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毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞: 氐毓賵丿 乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬
兀購賳鬲噩 賮賷賱賲丕賸 賯氐賷乇丕賸 丨賲賾賱 毓賳 胤乇賷賯 卮亘賰丞 丕賱丕賳鬲乇賳鬲 兀賰孬乇 賲賳 賲賱賷賵賳 賲乇丞 禺賱丕賱 兀卮賴乇 賯賱賷賱丞貙 賱賲丕 賱賴 賲賳 丿賵乇賺 亘丕乇夭 賮賷 賰卮賮 丕賱賲鬲賱丕毓亘賷賳 丕賱丨賯賷賯賷賷賳 亘賲氐賷乇 丕賱亘卮乇賷丞貙 丨鬲賶 賮賷 兀丨賱賰 馗乇賵賮賴丕 賲賳 賰賵丕乇孬 胤亘賷毓賷丞 賵丨乇賵亘 賵賲噩丕夭乇貙 賵賱賲丕 賷賯丿賾賲賴 賲賳 賲毓賱賵賲丕鬲 賮丕噩兀鬲 丕賱賰丕鬲亘丞 賳賮爻賴丕!!
賷鬲丨丿賾孬 毓賳 兀賮賰丕乇 賲賷賱鬲賵賳 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 毓乇賾丕亘 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞 乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬貙 丕賱匕賷 鬲鬲賱賲匕 賱丿賷賴 乇丐爻丕亍 噩賲賴賵乇賷丕鬲 兀賲賷乇賰賷賵賳 賵乇丐爻丕亍 賵夭丕乇丞 亘乇賷胤丕賳賷賵賳 賵兀賯賱賷丕鬲 丨丕賰賲丞 賮賷 乇賵爻賷丕 賵賵夭乇丕亍 賲丕賱 亘賵賱賳丿賷賵賳 賵胤睾丕丞 賲賳 丿賵賱 丕賱毓丕賱賲 丕賱孬丕賱孬貙 賵丕賱匕賷 禺乇賾噩 賮賷 賲丿乇爻鬲賴 兀亘乇夭 賲賮賰賾乇賷 丕賱賲丨丕賮馗賷賳 丕賱噩丿丿 賵丕賱賱賷亘乇丕賱賷賷賳 丕賱噩丿丿 賲賲賳 賱丕 賷夭丕賱 賱賴賲 鬲兀孬賷乇 賯賵賷 賵賮丕毓賱 賮賷 爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞.
賷丨賱賾賱 賰賷賮 亘賳賶 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 兀賮賰丕乇賴 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 賵丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 毓賱賶 賵賯賵毓 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 丕賱胤亘賷毓賷丞 賵丕賱丕噩鬲賷丕丨丕鬲 丕賱毓爻賰乇賷丞 賵丕賱丕賳賯賱丕亘丕鬲.
賵賰賷賮 賷丿賾禺乇 賴賵 賵賮乇賷賯 毓賲賱賴 丕賱兀賮賰丕乇 亘丕賳鬲馗丕乇 丨賱賵賱 丕賱賰丕乇孬丞 鬲丨鬲 卮毓丕乇 丕賱禺氐禺氐丞 兀賵 丕賱賲賵鬲.
賵賷匕賰乇 賰賷賮 噩毓賱 賲賳 鬲卮賷賱賷 兀賵賱賶 丨賯賵賱 鬲噩丕乇亘賴 賷賵賲 毓賲賱 賲爻鬲卮丕乇丕賸 賱賱丿賷賰鬲丕鬲賵乇 兀賵睾爻鬲賵 亘賷賳賵卮賷 賲卮賷乇丕賸 毓賱賷賴 亘丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱 氐丿賲丞 丕賱丕賳賯賱丕亘 兀賵丕爻胤 丕賱爻亘毓賷賳賷丕鬲.
