蟽蟿畏渭伪 喂魏伪谓慰蟺慰委畏蟽蔚 蟿伪 渭苇位畏 蟿畏蟼 蔚蟺喂蟿蟻慰蟺萎蟼, 伪位位维 魏维蟺蠅蟼 苇蟺蟻蔚蟺蔚 谓伪 蟿慰 蟺慰蠀位萎蟽慰蠀谓 魏伪喂 蟺伪蟻伪苇尉蠅.
2) 螣 蟺蟻蠈蔚未蟻慰蟼. 危蟿畏谓 伪蠀纬萎 蟿畏蟼 伪谓蔚尉伪蟻蟿畏蟽委伪蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼, 慰喂 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓慰委 蔚委蠂伪谓 苇谓蟿慰谓畏 伪位位蔚蟻纬委伪 蟽蔚 慰蟿喂未萎蟺慰蟿蔚 胃蠉渭喂味蔚 螒纬纬位委伪. 螝伪喂 蟿喂 尾蟻蠅渭维蔚喂 螒纬纬位委伪 伪蟺蠈 蠂喂位喂蠈渭蔚蟿蟻伪; That's right, 畏 尾伪蟽喂位蔚委伪. 韦慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蟺蟻慰苇尾位蔚蟺蔚 喂蟽蠂蠀蟻萎 蔚魏蟿蔚位蔚蟽蟿喂魏萎 蔚尉慰蠀蟽委伪. 螒蠀蟿蠈 魏蟻委胃畏魏蔚 伪蟺伪蟻伪委蟿畏蟿慰 蟺蟻慰魏蔚喂渭苇谓慰蠀 谓伪 蠀蟺维蟻蠂蔚喂 苇位蔚纬蠂慰蟼 魏伪喂 蔚谓蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蟽蟿畏谓 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏, 伪位位维 未畏渭喂慰蠀蟻纬慰蠉蟽蔚 魏伪喂 苇谓蟿慰谓畏 伪谓畏蟽蠀蠂委伪 蠈蟿喂 渭蟺慰蟻蔚委 谓伪 未畏渭喂慰蠀蟻纬慰蠉蟽蔚 蟺维蟿畏渭伪 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蔚纬魏伪胃委未蟻蠀蟽畏 蔚谓蠈蟼 伪谓蟿喂未畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿喂魏慰蠉 魏伪胃蔚蟽蟿蠋蟿慰蟼, 蠈蟺慰蠀 慰 蟺蟻蠈蔚未蟻慰蟼 胃伪 喂蟽慰未蠀谓伪渭慰蠉蟽蔚 渭蔚 蟿慰 尾伪蟽喂位喂维. 螝伪喂 蔚谓蠋 蔚魏蔚委谓畏 蟿畏 蟽蟿喂纬渭萎 伪蠀蟿蠈 未蔚谓 萎蟿伪谓 蟺蟻蠈尾位畏渭伪 纬喂伪蟿委 慰 蟺蟻蠋蟿慰蟼 蟺蟻蠈蔚未蟻慰蟼 蟿畏蟼 螒渭蔚蟻喂魏萎蟼 萎蟿伪谓 未蔚未慰渭苇谓慰蟼 魏伪喂 苇蠂伪喂蟻蔚 蟿畏蟼 蟺位萎蟻慰蠀蟼 蔚渭蟺喂蟽蟿慰蟽蠉谓畏蟼 蠈位蠅谓, 蟿喂 胃伪 纬喂谓蠈蟿伪谓 渭蔚蟿维;
