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丿賮鬲乇賴丕蹖 夭賳丿丕賳: 丿賮鬲乇賴丕蹖 丕賵賱 賵 丿賵賲
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867 pages, Hardcover
First published January 1, 1948
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About the author
Antonio Gramsci
507听books887听followersAntonio Francesco Gramsci was an Italian Marxist philosopher, linguist, journalist, writer, and politician. He wrote on philosophy, political theory, sociology, history, and linguistics. He was a founding member and one-time leader of the Italian Communist Party. A vocal critic of Benito Mussolini and fascism, he was imprisoned in 1926, where he remained until his death in 1937.
During his imprisonment, Gramsci wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and analysis. His Prison Notebooks are considered a highly original contribution to 20th-century political theory. Gramsci drew insights from varying sources 鈥� not only other Marxists but also thinkers such as Niccol貌 Machiavelli, Vilfredo Pareto, Georges Sorel, and Benedetto Croce. The notebooks cover a wide range of topics, including the history of Italy and Italian nationalism, the French Revolution, fascism, Taylorism and Fordism, civil society, the state, historical materialism, folklore, religion, and high and popular culture.
Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony, which describes how the state and ruling capitalist class 鈥� the bourgeoisie 鈥� use cultural institutions to maintain wealth and power in capitalist societies. In Gramsci's view, the bourgeoisie develops a hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence, economic force, or coercion. He also attempted to break from the economic determinism of orthodox Marxist thought, and so is sometimes described as a neo-Marxist. He held a humanistic understanding of Marxism, seeing it as a philosophy of praxis and an absolute historicism that transcends traditional materialism and traditional idealism.
During his imprisonment, Gramsci wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and analysis. His Prison Notebooks are considered a highly original contribution to 20th-century political theory. Gramsci drew insights from varying sources 鈥� not only other Marxists but also thinkers such as Niccol貌 Machiavelli, Vilfredo Pareto, Georges Sorel, and Benedetto Croce. The notebooks cover a wide range of topics, including the history of Italy and Italian nationalism, the French Revolution, fascism, Taylorism and Fordism, civil society, the state, historical materialism, folklore, religion, and high and popular culture.
Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony, which describes how the state and ruling capitalist class 鈥� the bourgeoisie 鈥� use cultural institutions to maintain wealth and power in capitalist societies. In Gramsci's view, the bourgeoisie develops a hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence, economic force, or coercion. He also attempted to break from the economic determinism of orthodox Marxist thought, and so is sometimes described as a neo-Marxist. He held a humanistic understanding of Marxism, seeing it as a philosophy of praxis and an absolute historicism that transcends traditional materialism and traditional idealism.
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Displaying 1 - 19 of 19 reviews
July 1, 2024
This book was upsetting and did not contain very much theory or exploration of ideas. And yet, I was completely drawn into these letters. I had a deep morbid curiosity for all of the details of Gramsci's suffering. He is always trying to talk himself and his relatives into believing that he is well, and yet, he just as often writes about his loneliness, pain, anxiety, boredom, despair. This alternation between shouting "I'm fine!" to myself and the world and then experiencing emotional pain was familiar to me.
As the years pass, he realizes that his family has accepted his indefinite imprisonment, and the letters grow more and more sparse. He goes for months at a time without hearing from his wife, who seems to be too distraught to remember him, and so he leans on his sister in law for support. They seem to develop feelings for each other that perhaps move into the romantic. Gramsci speaks of trying to grow flowers for her, but unable to give them enough water, they dry up and never bloom.
It is interesting to me that he had little perspective of how Marxism / capitalism influence peoples' personal lives and suffering. During one letter to his brother, he talks about how he pushed through high school on one meal a day, and fainted during a college exam 3 or 4 times. And then he says that he thought it built character in him, and taught him not to rely on others. To me, the core of socialism is interdependence, kindness, caring for people. So why is he advising his brother to learn independence from others? This way I have of applying socialism to the personal details of my own life must be a newer way of thinking.
The stories about training sparrows as pets and learning mafia knife fighting techniques were interesting. I think it really says something that they would not allow him to speak with any other prisoner who was educated. It was an intentional punishment to deepen his loneliness.
Overall, the letters drip with despair, despite all the determination he has to resist, and to remain active, which he did achieve.
As the years pass, he realizes that his family has accepted his indefinite imprisonment, and the letters grow more and more sparse. He goes for months at a time without hearing from his wife, who seems to be too distraught to remember him, and so he leans on his sister in law for support. They seem to develop feelings for each other that perhaps move into the romantic. Gramsci speaks of trying to grow flowers for her, but unable to give them enough water, they dry up and never bloom.
It is interesting to me that he had little perspective of how Marxism / capitalism influence peoples' personal lives and suffering. During one letter to his brother, he talks about how he pushed through high school on one meal a day, and fainted during a college exam 3 or 4 times. And then he says that he thought it built character in him, and taught him not to rely on others. To me, the core of socialism is interdependence, kindness, caring for people. So why is he advising his brother to learn independence from others? This way I have of applying socialism to the personal details of my own life must be a newer way of thinking.
The stories about training sparrows as pets and learning mafia knife fighting techniques were interesting. I think it really says something that they would not allow him to speak with any other prisoner who was educated. It was an intentional punishment to deepen his loneliness.
Overall, the letters drip with despair, despite all the determination he has to resist, and to remain active, which he did achieve.
October 13, 2023
"We live in a time when the old is dying and the new cannot yet be born. In this strange interregnum, many weird symptoms appear." Gramsci has been going in and out of style, but he's always guaranteed to raise an eyebrow. Here he's talking about Mussolini and fascism but could just as easily be describing Trump and the decline of the American empire. Gramsci composed these notebooks while serving a life sentence under Il Duce. I particularly recommend his thoughts on "Fordism"---the American way of organizing not only an industry but all of society as one vast assembly line.
June 5, 2017
This one is just the first out of many volumes of the Prison Notebooks by Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937). The most notable idea in it is that of cultural hegemony. The dominant or leading class' values and norms permeate all of society's cultural and social spheres. This can only be achieved when the leading class is constructing prudent alliances with other groups in order to establish their cultural hegemony. For example, the Bourgeoisie allied with Christianity and the Catholic Church in order to establish their cultural hegemony. Similarly, Marxism would need to ally with the Reformation and Humanism in order to establish its cultural hegemony.
Even though Gramsci is a Marxist author, his ideas have been utilised by Fascists, the New Right and other political groups. Gramsci does not develop the idea of hegemony in any of his essays explicitly. The term hegemony just appears at some point and by reading it in various essays you slowly get an idea of it. Most essays deal with the details of Italian intellectual life of the 19th and early 20th century or the Risorgimento, the Italian Unification, which he uses as his case study to induce his theory. Even though he introduced me to new thinkers, such as Benedetto Croce, a lot of the essays can seem a bit dull and lost their appeal for the 21st century reader.