賱賲 鬲爻賱賲 賲賳 兀賮賰丕乇賴 爻乇賷賱丕賳賰丕 賵亘乇賷胤丕賳賷丕 賵賷賵睾賵爻賱丕賮賷丕. 賵丕賲鬲丿鬲 兀爻丕賱賷亘賴 廿賱賶 丕賱氐賷賳 毓賯亘 丕賱氐丿賲丞 丕賱賳丕鬲噩丞 毓賳 賲匕亘丨丞 爻丕丨丞 "鬲賷丕賳丕賲賷賳" 賵丕毓鬲賯丕賱 丕賱丌賱丕賮 賴賳丕賰貨 賵亘賱睾鬲 胤乇賵丨丕鬲賴 丿賵賱 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賵兀賮乇賷賯賷丕. 賵毓賱賶 兀孬乇 丕賱鬲爻賵賳丕賲賷 丕賱匕賷 囟乇亘 噩賳賵亘 卮乇賯 丌爻賷丕 賲禺賱賾賮丕賸 賲卅丕鬲 丕賱丌賱丕賮 賲賳 丕賱囟丨丕賷丕 賰丕賳 賳賴噩 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷 賷丿賷乇 丕賱賲賳丕賯氐丕鬲 毓賱賶 丕賱卮賵丕胤卅 賱鬲丨賵賷賱賴丕 賲賳鬲噩毓丕鬲賺 爻賷丕丨賷丞. 賵毓賯亘 兀丨丿丕孬 11 兀賷賱賵賱/爻亘鬲賲亘乇 毓賲丿鬲 乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 賲賲孬賾賱丞賸 亘丨賰賵賲丞 亘賵卮 丕賱賶 鬲爻賱賷賲 夭賲丕賲 丕賱丨乇亘 毓賱賶 丕賱廿乇賴丕亘 賱卮乇賰鬲賷 賴賷賱亘賵乇鬲賳 賵亘賱丕賰賵賵鬲乇.
賰賲丕 噩購賴賾夭 賱賱毓乇丕賯 毓賯亘 睾夭賵賴 丨賲賱丞 禺氐禺氐丞 卮丕賲賱丞 賵胤乇丨 丕毓鬲賲丕丿 丕賱爻賵賯 丕賱丨乇丞 賮賷賴. 丨鬲賶 廿毓氐丕乇 賰丕乇賵賱賷賳丕 賱賲 賷賳噩購 賲賳 兀賮賰丕乇 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 賷賵賲 兀胤賱賯 賲賯賵賱鬲賴 丕賱卮賴賷乇丞: 亘丕鬲鬲 賲毓馗賲 賲丿丕乇爻 "賳賷賵 兀賵乇賱賷賳夭" 丨胤丕賲丕賸 賵賲賳丕夭賱 丕賱兀胤賮丕賱 丕賱鬲賷 賷賯氐丿賵賳賴丕. 賴匕賴 賲兀爻丕丞 賱賰賳賴丕 賮乇氐丞 鬲鬲賷丨 賱賳丕 廿氐賱丕丨丕鬲 噩匕乇賷丞 賮賷 賳馗丕賲 丕賱鬲毓賱賷賲.
賰鬲丕亘 賯丿 賱丕 賷賮爻賾乇 賲丕 賷丨丿孬 賲賳 賰賵丕乇孬 胤亘賷毓賷丞貨 賱賰賳賴 亘賰賱 鬲兀賰賷丿 賷賰卮賮 亘丕賱賵孬丕卅賯 賵丕賱兀丿賱丞 毓賳 丕賱賳賷丕鬲 丕賱賲亘賷鬲丞 賱賲丕 賷噩乇賷 賮賷 丕賱毓丕賱賲 賲賳 睾夭賵 賵丕賳賯賱丕亘丕鬲 賵賲噩丕夭乇!!
賷鬲丨丿賾孬 毓賳 兀賮賰丕乇 賲賷賱鬲賵賳 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 毓乇賾丕亘 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞 乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬貙 丕賱匕賷 鬲鬲賱賲匕 賱丿賷賴 乇丐爻丕亍 噩賲賴賵乇賷丕鬲 兀賲賷乇賰賷賵賳 賵乇丐爻丕亍 賵夭丕乇丞 亘乇賷胤丕賳賷賵賳 賵兀賯賱賷丕鬲 丨丕賰賲丞 賮賷 乇賵爻賷丕 賵賵夭乇丕亍 賲丕賱 亘賵賱賳丿賷賵賳 賵胤睾丕丞 賲賳 丿賵賱 丕賱毓丕賱賲 丕賱孬丕賱孬貙 賵丕賱匕賷 禺乇賾噩 賮賷 賲丿乇爻鬲賴 兀亘乇夭 賲賮賰賾乇賷 丕賱賲丨丕賮馗賷賳 丕賱噩丿丿 賵丕賱賱賷亘乇丕賱賷賷賳 丕賱噩丿丿 賲賲賳 賱丕 賷夭丕賱 賱賴賲 鬲兀孬賷乇 賯賵賷 賵賮丕毓賱 賮賷 爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞.