3) 螣喂 蟽魏位维尾慰喂. 螚 未慰蠀位蔚委伪 蔚委蠂蔚 魏伪蟿伪蟻纬畏胃蔚委 蟽蟿慰 螔慰蟻蟻维, 畏 慰喂魏慰谓慰渭委伪 蟿慰蠀 螡蠈蟿慰蠀 蠈渭蠅蟼 蔚尉伪魏慰位慰蠀胃慰蠉蟽蔚 谓伪 蟽蟿畏蟻委味蔚蟿伪喂 蟽蔚 伪蠀蟿蠈谓 蟿慰谓 蔚蠀纬蔚谓萎 胃蔚蟽渭蠈. 螆谓伪 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 尾伪蟽喂魏维 蟺蟻慰尾位萎渭伪蟿伪 萎蟿伪谓 魏伪蟿维 蟺蠈蟽慰 慰喂 蟽魏位维尾慰喂 胃伪 苇蟺蟻蔚蟺蔚 谓伪 蠀蟺慰位慰纬委味慰谓蟿伪喂 蟽蟿慰谓 蟺位畏胃蠀蟽渭蠈 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蔚魏位慰纬萎 蟿蠅谓 尾慰蠀位蔚蠀蟿蠋谓 蟽蟿畏 螔慰蠀位萎 蟿蠅谓 螒谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠋蟺蠅谓. 螣喂 尾蠈蟻蔚喂慰喂 蟺蟻慰蠁伪谓蠋蟼 未蔚谓 萎胃蔚位伪谓 谓伪 蠀蟺慰位慰纬委味慰谓蟿伪喂 慰喂 蟽魏位维尾慰喂, 未喂蠈蟿喂 蟽蔚 伪蠀蟿萎谓 蟿畏谓 蟺蔚蟻委蟺蟿蠅蟽畏 伪蠀尉伪谓蠈蟿伪谓 蠀蟺蔚蟻尾慰位喂魏维 慰 蟺位畏胃蠀蟽渭蠈蟼 蟿蠅谓 谓蠈蟿喂蠅谓 螤慰位喂蟿蔚喂蠋谓. 韦伪 蔚魏伪蟿苇蟻蠅胃蔚谓 蔚蟺喂蠂蔚喂蟻萎渭伪蟿伪 蔚委谓伪喂 蔚尉伪喂蟻蔚蟿喂魏维 谓蟿蟻慰蟺喂伪蟽蟿喂魏维 纬喂伪 蟿慰 伪谓胃蟻蠋蟺喂谓慰 蔚委未慰蟼 蠈蟺蠅蟼 蟿慰 伪谓蟿喂位伪渭尾伪谓蠈谓伪蟽蟿蔚 蟿慰谓 20蠈 魏伪喂 21慰 伪喂蠋谓伪, 伪位位维 蟿蠈蟿蔚 伪蟺慰蟿蔚位慰蠉蟽蔚 苇谓伪 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏蠈 味萎蟿畏渭伪 蟺慰蠀 伪蟺伪喂蟿慰蠉蟽蔚 位蠉蟽畏. 螔蔚尾伪委蠅蟼 慰喂 蟻蠈位慰喂 萎蟿伪谓 伪谓蟿委蟽蟿蟻慰蠁慰喂 蟽蟿慰 蔚蟻蠋蟿畏渭伪 魏伪蟿维 蟺蠈蟽慰 慰喂 蟽魏位维尾慰喂 苇蟺蟻蔚蟺蔚 谓伪 位畏蠁胃慰蠉谓 蠀蟺蠈蠄畏 蟽蟿慰谓 蟺位畏胃蠀蟽渭蠈 纬喂伪 蟿慰谓 蠀蟺慰位慰纬喂蟽渭蠈 蟿畏蟼 慰喂魏慰谓慰渭喂魏萎蟼 蔚喂蟽蠁慰蟻维蟼 魏维胃蔚 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委伪蟼 蟽蟿畏谓 螆谓蠅蟽畏. 危蔚 伪蠀蟿萎谓 蟿畏谓 蟺蔚蟻委蟺蟿蠅蟽畏, 慰喂 谓蠈蟿喂慰喂 蟺蟻慰蟿喂渭慰蠉蟽伪谓 谓伪 渭蔚委谓慰蠀谓 蔚魏蟿蠈蟼 慰喂 蟽魏位维尾慰喂, 蔚谓蠋 慰喂 尾蠈蟻蔚喂慰喂 蔚委蠂伪谓 蟿畏谓 伪谓蟿委胃蔚蟿畏 维蟺慰蠄畏, 纬喂伪蟿委 未蔚谓 萎胃蔚位伪谓 谓伪 蟺苇蟽蔚喂 蟺维谓蠅 蟿慰蠀蟼 蟿慰 慰喂魏慰谓慰渭喂魏蠈 尾维蟻慰蟼 蟽蠀谓蟿萎蟻畏蟽畏蟼 蟿畏蟼 魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏蟼. 