Even though Gramsci is a Marxist author, his ideas have been utilised by Fascists, the New Right and other political groups. Gramsci does not develop the idea of hegemony in any of his essays explicitly. The term hegemony just appears at some point and by reading it in various essays you slowly get an idea of it. Most essays deal with the details of Italian intellectual life of the 19th and early 20th century or the Risorgimento, the Italian Unification, which he uses as his case study to induce his theory. Even though he introduced me to new thinkers, such as Benedetto Croce, a lot of the essays can seem a bit dull and lost their appeal for the 21st century reader.
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December 3, 2023Notes on Prison Notebooks volume 1
鈥� Introduction
o An interesting question research would be: Where and who are the political prisoners in the United States in the 21st century? Edward Snowden and Julian Assange are the first two that come to mind, but there are most certainly others. Additionally, what can be learned from who the political prisoners are in a country at any given time?
飩� In the United States, there is almost no reporting in main stream media publications about leftist political prisoners, aside from Assange or Snowden. If we assume that this is because there are currently not many leftist political prisoners in the United States, this could indicate that the left is not healthy, or at least not presenting an active threat to the ruling neoliberal bourgeois class.
o Another interesting research question: were sports teams in the United States ever supported by/representative of leftist or socialist groups? It seems that there is a history of support by such groups for association football in Europe, historically, but I have not seen any history of leftist support for sports in the United States, at least in the big four leagues (MLB, NBA, NHL, NFL).
o Gramsci鈥檚 ironic perspective and appreciation of prison life is fascinating. I think it can be generalized to a view of many aspects of modern life, which have been stripped of any meaning and commoditized.
飩� Personally, I find myself appreciating the NFL through the same ironic lens that Gramsci appreciates prison life. The NFL is arguably the most exciting sport to watch, almost every game is close, and there is a growing use of analytics in the sport which makes it both more accessible and interesting. However, this is all caveated by the acknowledgement that the sport should not exist and is a sign of a decaying culture and society, much like gladiators.
Notebook 1
鈥� Note 15 鈥� On Italian Universities
o There are many similarities between what Gramsci describes as the situation in Italian Universities at the time and the current existing universities in the United States. Lectures in US universities are the same as those in Italian universities wherein the professor gives a lecture to the entire class with little dialogue between professor and students. To the extent that students wish to have a dialogue with the professor it is mediated through the process of pursuing a thesis. However, thesis research is highly specialized and thus limits the scope of any dialogue.
o There is no dialectical process between students and teachers. Therefore, Universities are only a place to disperse bourgeois propaganda, which obviously is the priority of both university administrators and donors.
鈥� Note 25 鈥� Achille Loria
o There are many current intellectuals in the west that remind one of Gramsci鈥檚 description of Achille Loria. Positivism seems to have continued to the present day in the west, and we can now look back on the effects that positivism has had as the dominant 鈥減rogressive鈥� political ideology in the west (read: the United States) for more than 50 years. An obvious effect is the utter defeat of the left and a nearly-dead labor movement in the west. A less obvious effect is the near-death of culture and media. Cultural and media institutions are often presented as being progressive (aside from things like Fox News/the Murdoch media empire). Positivism allows these institutions to present themselves as such; positivism allows one to feel that it is ok to feel powerless because there are scientific justifications for the decay of the planet.
鈥� Note 42 鈥� Father Bresciani鈥檚 Progeny
o Gramsci is interested in the view of groups of people through the 鈥渟cientific鈥� lens that positivism uses. He points out places where the detached, scientific view allows one to view other groups of people as inferior. 鈥溾€ne reaches the implicit conclusion that a whole people are 鈥榠nferior鈥� and that, therefore, nothing can be done.鈥�
飩� This has been borne out by the west since the end of WWII, and the defeat of leftist movements around the world. We live in a post-racial world today where power imbalances between the global south and the global north have been baked in. The dominant neoliberal bourgeois ideology has eliminated discussions of race from the mainstream 鈥� this may be good at the ideological and psychological level; however, it is meaningless at the material level. Both within the United States and around the world in the global south, materials differences abound across racial lines. In the United States non-white people are significantly worse-off from a material perspective. However, we are not allowed to talk about that because we have erased race from any serious discussion.
鈥� Norm Macdonald had a joke about this on a radio interview that was instructive. He said something along the lines of 鈥淚 wouldn鈥檛 want to live in a neighborhood with black people because it would be violent.鈥� Now, of course we cannot fall into the trap that Gramsci has pointed out which arises from the positivist view 鈥� the neighborhood Norm is referring to is not more violent because black people are inherently more violent. It is more violent because the neighborhood is more likely to be poor if it is predominantly black, because black people are more likely to be poor than white people in the United States, due to structural designs created by the white bourgeois ruling class during the country鈥檚 conception. The radio interviewer Norm is talking to falls into the trap, ridiculously arguing that black neighborhoods are not more likely to be poor, which is not factually true.
o It seems like there has been a proliferation of ignorance about where ideology comes from. People have a vague sense that their ideology is grounded in 鈥渟cience鈥�, but people do not understand why this is or what it means. It is as if positivism has succeeded in eliminating any other mainstream liberal ideology, and as a result people have no reason to think about ideology any more.
飩� As a result, any time someone tries to have a conversation surrounding morals, they are completely lost. They must base their opinion on their own personal experience, which is good up to a point. But when they are presented with a novel situation, they have no moral structure to fall back on.
鈥� Note 43 鈥� types of periodicals
o At this point it seems like most of Gramsci鈥檚 insights are not grounded in historical materialism. He talks about the development of ideologies and how they progress from one stage to the next. However, he does not connect this development to underlying historical material conditions. This can probably be attributed, at least in part, to the fact that he did not have materials to ground his research in at this point of his imprisonment.
o 鈥淔uturism鈥� smacks of the 鈥渢hird way鈥� politics of the Clintons and modern neoliberal Democrats in the US. Bourgeois liberals are always forced to come up with new justifications for the fact that liberal ideology is inherently reactionary.
鈥� Note 44 鈥� Political class leadership before and after assuming government power
o Just as Gramsci has defined the class that the Moderates represented during the Risorgimento, it would be interesting to define the class that the Democratic and Republican parties represent in the United States. In many ways the classes that each party represent are similar, in fact it is likely that they both represent the same elite class. If this is the case, then the only real way to differentiate them is through factions that appear through operations of what has been called the Deep State.
o Gramsci talks about the Jacobins advancing the revolution by establishing the conditions for bourgeois political dominance. 鈥淭he Jacobins, therefore, forced their hand, but always in the direction of real historical development, because they not only founded the bourgeois state and made of the bourgeoisie the 鈥榙ominant鈥� class, but they did more (in a certain sense), they made of the bourgeoisie the leading hegemonic class, that is, they provide the state with a permanent base.鈥�
飩� Traditional Marxist analysis says that the bourgeois rule needs to precede the dictatorship of the proletariat. However, often such analysis seems to feel that the rule of the bourgeoisie will be short-lived, on the scale of decades, when it seems that the rule of the bourgeoisie will last for centuries.