賷丨賱賾賱 賰賷賮 亘賳賶 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 兀賮賰丕乇賴 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 賵丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 毓賱賶 賵賯賵毓 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 丕賱胤亘賷毓賷丞 賵丕賱丕噩鬲賷丕丨丕鬲 丕賱毓爻賰乇賷丞 賵丕賱丕賳賯賱丕亘丕鬲.
賵賰賷賮 賷丿賾禺乇 賴賵 賵賮乇賷賯 毓賲賱賴 丕賱兀賮賰丕乇 亘丕賳鬲馗丕乇 丨賱賵賱 丕賱賰丕乇孬丞 鬲丨鬲 卮毓丕乇 丕賱禺氐禺氐丞 兀賵 丕賱賲賵鬲.
賵賷匕賰乇 賰賷賮 噩毓賱 賲賳 鬲卮賷賱賷 兀賵賱賶 丨賯賵賱 鬲噩丕乇亘賴 賷賵賲 毓賲賱 賲爻鬲卮丕乇丕賸 賱賱丿賷賰鬲丕鬲賵乇 兀賵睾爻鬲賵 亘賷賳賵卮賷 賲卮賷乇丕賸 毓賱賷賴 亘丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱 氐丿賲丞 丕賱丕賳賯賱丕亘 兀賵丕爻胤 丕賱爻亘毓賷賳賷丕鬲.
賱賲 鬲爻賱賲 賲賳 兀賮賰丕乇賴 爻乇賷賱丕賳賰丕 賵亘乇賷胤丕賳賷丕 賵賷賵睾賵爻賱丕賮賷丕. 賵丕賲鬲丿鬲 兀爻丕賱賷亘賴 廿賱賶 丕賱氐賷賳 毓賯亘 丕賱氐丿賲丞 丕賱賳丕鬲噩丞 毓賳 賲匕亘丨丞 爻丕丨丞 "鬲賷丕賳丕賲賷賳" 賵丕毓鬲賯丕賱 丕賱丌賱丕賮 賴賳丕賰貨 賵亘賱睾鬲 胤乇賵丨丕鬲賴 丿賵賱 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賵兀賮乇賷賯賷丕. 賵毓賱賶 兀孬乇 丕賱鬲爻賵賳丕賲賷 丕賱匕賷 囟乇亘 噩賳賵亘 卮乇賯 丌爻賷丕 賲禺賱賾賮丕賸 賲卅丕鬲 丕賱丌賱丕賮 賲賳 丕賱囟丨丕賷丕 賰丕賳 賳賴噩 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷 賷丿賷乇 丕賱賲賳丕賯氐丕鬲 毓賱賶 丕賱卮賵丕胤卅 賱鬲丨賵賷賱賴丕 賲賳鬲噩毓丕鬲賺 爻賷丕丨賷丞. 賵毓賯亘 兀丨丿丕孬 11 兀賷賱賵賱/爻亘鬲賲亘乇 毓賲丿鬲 乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 賲賲孬賾賱丞賸 亘丨賰賵賲丞 亘賵卮 丕賱賶 鬲爻賱賷賲 夭賲丕賲 丕賱丨乇亘 毓賱賶 丕賱廿乇賴丕亘 賱卮乇賰鬲賷 賴賷賱亘賵乇鬲賳 賵亘賱丕賰賵賵鬲乇.