螣 蟽蠀渭尾喂尾伪蟽渭蠈蟼 蟺慰蠀 苇纬喂谓蔚 蟿蔚位喂魏维, 魏伪喂 蟿慰谓 慰蟺慰委慰谓 苇蟺蟻蔚蟺蔚 谓伪 蟽蔚蟻尾委蟻慰蠀谓 慰喂 蠁委位慰喂 渭伪蟼 蟽蟿慰蠀蟼 蟽蠀渭蟺慰位委蟿蔚蟼 蟿慰蠀蟼, 萎蟿伪谓 蟿蠈蟽慰 蔚蠀蟻畏渭伪蟿喂魏蠈蟼 蠈蟽慰 魏伪喂 蔚蟺慰谓蔚委未喂蟽蟿慰蟼: 慰喂 蟽魏位维尾慰喂 胃伪 渭蔚蟿蟻慰蠉蟽伪谓 魏伪喂 蟽蟿喂蟼 未蠉慰 蟺蔚蟻喂蟺蟿蠋蟽蔚喂蟼, 喂蟽慰未蠀谓伪渭蠋谓蟿伪蟼 渭蔚 3/5 蟿慰蠀 伪谓胃蟻蠋蟺慰蠀.
违蟺萎蟻蠂伪谓 尾苇尾伪喂伪 魏伪喂 维位位伪 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏维 蟽畏渭蔚委伪. 螚 魏慰喂谓萎 蔚渭蟺慰蟻喂魏萎 蟺慰位喂蟿喂魏萎, 慰 蟽蟿蟻伪蟿蠈蟼, 畏 苇位位蔚喂蠄畏 蟺蟻蠈尾位蔚蠄畏蟼 纬喂伪 蟿伪 伪蟿慰渭喂魏维 未喂魏伪喂蠋渭伪蟿伪 蟽蟿慰 魏蔚委渭蔚谓慰 蟿慰蠀 危蠀谓蟿维纬渭伪蟿慰蟼 魏伪喂 维位位伪. 螣喂 螤慰位喂蟿蔚委蔚蟼 尾蟻苇胃畏魏伪谓 伪谓蟿喂渭苇蟿蠅蟺蔚蟼 渭蔚 苇谓伪 魏蔚委渭蔚谓慰 蟺慰蠀 蠈蠂喂 渭蠈谓慰 未蔚谓 伪蟺慰蟿蔚位慰蠉蟽蔚 渭喂伪 伪蟺位萎 "蟿蟻慰蟺慰蟺慰委畏蟽畏" 蟿蠅谓 螁蟻胃蟻蠅谓 蟿畏蟼 危蠀谓慰渭慰蟽蟺慰谓未委伪蟼, 伪位位维 蟺慰蠀 蔚纬魏伪胃喂蟽蟿慰蠉蟽蔚 渭委伪 蔚谓蟿蔚位蠋蟼 未喂伪蠁慰蟻蔚蟿喂魏萎 渭慰蟻蠁萎 未喂伪魏蠀尾苇蟻谓畏蟽畏蟼. 韦慰 蟺喂慰 纬谓蠅蟽蟿蠈 伪蟺蠈 蟿伪 维蟻胃蟻伪 蔚委谓伪喂 蟿慰 谓慰. 10, 蟽蟿慰 慰蟺慰委慰 慰 Madison 蟿蔚魏渭畏蟻喂蠋谓蔚喂 蠈蟿喂 畏 蔚谓蠈蟿畏蟿伪 蟺慰蠀 未喂伪蟽蠁伪位委味蔚喂 蟿慰 危蠉谓蟿伪纬渭伪 蔚委谓伪喂 慰 渭蠈谓慰蟼 蟿蟻蠈蟺慰蟼 未喂伪蟿萎蟻畏蟽畏蟼 蟿畏蟼 未畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿委伪蟼 苇谓伪谓蟿喂 蟿蠅谓 蠁蟻伪尉喂慰谓喂蟽渭蠋谓 魏伪喂 蠈蟿喂 畏 未畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿委伪 (慰 蠈蟻慰蟼 蟺慰蠀 蠂蟻畏蟽喂渭慰蟺慰喂蔚委蟿伪喂 蔚委谓伪喂 "republic" 魏伪喂 蠈蠂喂 "democracy", 未蔚未慰渭苇谓慰蠀 蠈蟿喂 渭喂位维渭蔚 纬喂伪 伪谓蟿喂蟺蟻慰蟽蠅蟺蔚蠀蟿喂魏萎 魏伪喂 蠈蠂喂 维渭蔚蟽畏 未畏渭慰魏蟻伪蟿委伪) 未喂伪蟿畏蟻蔚委蟿伪喂 蔚蠀魏慰位蠈蟿蔚蟻伪 蟽蔚 苇谓伪 渭蔚纬维位慰 魏蟻维蟿慰蟼. 螤慰位蠉 蟽畏渭伪谓蟿喂魏蠈 蔚蟺委蟽畏蟼 蔚委谓伪喂 蟿慰 谓慰. 51 纬喂伪 蟿畏 位蔚喂蟿慰蠀蟻纬委伪 蟿慰蠀 蟽蠀蟽蟿萎渭伪蟿慰蟼 蟿蠅谓 "checks and balances".