飩� This is because the bourgeoisie needs to establish power over the entire global political economy before the conditions arise wherein the proletariat is fully self-conscious and ready to assume power. We are closer to that situation now than, for example, the Bolsheviks were in the Russian Revolution of 1917. But it is unclear when the conditions will be right for the worldwide proletariat revolution.
鈥� Note 47 鈥� Hegel and Associationism
o Gramsci鈥檚 ideas around intellectualism, ideology, and hegemony are starting to become more concrete, as he pulls examples from the French Revolution of political formations and how they formulated ideas.
鈥� Note 48 鈥� Charles Maurras鈥� reverse Jacobinism
o Gramsci places such weight on ideology and intellectualism without interrogating the underlying historical material reasons such ideologies developed.
飩� This again is probably in large part due to the dearth of research materials Gramsci had access to at the time.
鈥� Note 61 鈥� Americanism
o Gramsci points out that intellectual currents in Europe are influenced by the long history and development of Capitalism on the continent. He contrasts this with the situation in America, where there is not the same long history of Capitalist development.
飩� Gramsci also describes the result of the ingrained intellectual structures in Europe as being that a class of 鈥渓azy鈥� people has been created which rely on their generational wealth.
飩� I would prefer if these structures were defined by material conditions instead, but again this is probably impossible given Gramsci鈥檚 imprisonment.
o Interesting that Gramsci points out that hegemony is preceded by the development of superstructure. So, in the United States, which is relatively new, the superstructure has not yet been created, so the question of hegemony has not yet been posed.
飩� Would Gramsci feel that the superstructure is developed now? (and following the conclusion of WWII)? Or, maybe a better question is when would Gramsci say that the superstructure is developed in the United States?
鈥� I would say that the superstructure becomes defined in the 1970s, aka the start of the era of neoliberalism.
鈥� Note 76 鈥� The crisis of the 鈥渨est鈥�
o Gramsci draws a line between the decline of the church and the rise of the 鈥渨est.鈥� It seems useful to draw a distinction between the two eras 鈥� the era of the church and the era of the west 鈥� even though much of western culture and development owes itself to the church.
飩� In a way the West is its own religion, but with a metaphysics based in capitalism and positivism, and no form of true spirituality.
鈥� Note 78 鈥� the public and Italian literature
o Gramsci has a great insight about literature (and true art, for that matter): 鈥溾€iterature must be simultaneously an act of culture (civilization) and a work of art (beauty).鈥�
鈥� Note 89 鈥� Folklore
o It is interesting to oppose folklore to the ideology of the state. The state tries to eradicate folklore to the extent that it is detrimental to the aims of the state.
飩� In the west the state has an ideology grounded in science and positivism (liberalism). Obviously, this is because the state is run by capital, and positivism makes the masses obedient and more ready to accept injustice.
o What does folklore look like in the modern United States, and in the west as a whole?
飩� Likely it is a regional phenomenon in the United States, but there are also likely aspects of liberalism that have led to a common folklore across most of the country and the west as a whole.
鈥� Note 101 鈥� Piedigrotta
o 鈥淭here is no longer any heartfelt laughter: there are sneers and mechanical parochial witticisms.鈥�
飩� In my opinion one of the signature cultural productions of the United States in the 20th and 21st century has been comedy in general, and standup comedy. However, comedy has been dying during the recent culture wars. The only good comedy right now is that which criticizes the cultural hegemon, whether directly or tongue in cheek. Nick Mullen, Adam Friedland, Shane Gillis, and any comedic product of the dirtbag left are the peak of American comedy now. They have identified the absurdity of the internal contradictions that proponents and intellectuals of the neoliberal culture are forced to hold to exist. It is funny to compare Shane Gillis to Saturday Night Live, who fired him after a joke that they deemed to be insensitive. Saturday Night Live has had had some funny moments in time, but currently it is as funny as any comedy that could be written by artificial intelligence.
鈥� Note 114 鈥� The Risorgimento. Political and military leadership.
o It would be interesting to study the political connections between military officers in the United States and the government, and also the deep state. In fact, an in depth understanding of the connections and constituencies of military officers in this country (including internal police forces) could shed light on the power dynamics of the government and the deep state, and who is really in control.
鈥� Note 141 鈥� Americanism
o Gramsci seems to be defining Americanism as a rejection of history, and comparing it to Italy where there are many centuries of history. It seems that he finds it problematic that Italian liberal forces are so interested in pursuing Americanism. (Obviously he does not hold reactionary views; rather, he sees that Americanism is the intellectual justification that capital has built to oppress the masses).
鈥� Note 151 鈥� The historical relation between the modern French state created by the Revolution and the other modern European states
o Gramsci points out how older economic classes transition to 鈥渃aste鈥� once a new political economic order has been created. This happened in France during the restoration, when the old Feudal class was allowed to continue to govern, even though they no longer were a defined economic class.
飩� This is what happened to black people in the United States following the US Civil War. Black people transitioned from a class having an economic position (slaves) to a new economic order where the grouping still existed, but now as a caste instead of a political economic class.
飩� How does having 鈥渃aste-consciousness鈥� differ from having class-consciousness? Having caste-consciousness does not allow for political economic action as a group, because it is not defined under current political economic conditions. As Gramsci has pointed out above, it is defined under prior political economic conditions which no longer exist. Therefore, caste-consciousness is limited in that it accepts current political economic conditions as given. The ruling class under the current political economic conditions is fine with class consciousness because it does not pose a threat to their power.
Notebook 2
鈥� Note 6 鈥� An article, 鈥楶roblemi finanziari,鈥� signed Verax (Tittoni) in Nuova Antologia of 1 June 1927
o Gramsci compares the financing of WWI in Italy to other European in countries. It seems that in other countries the capital of all classes, or at least the upper class was used to finance the war. However, in Italy, the capital of the middle classes was used in order to save the capital of the upper class.
飩� It seems like this could help describe how the conditions for fascism arose in Italy (and probably Germany as well). A class of formerly wealthy, capital-holding, middle class people was suddenly without capital (and therefore, without power in the modern liberal capitalist world economy). This would obviously lead to anger and resentment, and a desire to regain that power somehow. Fascism offered that path to power, not directly through regaining capital, however, but through violence and oppressing the Other.
飩� This is another reason to compare the political economic situation in the United States and the rest of the West to that in Germany and Italy prior to WWII.
鈥� Note 12 鈥� The Italian Merchant Marine
o Gramsci is doing much more hard research in this notebook than the previous one. Initially that seems to be how he divided his work.