螣 蟽蟿蠈蠂慰蟼 蟿蠅谓 Federalist Papers 畏蟿伪谓 谓伪 蔚魏蟺伪喂未蔚蠀蟿蔚委 慰 位伪蠈蟼 蟽蔚 伪蠀蟿蠈 蟿慰 谓苇慰 蟽蠉蟽蟿畏渭伪, 谓伪 蟿慰 蠂蠅谓苇蠄慰蠀谓 魏伪喂 谓伪 魏伪蟿伪谓慰萎蟽慰蠀谓 蟿畏谓 伪谓伪纬魏伪喂蠈蟿畏蟿维 蟿慰蠀 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蟺蟻蠈慰未慰 魏伪喂 蟿畏谓 蔚蠀畏渭蔚蟻委伪 蟿慰蠀 伪渭蔚蟻喂魏伪谓喂魏慰蠉 位伪慰蠉. 螝伪喂 蟺伪蟻蠈蟿喂 渭维位位慰谓 蟽蟿畏谓 蔚蟺慰蠂萎 蟿慰蠀蟼 未蔚谓 未喂伪尾维蟽蟿畏魏伪谓 蟿蠈蟽慰 蔚蠀蟻苇蠅蟼 蠋蟽蟿蔚 谓伪 蔚蟺畏蟻蔚维蟽慰蠀谓 蟿畏谓 蔚蟺喂魏蠉蟻蠅蟽畏, 蔚魏 蟿蠅谓 蠀蟽蟿苇蟻蠅谓 伪蟺慰蟿苇位蔚蟽伪谓 胃蔚渭蔚位喂蠋未蔚蟼 蔚纬蠂蔚喂蟻委未喂慰 纬喂伪 蟿畏谓 蔚蟻渭畏谓蔚委伪 蟿慰蠀 危蠀谓蟿维纬渭伪蟿慰蟼. 螝伪喂 伪魏蠈渭伪 蟺喂慰 蔚魏 蟿蠅谓 蠀蟽蟿苇蟻蠅谓, 苇谓伪 喂蟽蟿慰蟻喂魏萎蟼 蟽畏渭伪蟽委伪蟼 尾喂尾位委慰.
December 3, 2008
It's hard to rate a book like this. On the one hand, it's one of the foundational writings of American history; on the other hand, it's boring. Much of it is, anyway. Reading it seemed like such a good idea when I first picked it up at Barnes & Noble two or three years ago. I still think it's a book every American should read. I'm just glad I'm finished.
I was encouraged by what emerged as the worldview of these authors, as in this excerpt from Federalist 37, written by James Madison, as he reflected on the forces that brought together the United States:
"It is impossible, for the man of pious reflection, not to perceive in it a finger of that Almighty Hand, which has been so frequently and signally extended to our relief in the critical stages of the revolution."
And there's this response to spin from Alexander Hamilton, in Federalist 36:
"They can answer no other end than to cast a mist over the truth."