鈥� Note 21
o Gramsci discusses a brief, recent imperial history of Ethiopia; however, he fails to discuss the situation for the population, or even touch on the intellectual situation in the country at the time.
飩� In part this is due to his lack of sources on the history. However, his blind spots represent a failure on his part to consider the people in Ethiopia to the same degree that he considers the people and intellectuals in Italy (he treats this through a racist lens, in other words).
飩� This is what Cedric Robinson is referring to when he discusses the shortcomings of Marxism in the 19th and 20th centuries 鈥� the framework of the philosophy may be correct, but the analysis falls short because it fails to consider the entire global political economy, the historical material conditions that underly other regions outside of Europe, and the failure to consider the historical material perspectives and intellectual traditions of people outside of Europe and the west.
鈥� Note 30 鈥� Italy and Yemen in the new Arab policy
o Gramsci take much more seriously the popular mood and intellectual traditions of Yemen in this note than he did in the previous note regarding Ethiopia. I am curious why this is the case.
鈥� Note 75
o In part of his critique of the author of the article under consideration, Gramsci points to a more general flaw in sociological analysis; namely, that this type of analysis lacks a critical point of view.
飩� This reminds me of Lukacs鈥� critiques of bourgeois analysis, and how it tries to remain objective at all costs. In truth there is not such thing as true 鈥渙bjective鈥� analysis of any social phenomenon, so the result is either drivel, or an implied support for the bourgeois class in power (the author may not even be aware that their work supports the class in power).
鈥� Note 78 鈥� Atlantic-Pacific
o Gramsci briefly asks whether the central hegemonic axis will shift in the future from the Atlantic to the Pacific, given the massive populations of China and India.
飩� Almost 100 years in the future, the axis has shifted but it has not exclusively moved to the Pacific. Instead, it seems merely stretched between the two. The US is stuck right in the middle of the hegemonic axis, but I could see it shifting much more away from the Atlantic in the next 50 years as the economic and political conditions in Europe
鈥� Introduction
o An interesting question research would be: Where and who are the political prisoners in the United States in the 21st century? Edward Snowden and Julian Assange are the first two that come to mind, but there are most certainly others. Additionally, what can be learned from who the political prisoners are in a country at any given time?
飩� In the United States, there is almost no reporting in main stream media publications about leftist political prisoners, aside from Assange or Snowden. If we assume that this is because there are currently not many leftist political prisoners in the United States, this could indicate that the left is not healthy, or at least not presenting an active threat to the ruling neoliberal bourgeois class.
o Another interesting research question: were sports teams in the United States ever supported by/representative of leftist or socialist groups? It seems that there is a history of support by such groups for association football in Europe, historically, but I have not seen any history of leftist support for sports in the United States, at least in the big four leagues (MLB, NBA, NHL, NFL).
o Gramsci鈥檚 ironic perspective and appreciation of prison life is fascinating. I think it can be generalized to a view of many aspects of modern life, which have been stripped of any meaning and commoditized.
飩� Personally, I find myself appreciating the NFL through the same ironic lens that Gramsci appreciates prison life. The NFL is arguably the most exciting sport to watch, almost every game is close, and there is a growing use of analytics in the sport which makes it both more accessible and interesting. However, this is all caveated by the acknowledgement that the sport should not exist and is a sign of a decaying culture and society, much like gladiators.
Notebook 1
鈥� Note 15 鈥� On Italian Universities
o There are many similarities between what Gramsci describes as the situation in Italian Universities at the time and the current existing universities in the United States. Lectures in US universities are the same as those in Italian universities wherein the professor gives a lecture to the entire class with little dialogue between professor and students. To the extent that students wish to have a dialogue with the professor it is mediated through the process of pursuing a thesis. However, thesis research is highly specialized and thus limits the scope of any dialogue.
o There is no dialectical process between students and teachers. Therefore, Universities are only a place to disperse bourgeois propaganda, which obviously is the priority of both university administrators and donors.
鈥� Note 25 鈥� Achille Loria
o There are many current intellectuals in the west that remind one of Gramsci鈥檚 description of Achille Loria. Positivism seems to have continued to the present day in the west, and we can now look back on the effects that positivism has had as the dominant 鈥減rogressive鈥� political ideology in the west (read: the United States) for more than 50 years. An obvious effect is the utter defeat of the left and a nearly-dead labor movement in the west. A less obvious effect is the near-death of culture and media. Cultural and media institutions are often presented as being progressive (aside from things like Fox News/the Murdoch media empire). Positivism allows these institutions to present themselves as such; positivism allows one to feel that it is ok to feel powerless because there are scientific justifications for the decay of the planet.
鈥� Note 42 鈥� Father Bresciani鈥檚 Progeny
o Gramsci is interested in the view of groups of people through the 鈥渟cientific鈥� lens that positivism uses. He points out places where the detached, scientific view allows one to view other groups of people as inferior. 鈥溾€ne reaches the implicit conclusion that a whole people are 鈥榠nferior鈥� and that, therefore, nothing can be done.鈥�
飩� This has been borne out by the west since the end of WWII, and the defeat of leftist movements around the world. We live in a post-racial world today where power imbalances between the global south and the global north have been baked in. The dominant neoliberal bourgeois ideology has eliminated discussions of race from the mainstream 鈥� this may be good at the ideological and psychological level; however, it is meaningless at the material level. Both within the United States and around the world in the global south, materials differences abound across racial lines. In the United States non-white people are significantly worse-off from a material perspective. However, we are not allowed to talk about that because we have erased race from any serious discussion.
鈥� Norm Macdonald had a joke about this on a radio interview that was instructive. He said something along the lines of 鈥淚 wouldn鈥檛 want to live in a neighborhood with black people because it would be violent.鈥� Now, of course we cannot fall into the trap that Gramsci has pointed out which arises from the positivist view 鈥� the neighborhood Norm is referring to is not more violent because black people are inherently more violent. It is more violent because the neighborhood is more likely to be poor if it is predominantly black, because black people are more likely to be poor than white people in the United States, due to structural designs created by the white bourgeois ruling class during the country鈥檚 conception. The radio interviewer Norm is talking to falls into the trap, ridiculously arguing that black neighborhoods are not more likely to be poor, which is not factually true.
o It seems like there has been a proliferation of ignorance about where ideology comes from. People have a vague sense that their ideology is grounded in 鈥渟cience鈥�, but people do not understand why this is or what it means. It is as if positivism has succeeded in eliminating any other mainstream liberal ideology, and as a result people have no reason to think about ideology any more.
飩� As a result, any time someone tries to have a conversation surrounding morals, they are completely lost. They must base their opinion on their own personal experience, which is good up to a point. But when they are presented with a novel situation, they have no moral structure to fall back on.
鈥� Note 43 鈥� types of periodicals
o At this point it seems like most of Gramsci鈥檚 insights are not grounded in historical materialism. He talks about the development of ideologies and how they progress from one stage to the next. However, he does not connect this development to underlying historical material conditions. This can probably be attributed, at least in part, to the fact that he did not have materials to ground his research in at this point of his imprisonment.
o 鈥淔uturism鈥� smacks of the 鈥渢hird way鈥� politics of the Clintons and modern neoliberal Democrats in the US. Bourgeois liberals are always forced to come up with new justifications for the fact that liberal ideology is inherently reactionary.
鈥� Note 44 鈥� Political class leadership before and after assuming government power
o Just as Gramsci has defined the class that the Moderates represented during the Risorgimento, it would be interesting to define the class that the Democratic and Republican parties represent in the United States. In many ways the classes that each party represent are similar, in fact it is likely that they both represent the same elite class. If this is the case, then the only real way to differentiate them is through factions that appear through operations of what has been called the Deep State.
o Gramsci talks about the Jacobins advancing the revolution by establishing the conditions for bourgeois political dominance. 鈥淭he Jacobins, therefore, forced their hand, but always in the direction of real historical development, because they not only founded the bourgeois state and made of the bourgeoisie the 鈥榙ominant鈥� class, but they did more (in a certain sense), they made of the bourgeoisie the leading hegemonic class, that is, they provide the state with a permanent base.鈥�
飩� Traditional Marxist analysis says that the bourgeois rule needs to precede the dictatorship of the proletariat. However, often such analysis seems to feel that the rule of the bourgeoisie will be short-lived, on the scale of decades, when it seems that the rule of the bourgeoisie will last for centuries.
飩� This is because the bourgeoisie needs to establish power over the entire global political economy before the conditions arise wherein the proletariat is fully self-conscious and ready to assume power. We are closer to that situation now than, for example, the Bolsheviks were in the Russian Revolution of 1917. But it is unclear when the conditions will be right for the worldwide proletariat revolution.
鈥� Note 47 鈥� Hegel and Associationism
o Gramsci鈥檚 ideas around intellectualism, ideology, and hegemony are starting to become more concrete, as he pulls examples from the French Revolution of political formations and how they formulated ideas.
鈥� Note 48 鈥� Charles Maurras鈥� reverse Jacobinism
o Gramsci places such weight on ideology and intellectualism without interrogating the underlying historical material reasons such ideologies developed.
飩� This again is probably in large part due to the dearth of research materials Gramsci had access to at the time.
鈥� Note 61 鈥� Americanism
o Gramsci points out that intellectual currents in Europe are influenced by the long history and development of Capitalism on the continent. He contrasts this with the situation in America, where there is not the same long history of Capitalist development.
飩� Gramsci also describes the result of the ingrained intellectual structures in Europe as being that a class of 鈥渓azy鈥� people has been created which rely on their generational wealth.
飩� I would prefer if these structures were defined by material conditions instead, but again this is probably impossible given Gramsci鈥檚 imprisonment.
o Interesting that Gramsci points out that hegemony is preceded by the development of superstructure. So, in the United States, which is relatively new, the superstructure has not yet been created, so the question of hegemony has not yet been posed.
飩� Would Gramsci feel that the superstructure is developed now? (and following the conclusion of WWII)? Or, maybe a better question is when would Gramsci say that the superstructure is developed in the United States?
鈥� I would say that the superstructure becomes defined in the 1970s, aka the start of the era of neoliberalism.
鈥� Note 76 鈥� The crisis of the 鈥渨est鈥�
o Gramsci draws a line between the decline of the church and the rise of the 鈥渨est.鈥� It seems useful to draw a distinction between the two eras 鈥� the era of the church and the era of the west 鈥� even though much of western culture and development owes itself to the church.
飩� In a way the West is its own religion, but with a metaphysics based in capitalism and positivism, and no form of true spirituality.
鈥� Note 78 鈥� the public and Italian literature
o Gramsci has a great insight about literature (and true art, for that matter): 鈥溾€iterature must be simultaneously an act of culture (civilization) and a work of art (beauty).鈥�
鈥� Note 89 鈥� Folklore
o It is interesting to oppose folklore to the ideology of the state. The state tries to eradicate folklore to the extent that it is detrimental to the aims of the state.
飩� In the west the state has an ideology grounded in science and positivism (liberalism). Obviously, this is because the state is run by capital, and positivism makes the masses obedient and more ready to accept injustice.
o What does folklore look like in the modern United States, and in the west as a whole?
飩� Likely it is a regional phenomenon in the United States, but there are also likely aspects of liberalism that have led to a common folklore across most of the country and the west as a whole.
鈥� Note 101 鈥� Piedigrotta
o 鈥淭here is no longer any heartfelt laughter: there are sneers and mechanical parochial witticisms.鈥�
飩� In my opinion one of the signature cultural productions of the United States in the 20th and 21st century has been comedy in general, and standup comedy. However, comedy has been dying during the recent culture wars. The only good comedy right now is that which criticizes the cultural hegemon, whether directly or tongue in cheek. Nick Mullen, Adam Friedland, Shane Gillis, and any comedic product of the dirtbag left are the peak of American comedy now. They have identified the absurdity of the internal contradictions that proponents and intellectuals of the neoliberal culture are forced to hold to exist. It is funny to compare Shane Gillis to Saturday Night Live, who fired him after a joke that they deemed to be insensitive. Saturday Night Live has had had some funny moments in time, but currently it is as funny as any comedy that could be written by artificial intelligence.
鈥� Note 114 鈥� The Risorgimento. Political and military leadership.
o It would be interesting to study the political connections between military officers in the United States and the government, and also the deep state. In fact, an in depth understanding of the connections and constituencies of military officers in this country (including internal police forces) could shed light on the power dynamics of the government and the deep state, and who is really in control.
鈥� Note 141 鈥� Americanism
o Gramsci seems to be defining Americanism as a rejection of history, and comparing it to Italy where there are many centuries of history. It seems that he finds it problematic that Italian liberal forces are so interested in pursuing Americanism. (Obviously he does not hold reactionary views; rather, he sees that Americanism is the intellectual justification that capital has built to oppress the masses).
鈥� Note 151 鈥� The historical relation between the modern French state created by the Revolution and the other modern European states
o Gramsci points out how older economic classes transition to 鈥渃aste鈥� once a new political economic order has been created. This happened in France during the restoration, when the old Feudal class was allowed to continue to govern, even though they no longer were a defined economic class.
飩� This is what happened to black people in the United States following the US Civil War. Black people transitioned from a class having an economic position (slaves) to a new economic order where the grouping still existed, but now as a caste instead of a political economic class.
飩� How does having 鈥渃aste-consciousness鈥� differ from having class-consciousness? Having caste-consciousness does not allow for political economic action as a group, because it is not defined under current political economic conditions. As Gramsci has pointed out above, it is defined under prior political economic conditions which no longer exist. Therefore, caste-consciousness is limited in that it accepts current political economic conditions as given. The ruling class under the current political economic conditions is fine with class consciousness because it does not pose a threat to their power.