Madison, Hamilton and John Jay had a robust vocabulary that would offer challenging words for any spelling bee. Among the words they used:
nugatory
excrescent
apothegm
mutability
animadversion
I was encouraged by what emerged as the worldview of these authors, as in this excerpt from Federalist 37, written by James Madison, as he reflected on the forces that brought together the United States:
"It is impossible, for the man of pious reflection, not to perceive in it a finger of that Almighty Hand, which has been so frequently and signally extended to our relief in the critical stages of the revolution."
And there's this response to spin from Alexander Hamilton, in Federalist 36:
"They can answer no other end than to cast a mist over the truth."
Madison, Hamilton and John Jay had a robust vocabulary that would offer challenging words for any spelling bee. Among the words they used:
nugatory
excrescent
apothegm
mutability
animadversion
December 22, 2019
How many Americans can say they've read the Constitution? My guess is probably not many. And those that have only did it for school and have since forgotten much of what they learned. Personally, I remember having to memorize the Bill of Rights for a class, but that's about it.
So I bought a copy of the Constitution for myself and began reading it. It's important now more than ever that we read and understand it.
So I bought a copy of the Constitution for myself and began reading it. It's important now more than ever that we read and understand it.
July 5, 2012
The Federalist Papers was a tough slog to get through, but, like mining for diamonds, it was worth it. There are no published records of the internal deliberations of the Founding Fathers in their development of the U.S. Constitution ---- the Federalist Papers is really our only intense summary of their thinking in why they put its various measures in it. With some input from John Jay, the Papers are overwhelmingly the product of two great men who would later be political opponents -- James Madison and Alexander Hamilton. Nevertheless, on the Constitution, these two very different men came together, and crafted one of the greatest works in political thought.
I think that, such as it is now, these United States are far from the Constitution --- due to modern developments of a constitutionally and economically ignorant citizenry; a craven, imperial President; a cowardly, short-sighted, selfish Congress; and last and, perhaps, most lethally, a Federal Court system that is out of touch, arrogant, politically active and ideological, unaccountable, constitutionally ignorant, and usurping of the power of legislation properly belonging to Congress.
I don't think that the Papers are for the average reader. They are written largely in 18th Century terminology, but, even for their times, seem intended for a highly educated, well-informed audience. However, every law student and every judge should demonstrate mastery and understanding of them. Moreover, no politician aspiring to high federal office has any business in such unless they have read and understand the Federalist Papers in my opinion. They are the source code of our Federal Republic, and the ignorance of the body politic and of the courts are sending America on the road to damnation.
I think that, such as it is now, these United States are far from the Constitution --- due to modern developments of a constitutionally and economically ignorant citizenry; a craven, imperial President; a cowardly, short-sighted, selfish Congress; and last and, perhaps, most lethally, a Federal Court system that is out of touch, arrogant, politically active and ideological, unaccountable, constitutionally ignorant, and usurping of the power of legislation properly belonging to Congress.
I don't think that the Papers are for the average reader. They are written largely in 18th Century terminology, but, even for their times, seem intended for a highly educated, well-informed audience. However, every law student and every judge should demonstrate mastery and understanding of them. Moreover, no politician aspiring to high federal office has any business in such unless they have read and understand the Federalist Papers in my opinion. They are the source code of our Federal Republic, and the ignorance of the body politic and of the courts are sending America on the road to damnation.
January 30, 2025
Treatises on human nature from the perspective of liberal conservatism. It's a genuine pleasure to read the cultivated prose and passionate wisdom of these great statesmen, and there are so many hidden gems of insight about the art of politics鈥攖hese are not just critical founding documents but contributions to the Great Tradition. Would that we still had men of power and influence who at least approached their caliber of eloquence, and their blend of practical realism with sturdy moral ideals.
Want to read
February 26, 2025Alexander joins forces with James Madison and John Jay to write a series of essays Defending the new United States Constitution, entitled The Federalist Papers. The plan was to write a total of twenty-five essays, the work divided evenly among the three men (even tho 25 dived by three isn鈥檛 equal)
In the end, they wrote eighty-five essays in the span of six months鈥�
John Jay got sick after writing five
James Madison wrote twenty-nine
Hamilton wrote the other FIFTY-ONE!
In the end, they wrote eighty-five essays in the span of six months鈥�
John Jay got sick after writing five
James Madison wrote twenty-nine
Hamilton wrote the other FIFTY-ONE!
October 18, 2011
Don't let the 3 star rating mislead you. This is a brilliant summation of the Constitution by three of the smartest Founding Fathers: Alexander Hamilton (first Secretary of the Treasury), James Madison (Father of the Constitution and fourth President of the U.S.), and John Jay (first Chief Justice of the Supreme Court). It is such a shame that there are so few political geniuses in government today. The breadth of their knowledge, particularly Madison's, boggles the mind. Except for the fact that they took the view that the Constitution didn't need a bill of rights (that was passed after the writing of these papers), you will find no better examination of the Constitution. But that is one of the problems with "The Federalist Papers," it examines the structure of the federal government in detail (brilliantly too), but most of today's Constitutional questions revolve around the amendments to the Constitution. So, if you were looking for the Founding Fathers' ideas about the meaning behind the second amendment, you better find a different book. The other problem with the book is that while the language is not archaic (yet), it is still difficult for the average reader to grasp. If you didn't get a high verbal score on the SATs, look for the version in modern English. So really, this is a great book to read for the serious political scientist, but the average reader should look for something easier or limit themselves to Papers 10 and 51.
December 4, 2013
Boring as all get out, practically put me to sleep and still I ended up liking this book. How could I not in some ways? It presents the arguments of three men, who if I certainly did not admire, can certainly respect their passionately held opinions and their hopes for what America could be. Also, it really helped me to better understand the Constitution and the Bill of Rights and the historical context that resulted in some of the seemingly odd or unnecessary clauses and stipulations.
And the sheer history of it! To understand that time and what people were concerned about. To think that hundreds and thousands of Americans read those same papers as they strove to chart the course of America's future and took them into account,as well as the Anti-Federalist papers (which I often lean toward).
An important, if somewhat somnambulent, read for every American!
And the sheer history of it! To understand that time and what people were concerned about. To think that hundreds and thousands of Americans read those same papers as they strove to chart the course of America's future and took them into account,as well as the Anti-Federalist papers (which I often lean toward).
An important, if somewhat somnambulent, read for every American!
March 14, 2019
The Federalist Papers is a collection of 85 short essays, written by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison & John Jay, in order to convince the readers of New York newspapers to support the institution of a federal Constitution.
In order to understand the content of these essays, it is important to understand the times in which they were written. The former 13 American colonies had revolted against the British Empire and declared their indepdence in 1776. But this was only the beginning, because the logical follow-up question soon arose: And what next?
There were, at the time, 13 states, which all had their own power structure and political and economic interests. For example, Northern states depended more on international trade, while Southern states depended more on the plantation industry. Adding to this the continuous westward exploration and settlement of new lands, and there would arise inevitable conflicts of interest between the states.
The recent struggle against the British (as well as against the French earlier in the century) had shown the American peoples on the one hand that there was a need for military, political and economic bundling of strength, while at the same time existing conflicts of interests would srve as future levers for European empires to manipulate. So, ultimately, the question boiled down to this: should we, the American inhabitant, unite under a Federal government, or should we remain independent states? Or, put in another form, should we institute a Federal Constitution which would bind all states to a common cause?
Each state had to decide the answer to this question for itself, meaning that in each state debate arose between federalists and anti-federalists. The authors of The Federalist Papers were federalists and tried to sway the reading public in New York to their cause. So, these 85 essays explain why a federal constitution is the only way out of the current problems, and how such a constitution and federal state should function in practice.
The interesting part, for me, is the realism portrayed by the authors, in that acknowledge the need for authority (due to the flawed nature of man) while also acknowledging that power corrupts and should be curbed. They draw on a wide range of sources for inspirations in order to come up with a concrete, comprehense view on how the American federal state should function.
In short, it should be a democratic republic, in which voters choose their representatives and in which a binding constitution clearly circumscribes the room for manoeuvre for administrators. Power is chopped up and placed into different state organs which then keep each other in balance; the whole system is a system of checks and balances, all designed to curb the malignent designs of scheming politicians and power-hungry despots. In a sense, the Union is designed to enforce deliberation and procrastrination in policiy-making and law-giving, in order to prevent the rise of a despot or monarch.