Notebook 2
鈥� Note 6 鈥� An article, 鈥楶roblemi finanziari,鈥� signed Verax (Tittoni) in Nuova Antologia of 1 June 1927
o Gramsci compares the financing of WWI in Italy to other European in countries. It seems that in other countries the capital of all classes, or at least the upper class was used to finance the war. However, in Italy, the capital of the middle classes was used in order to save the capital of the upper class.
飩� It seems like this could help describe how the conditions for fascism arose in Italy (and probably Germany as well). A class of formerly wealthy, capital-holding, middle class people was suddenly without capital (and therefore, without power in the modern liberal capitalist world economy). This would obviously lead to anger and resentment, and a desire to regain that power somehow. Fascism offered that path to power, not directly through regaining capital, however, but through violence and oppressing the Other.
飩� This is another reason to compare the political economic situation in the United States and the rest of the West to that in Germany and Italy prior to WWII.
鈥� Note 12 鈥� The Italian Merchant Marine
o Gramsci is doing much more hard research in this notebook than the previous one. Initially that seems to be how he divided his work.
鈥� Note 21
o Gramsci discusses a brief, recent imperial history of Ethiopia; however, he fails to discuss the situation for the population, or even touch on the intellectual situation in the country at the time.
飩� In part this is due to his lack of sources on the history. However, his blind spots represent a failure on his part to consider the people in Ethiopia to the same degree that he considers the people and intellectuals in Italy (he treats this through a racist lens, in other words).
飩� This is what Cedric Robinson is referring to when he discusses the shortcomings of Marxism in the 19th and 20th centuries 鈥� the framework of the philosophy may be correct, but the analysis falls short because it fails to consider the entire global political economy, the historical material conditions that underly other regions outside of Europe, and the failure to consider the historical material perspectives and intellectual traditions of people outside of Europe and the west.
鈥� Note 30 鈥� Italy and Yemen in the new Arab policy
o Gramsci take much more seriously the popular mood and intellectual traditions of Yemen in this note than he did in the previous note regarding Ethiopia. I am curious why this is the case.
鈥� Note 75
o In part of his critique of the author of the article under consideration, Gramsci points to a more general flaw in sociological analysis; namely, that this type of analysis lacks a critical point of view.
飩� This reminds me of Lukacs鈥� critiques of bourgeois analysis, and how it tries to remain objective at all costs. In truth there is not such thing as true 鈥渙bjective鈥� analysis of any social phenomenon, so the result is either drivel, or an implied support for the bourgeois class in power (the author may not even be aware that their work supports the class in power).
鈥� Note 78 鈥� Atlantic-Pacific
o Gramsci briefly asks whether the central hegemonic axis will shift in the future from the Atlantic to the Pacific, given the massive populations of China and India.
飩� Almost 100 years in the future, the axis has shifted but it has not exclusively moved to the Pacific. Instead, it seems merely stretched between the two. The US is stuck right in the middle of the hegemonic axis, but I could see it shifting much more away from the Atlantic in the next 50 years as the economic and political conditions in Europe
June 3, 2024
I should have read "Selections" instead...
This edition did have a nice 60-page intro by none other than noted Marxist scholar Mayor Pete's Dad.
This edition did have a nice 60-page intro by none other than noted Marxist scholar Mayor Pete's Dad.
April 5, 2012
in places a brilliant book. in places unless you are down with the intellecual - political scene in late 1800s early 1900s mussolini era, a lot of this will go over your head - well it did go over mine. Gramshe wrote this collection of his notes whilst in prison over about a 8 year period and its essentially a collection of his intellectual musings on a whole variery of topics from Islam, to mussololini, to gabriele d'anunzio to americanism and christianity. incredibly detailed book and very intellectual. it took me about 30 pages or so to get into his style. he also talks about creating an individal that in combine intelectual philosophical political and social characterstics and act not just talk about acting. his theroy of cultural hegemony is fascinating.
June 2, 2012
Las reflexiones durante los a帽os en la c谩rcel de Grasmci se extienden por una amplia gama de t贸picos, la historia Italiana,La revoluci贸n francesa, la unificaci贸n Alemana, la econ贸mica 辫辞濒铆迟颈肠补 y los medios.
Su an谩lisis de los Intelectuales en el movimiento de unificaci贸n italiano y posteriormente en el siglo XX es magnifico, de la misma forma la forma en que se aleja del marxismo ortodoxo y lo modifica con sus propias ideas respecto al socialismo occidental.
Su an谩lisis de los Intelectuales en el movimiento de unificaci贸n italiano y posteriormente en el siglo XX es magnifico, de la misma forma la forma en que se aleja del marxismo ortodoxo y lo modifica con sus propias ideas respecto al socialismo occidental.
April 2, 2023
讴鬲丕亘 禺賵亘蹖 賳亘賵丿. 丿乇 賵丕賯毓 賳賵卮鬲賳 丕蹖賳 賴丕 丕丨鬲賲丕賱丕 亘乇丕蹖 禺賵丿 賳賵蹖爻賳丿賴 鬲爻讴蹖賳蹖 亘賵丿賴 亘丕卮丿. 丕賲丕 亘乇丕蹖 禺賵丕賳賳丿賴 丕丨鬲賲賱丕 賴蹖趩 賮丕蹖丿賴 丕蹖 賳禺賵丕賴丿 丿丕卮鬲.
賱蹖賳讴 胤丕賯趩賴
賱蹖賳讴 胤丕賯趩賴
July 6, 2008
heavily theoretical communist writer. Less generally applicable than I had hoped.
December 5, 2019
Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) estuvo en la c谩rcel desde 1926 hasta casi su muerte, en 1937. Los cuadernos que dej贸 escritos (2,848 p谩ginas) se fueron ordenando p贸stumamente y d谩ndose a la publicaci贸n, con las consabidas dificultades pues se trata de uno de los pensadores marxistas m谩s complejos. De hecho, para poder andar, su obra requiere de un complejo sistema de ortopedia cr铆tica: desbrozar un camino muy dif铆cil de andar. Lo es m谩s a煤n su aplicaci贸n a la realidad, pues se debe de extraer la ense帽anza concreta. As铆 que no siempre es buena idea acudir a las fuentes primeras, ya que en casos como 茅ste se necesita de una buena compa帽铆a acad茅mica para comprender esta obra. Sin embargo, por aqu铆 y por all谩 he arrancado pasajes, consideraciones que me apresuro a plantar aqu铆 porque me parecen pertinentes. Por ejemplo, sobre la democracia: es un lugar com煤n decir que el voto de 鈥渃ualquier imb茅cil que sepa escribir鈥� vale lo mismo que el de aquellos que se dedican sus mejores fuerzas al Estado. Esta idea le parece falsa, pues las opiniones no valen lo mismo. Si una opini贸n se expande en n煤mero, entonces lo importante es la opini贸n que influy贸 en las dem谩s. Todas las ideas que profesamos tienen un origen, un sitio en el cual se crearon, y medir 鈥渄emocr谩ticamente鈥� es s贸lo conocer el final de todo un proceso. De tal manera que la democracia es: la lucha de una serie de caciques intelectuales, que producen ideas 辫辞濒铆迟颈肠补s y que son eficaces en mayor o menor medida. As铆, hallando los movimientos relativamente permanentes se puede estructurar la teor铆a de una sociedad, pero sin dejar de lado la coyuntura. Ya entonces, Gramsci criticaba la cr铆tica coyuntural, ese periodismo mezquino dirigido s贸lo a los dirigentes pol铆ticos, hecho s贸lo para resolver problemas inmediatos. Cr铆tica que engloba a la inmensa mayor铆a de nuestro periodismo cotidiano. 鈥淣inguna fuerza social querr谩 confesar jam谩s que est谩 superada鈥�: y muy pocos periodistas de hoy podr铆an aplicar esta sentencia a los partidos pol铆ticos, ni se toca el tema en la discusi贸n p煤blica actual. La pregunta de Gramsci, actualizada, ser铆a: 驴tenemos las herramientas intelectuales para llevar a cabo esta batalla intelectual? Hace poco exist铆a el peligro de la demasiada atomizaci贸n de fuerzas: partidos peque帽os, candidatos independientes. Hoy, el fen贸meno es la uni贸n en Frentes electorales. Lo que quiere decir que no hab铆a tantas visiones 辫辞濒铆迟颈肠补s como parec铆a, sino ante todo dos: neoliberalismo frente a proteccionismo. Y los intelectuales liberales, 茅sos llaman a la libertad, lo cual es en realidad una justificaci贸n de la dictadura del mercado. Pero eso ya es sabido, el conservadurismo dif铆cilmente se asume como tal. Como dice Gramsci: los intelectuales pretenden decir que el Estado no debe de intervenir en la actividad econ贸mica de la sociedad civil. Pero no hay tal independencia: el liberalismo es tambi茅n una reglamentaci贸n que se introduce y se mantiene por medios legislativos y represivos. Esa libertad de la que tanto leemos en las columnas editoriales no es pues una expresi贸n espont谩nea de la sociedad. El peligro de hoy es que m谩s que una nueva sociedad civil, tengamos que acudir s贸lo a la rotaci贸n de poderes administrando el Estado. La somnolencia social es la que ser铆a responsable de no aprovechar una oportunidad coyuntural.
(Febrero de 2018)
Antonio Gramsci. Cuadernos de la c谩rcel. Notas sobre Maquiavelo, sobre 辫辞濒铆迟颈肠补 y sobre el estado moderno / Note sul Machiavelli, sulla politica e sullo stato moderno (1949), tr. Jos茅 M. Aric贸, 3陋 ed., 2陋 reimp. M茅xico, Juan Pablos, 2009. (Col. Obras de Antonio Gramsci, 1)
(Febrero de 2018)
Antonio Gramsci. Cuadernos de la c谩rcel. Notas sobre Maquiavelo, sobre 辫辞濒铆迟颈肠补 y sobre el estado moderno / Note sul Machiavelli, sulla politica e sullo stato moderno (1949), tr. Jos茅 M. Aric贸, 3陋 ed., 2陋 reimp. M茅xico, Juan Pablos, 2009. (Col. Obras de Antonio Gramsci, 1)
June 17, 2018
Antonio Francesco Gramsci ; (22 January 1891 鈥� 27 April 1937) was an Italian Marxist philosopher and politician. He wrote on political theory, sociology and linguistics. He attempted to break from the economic determinism of traditional Marxist thought and so is considered a key neo-Marxist.[1] He was a founding member and one-time leader of the Communist Party of Italy and was imprisoned by Benito Mussolini's Fascist regime.
He wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and analysis during his imprisonment. His Prison Notebooks are considered a highly original contribution to 20th century political theory. Gramsci drew insights from varying sources 鈥� not only other Marxists but also thinkers such as Niccol貌 Machiavelli, Vilfredo Pareto, Georges Sorel and Benedetto Croce. The notebooks cover a wide range of topics, including Italian history and nationalism, the French Revolution, fascism, Fordism, civil society, folklore, religion and high and popular culture.
Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony, which describes how the state and ruling capitalist class 鈥� the bourgeoisie 鈥� use cultural institutions to maintain power in capitalist societies. The bourgeoisie, in Gramsci's view, develops a hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence, economic force, or coercion. Hegemonic culture propagates its own values and norms so that they become the "common sense" values of all and thus maintain the status quo. Hegemonic power is therefore used to maintain consent to the capitalist order, rather than coercive power using force to maintain order. This cultural hegemony is produced and reproduced by the dominant class through the institutions that form the superstructure.
He wrote more than 30 notebooks and 3,000 pages of history and analysis during his imprisonment. His Prison Notebooks are considered a highly original contribution to 20th century political theory. Gramsci drew insights from varying sources 鈥� not only other Marxists but also thinkers such as Niccol貌 Machiavelli, Vilfredo Pareto, Georges Sorel and Benedetto Croce. The notebooks cover a wide range of topics, including Italian history and nationalism, the French Revolution, fascism, Fordism, civil society, folklore, religion and high and popular culture.
Gramsci is best known for his theory of cultural hegemony, which describes how the state and ruling capitalist class 鈥� the bourgeoisie 鈥� use cultural institutions to maintain power in capitalist societies. The bourgeoisie, in Gramsci's view, develops a hegemonic culture using ideology rather than violence, economic force, or coercion. Hegemonic culture propagates its own values and norms so that they become the "common sense" values of all and thus maintain the status quo. Hegemonic power is therefore used to maintain consent to the capitalist order, rather than coercive power using force to maintain order. This cultural hegemony is produced and reproduced by the dominant class through the institutions that form the superstructure.
July 31, 2023
La lectura que hace Gramsci de Maquiavelo es, cuando menos, fascinante. Sus apreciaciones sobre el catolicismo son groseras, como se puede esperar de un materialista. El an谩lisis del americanismo y el fordismo no son para nada originales, ni particularmente iluminadoras; se entiende, el autor era un pensador pol铆tico y no un economista (y la econom铆a marxista es de por s铆 un paradigma intelectual paup茅rrimo). Con todo, Gramsci es el menos despistado de los marxistas, y quiz谩 el que tiene mejor pluma.
October 6, 2022
Gives information on how this man thought and studied while in prison. This text lays the foundation of Hegemony and gives examples for a war of position and a war of movement. Definitely worth a read not even if you are a Marxist.