The doctrines of separation of powers and the institution of a system of checks and balances draw heavily on ideas as propagated by Montesquieu, while notions like republicanism and democracy draw heavily on Ancient Greece. When it comes to the protection of individual citizens against an oppressive and powerful state, the federalists draw heavily on ideas of John Locke. For example, the freedom of speech and the right to bear arms are manifestations of the ultimate right to protect your life, property and liberty.
The essays themselves are rather contextual, meaning that one cannot fully understand them without any prior historical understanding of 18th century America. Also, the style of writing is very typical of the time - the English they use is beautiful, but for a modern reader rather longwinded. Lastly, the subject matter is abstract and dry by nature, and the manifold repeating of the same ideas over 400 pages can become rather boring (and rather quick, at that). Safe to say, one doesn't need to read all of the essays to understand the ideas Hamilton, Madison & Jay set out to defend.
(I always find it hard to rate books such as these. Historically, this book is very influential - still. Also, the subject matter is at times highly interesting. Yet the style of writing and the longwindedness are rather tiresome... So I'll just give two stars; take it for what it's worth.)
In order to understand the content of these essays, it is important to understand the times in which they were written. The former 13 American colonies had revolted against the British Empire and declared their indepdence in 1776. But this was only the beginning, because the logical follow-up question soon arose: And what next?
There were, at the time, 13 states, which all had their own power structure and political and economic interests. For example, Northern states depended more on international trade, while Southern states depended more on the plantation industry. Adding to this the continuous westward exploration and settlement of new lands, and there would arise inevitable conflicts of interest between the states.
The recent struggle against the British (as well as against the French earlier in the century) had shown the American peoples on the one hand that there was a need for military, political and economic bundling of strength, while at the same time existing conflicts of interests would srve as future levers for European empires to manipulate. So, ultimately, the question boiled down to this: should we, the American inhabitant, unite under a Federal government, or should we remain independent states? Or, put in another form, should we institute a Federal Constitution which would bind all states to a common cause?
Each state had to decide the answer to this question for itself, meaning that in each state debate arose between federalists and anti-federalists. The authors of The Federalist Papers were federalists and tried to sway the reading public in New York to their cause. So, these 85 essays explain why a federal constitution is the only way out of the current problems, and how such a constitution and federal state should function in practice.
The interesting part, for me, is the realism portrayed by the authors, in that acknowledge the need for authority (due to the flawed nature of man) while also acknowledging that power corrupts and should be curbed. They draw on a wide range of sources for inspirations in order to come up with a concrete, comprehense view on how the American federal state should function.
In short, it should be a democratic republic, in which voters choose their representatives and in which a binding constitution clearly circumscribes the room for manoeuvre for administrators. Power is chopped up and placed into different state organs which then keep each other in balance; the whole system is a system of checks and balances, all designed to curb the malignent designs of scheming politicians and power-hungry despots. In a sense, the Union is designed to enforce deliberation and procrastrination in policiy-making and law-giving, in order to prevent the rise of a despot or monarch.
The doctrines of separation of powers and the institution of a system of checks and balances draw heavily on ideas as propagated by Montesquieu, while notions like republicanism and democracy draw heavily on Ancient Greece. When it comes to the protection of individual citizens against an oppressive and powerful state, the federalists draw heavily on ideas of John Locke. For example, the freedom of speech and the right to bear arms are manifestations of the ultimate right to protect your life, property and liberty.
The essays themselves are rather contextual, meaning that one cannot fully understand them without any prior historical understanding of 18th century America. Also, the style of writing is very typical of the time - the English they use is beautiful, but for a modern reader rather longwinded. Lastly, the subject matter is abstract and dry by nature, and the manifold repeating of the same ideas over 400 pages can become rather boring (and rather quick, at that). Safe to say, one doesn't need to read all of the essays to understand the ideas Hamilton, Madison & Jay set out to defend.
(I always find it hard to rate books such as these. Historically, this book is very influential - still. Also, the subject matter is at times highly interesting. Yet the style of writing and the longwindedness are rather tiresome... So I'll just give two stars; take it for what it's worth.)