April 14, 2024
亘丕卮讴賵賴! 丕氐賱丕賸 賮讴乇卮 乇賵 賴賲 賳賲蹖鈥屭┴必� 亘丕 趩賳蹖賳 卮丕賴讴丕乇蹖 乇賵亘賴鈥屫辟� 亘卮賲貙 讴鬲丕亘蹖 乇賵卮賳賮讴乇丕賳賴 賵 賳賴 丕蹖丿卅丕賱蹖爻鬲蹖. 賳氐 讴鬲丕亘 倬乇賴 丕夭 跇乇賮鈥屬嗂臂屸€屬囏й� 亘蹖鈥屬呚з嗁嗀� 賵 蹖丕丿丿丕卮鬲鈥屬囏й� 倬丕蹖丕賳 讴鬲丕亘貙 讴賴 鬲賯乇蹖亘丕賸 賳蹖賲蹖 丕夭 丨噩賲 讴丕乇 乇賵 鬲卮讴蹖賱 賲蹖鈥屫嗀� 毓賲賱丕賸 蹖賴 丿賵乇賴鈥屰� 鬲丕乇蹖禺 丕蹖鬲丕賱蹖丕蹖 賲丿乇賳賳. 毓賲蹖賯丕賸 倬蹖卮賳賴丕丿卮 賲蹖鈥屭┵嗁� 馃檪
November 21, 2022
Patato il Gramsci, feminist king
December 21, 2023
as president of the PCI and a staunch opponent of Mussolini, I wonder what he would think of Giorgio Meloni today, oh how we've fallen so far.
June 14, 2024
never met a poli prof who didn鈥檛 want to hop on this guys dick. can鈥檛 lie tho after reading the prison notebooks i kinda get it
January 2, 2024
"Prison Notebooks: Volume I" by Antonio Gramsci stands as a monumental work that not only offers a profound insight into the mind of one of the most influential Marxist thinkers but also serves as a cornerstone in the realm of political philosophy and critical theory. This collection of Gramsci's writings, penned during his imprisonment under Mussolini's fascist regime, provides a rich tapestry of ideas that continue to shape discourse on power, culture, and revolution.
At its core, this volume reflects Gramsci's intellectual resilience in the face of adversity. Incarcerated for his political beliefs, Gramsci turned his prison confinement into a crucible for intellectual exploration. The sheer breadth and depth of his observations, spanning from reflections on historical materialism to analyses of cultural hegemony, showcase the intellectual prowess that allowed him to transcend the confines of his physical imprisonment.
One of the key themes that reverberates throughout "Prison Notebooks: Volume I" is Gramsci's nuanced understanding of power dynamics. His concept of "cultural hegemony" unveils the subtle ways in which dominant classes maintain control not only through coercion but also by shaping the cultural and ideological landscape. Gramsci's exploration of the role of intellectuals in this process remains particularly relevant, underscoring the pivotal role of cultural producers in shaping societal norms and values.
Furthermore, Gramsci's engagement with the concept of the "organic intellectual" adds another layer of complexity to his analysis. By emphasizing the potential for transformative action within various social groups, Gramsci challenges traditional Marxist notions and opens up avenues for understanding the agency of individuals in shaping their destinies.
The volume also delves into Gramsci's reflections on historical materialism and the role of the state. His nuanced examination of state power goes beyond a mere instrumental understanding, emphasizing the importance of ideological and cultural elements in sustaining the authority of the ruling class. This perspective has had a profound impact on subsequent thinkers and movements, influencing critical approaches to state theory.
What makes "Prison Notebooks: Volume I" particularly compelling is the combination of theoretical rigor and personal reflection. Gramsci's writings often blur the lines between academic analysis and introspective musings, providing readers with a unique window into the mind of a political theorist grappling with the challenges of his time.
The meticulous editorial work in compiling and organizing Gramsci's scattered and fragmented notes into a coherent volume deserves commendation. The footnotes and annotations offer valuable contextualization, aiding readers in navigating the intricate web of Gramsci's ideas and references.
In conclusion, "Prison Notebooks: Volume I" is a tour de force that transcends the confines of its historical context. Antonio Gramsci's intellectual legacy is vividly illuminated through this collection, making it an indispensable resource for scholars, students, and anyone interested in understanding the intricacies of power, culture, and resistance. This volume serves as an enduring testament to the enduring relevance of Gramsci's ideas in navigating the complexities of our contemporary world.
At its core, this volume reflects Gramsci's intellectual resilience in the face of adversity. Incarcerated for his political beliefs, Gramsci turned his prison confinement into a crucible for intellectual exploration. The sheer breadth and depth of his observations, spanning from reflections on historical materialism to analyses of cultural hegemony, showcase the intellectual prowess that allowed him to transcend the confines of his physical imprisonment.
One of the key themes that reverberates throughout "Prison Notebooks: Volume I" is Gramsci's nuanced understanding of power dynamics. His concept of "cultural hegemony" unveils the subtle ways in which dominant classes maintain control not only through coercion but also by shaping the cultural and ideological landscape. Gramsci's exploration of the role of intellectuals in this process remains particularly relevant, underscoring the pivotal role of cultural producers in shaping societal norms and values.
Furthermore, Gramsci's engagement with the concept of the "organic intellectual" adds another layer of complexity to his analysis. By emphasizing the potential for transformative action within various social groups, Gramsci challenges traditional Marxist notions and opens up avenues for understanding the agency of individuals in shaping their destinies.
The volume also delves into Gramsci's reflections on historical materialism and the role of the state. His nuanced examination of state power goes beyond a mere instrumental understanding, emphasizing the importance of ideological and cultural elements in sustaining the authority of the ruling class. This perspective has had a profound impact on subsequent thinkers and movements, influencing critical approaches to state theory.
What makes "Prison Notebooks: Volume I" particularly compelling is the combination of theoretical rigor and personal reflection. Gramsci's writings often blur the lines between academic analysis and introspective musings, providing readers with a unique window into the mind of a political theorist grappling with the challenges of his time.
The meticulous editorial work in compiling and organizing Gramsci's scattered and fragmented notes into a coherent volume deserves commendation. The footnotes and annotations offer valuable contextualization, aiding readers in navigating the intricate web of Gramsci's ideas and references.
In conclusion, "Prison Notebooks: Volume I" is a tour de force that transcends the confines of its historical context. Antonio Gramsci's intellectual legacy is vividly illuminated through this collection, making it an indispensable resource for scholars, students, and anyone interested in understanding the intricacies of power, culture, and resistance. This volume serves as an enduring testament to the enduring relevance of Gramsci's ideas in navigating the complexities of our contemporary world.
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August 5, 2014Here is where Gramsci sat in a cold cell & articulated his revolutionary insights on hegemony & false consciousness. More enjoyable & consistent than Engels & Benjamin (even Marx himself). All in all, an essential read if you consider yourself a serious radical & want a bold breakout from classical Marxism.
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