June 13, 2018
I read some of these papers in college as directed by my Professor, but had never read them all. This book should be studied and used as a reference! You have likely heard legal scholars refer to quotes that happen to be apt in a certain circumstance! But the point of having this book is to be able to understand the minds of the founders on every issue of the draft Constitution. Amazingly, these founder advocacy efforts was their pro-Constitution鈥檚 social media campaign. They and the anti-federalist used pen names to hide their identity, but history has identified them. Hamilton, Jay, and Madison.
Most commonly quoted are numbers, 2, Jay, on foreign interference, 9, Hamilton,on protection against domestic insurrection, 10, Madison, same as 9, 14, Madison,the nations boundaries and scope, 23, Hamilton, on the need for a Federal Government for the common defense, 30, Hamilton, on the need for federal power of taxation, 51, Madison, on the powers vested in the federal government, 57, reiterating that citizenship was the only requirements for voting, and 68, Madison, on the reasoning of the construction of the house and senate.
Most interesting, Madison, in 62, is describing the need for stable figures in the senate who are older, have longer terms of office and represent each state with equal votes. They then would be less mutable (I.e. changeable/inconsistent) eliminating the mischievous effects of such a mutable government. 鈥渋t (mutability) forfeits the respect and confidence of other nations, and all advantages connected with national character.鈥� (My comment, Surely Madison鈥檚 observation should also apply to our president if he believed it鈥檚 a must apply to Senators!!!)
Far and away the best writers are Hamilton and Madison. Jay鈥檚 style is full of commas separating diversionary comments, that causes his point often to be lost.
The books best-use is as a reference when trying to understand the reasoning of the founders leadingto the way our nation was to be constituted. Courts habitually have referenced these papers as justifications for their decisions.
The brilliance of these men is astonishing, their anticipation of issues uncanny! The miracle of our founding cannot be understood without reading these papers, and continuing to refer to them.
Clearly, reading these are necessary for every educated citizen.
Next I need to read the anti federalist papers!
Most commonly quoted are numbers, 2, Jay, on foreign interference, 9, Hamilton,on protection against domestic insurrection, 10, Madison, same as 9, 14, Madison,the nations boundaries and scope, 23, Hamilton, on the need for a Federal Government for the common defense, 30, Hamilton, on the need for federal power of taxation, 51, Madison, on the powers vested in the federal government, 57, reiterating that citizenship was the only requirements for voting, and 68, Madison, on the reasoning of the construction of the house and senate.
Most interesting, Madison, in 62, is describing the need for stable figures in the senate who are older, have longer terms of office and represent each state with equal votes. They then would be less mutable (I.e. changeable/inconsistent) eliminating the mischievous effects of such a mutable government. 鈥渋t (mutability) forfeits the respect and confidence of other nations, and all advantages connected with national character.鈥� (My comment, Surely Madison鈥檚 observation should also apply to our president if he believed it鈥檚 a must apply to Senators!!!)
Far and away the best writers are Hamilton and Madison. Jay鈥檚 style is full of commas separating diversionary comments, that causes his point often to be lost.
The books best-use is as a reference when trying to understand the reasoning of the founders leadingto the way our nation was to be constituted. Courts habitually have referenced these papers as justifications for their decisions.
The brilliance of these men is astonishing, their anticipation of issues uncanny! The miracle of our founding cannot be understood without reading these papers, and continuing to refer to them.
Clearly, reading these are necessary for every educated citizen.
Next I need to read the anti federalist papers!
Want to read
February 17, 2021I have had this audio book on my shelves for years and thought I might not be able to get through it, but now realize that is no excuse. Politics these days have deteriorated to such an extent I cannot read or watch any 'news' for long, whether it be mainstream or alternative. As a nation we have killed millions of babies and call it health-care for women. We have leaders in high office who call themselves 'Catholic' who support this and many other things contrary to the teachings of our faith and 'Catholic' bishops who not only do not speak out against their actions, but openly endorse them. This is NOT what the Catholic Church teaches, nor do I believe is it what our founding fathers intended. In fear for all of our souls, I pray for every single person, born and preborn, that God have mercy on us. In between prayers, I will learn what our nation's founders really intended for our country because I cannot believe they meant for any of this.
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