賰賲丕 噩購賴賾夭 賱賱毓乇丕賯 毓賯亘 睾夭賵賴 丨賲賱丞 禺氐禺氐丞 卮丕賲賱丞 賵胤乇丨 丕毓鬲賲丕丿 丕賱爻賵賯 丕賱丨乇丞 賮賷賴. 丨鬲賶 廿毓氐丕乇 賰丕乇賵賱賷賳丕 賱賲 賷賳噩購 賲賳 兀賮賰丕乇 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 賷賵賲 兀胤賱賯 賲賯賵賱鬲賴 丕賱卮賴賷乇丞: 亘丕鬲鬲 賲毓馗賲 賲丿丕乇爻 "賳賷賵 兀賵乇賱賷賳夭" 丨胤丕賲丕賸 賵賲賳丕夭賱 丕賱兀胤賮丕賱 丕賱鬲賷 賷賯氐丿賵賳賴丕. 賴匕賴 賲兀爻丕丞 賱賰賳賴丕 賮乇氐丞 鬲鬲賷丨 賱賳丕 廿氐賱丕丨丕鬲 噩匕乇賷丞 賮賷 賳馗丕賲 丕賱鬲毓賱賷賲.
賰鬲丕亘 賯丿 賱丕 賷賮爻賾乇 賲丕 賷丨丿孬 賲賳 賰賵丕乇孬 胤亘賷毓賷丞貨 賱賰賳賴 亘賰賱 鬲兀賰賷丿 賷賰卮賮 亘丕賱賵孬丕卅賯 賵丕賱兀丿賱丞 毓賳 丕賱賳賷丕鬲 丕賱賲亘賷鬲丞 賱賲丕 賷噩乇賷 賮賷 丕賱毓丕賱賲 賲賳 睾夭賵 賵丕賳賯賱丕亘丕鬲 賵賲噩丕夭乇!!
756 pages, Paperback
First published September 18, 2007
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About the author
Naomi Klein
84听books7,707听followersNaomi Klein is a Canadian author, social activist, and filmmaker known for her political analyses; support of ecofeminism, organized labour, and leftism; and criticism of corporate globalization, fascism, ecofascism and capitalism. As of 2021, she is an associate professor, and professor of climate justice at the University of British Columbia, co-directing a Centre for Climate Justice.
Klein first became known internationally for her alter-globalization book No Logo (1999). The Take (2004), a documentary film about Argentine workers' self-managed factories, written by her and directed by her husband Avi Lewis, further increased her profile. The Shock Doctrine (2007), a critical analysis of the history of neoliberal economics, solidified her standing as a prominent activist on the international stage and was adapted into a six-minute companion film by Alfonso Cuaron and Jon谩s Cuar贸n, as well as a feature-length documentary by Michael Winterbottom. Klein's This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. the Climate (2014) was a New York Times nonfiction bestseller and the winner of the Hilary Weston Writers' Trust Prize for Nonfiction.
In 2016, Klein was awarded the Sydney Peace Prize for her activism on climate justice. Klein frequently appears on global and national lists of top influential thinkers, including the 2014 Thought Leaders ranking compiled by the Gottlieb Duttweiler Institute, Prospect magazine's world thinkers 2014 poll, and Maclean's 2014 Power List. She was formerly a member of the board of directors of the climate activist group 350.org.
Klein first became known internationally for her alter-globalization book No Logo (1999). The Take (2004), a documentary film about Argentine workers' self-managed factories, written by her and directed by her husband Avi Lewis, further increased her profile. The Shock Doctrine (2007), a critical analysis of the history of neoliberal economics, solidified her standing as a prominent activist on the international stage and was adapted into a six-minute companion film by Alfonso Cuaron and Jon谩s Cuar贸n, as well as a feature-length documentary by Michael Winterbottom. Klein's This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. the Climate (2014) was a New York Times nonfiction bestseller and the winner of the Hilary Weston Writers' Trust Prize for Nonfiction.
In 2016, Klein was awarded the Sydney Peace Prize for her activism on climate justice. Klein frequently appears on global and national lists of top influential thinkers, including the 2014 Thought Leaders ranking compiled by the Gottlieb Duttweiler Institute, Prospect magazine's world thinkers 2014 poll, and Maclean's 2014 Power List. She was formerly a member of the board of directors of the climate activist group 350.org.
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Displaying 1 - 30 of 4,109 reviews
February 15, 2009
There is a part of me that would like to make this review a bit funny. This is a deeply disturbing book. I鈥檝e a preference for humour as a means of confronting the deeply disturbing. But I can鈥檛 bring myself to say anything remotely funny about this book.
Klein compares some psychological experiments (torture by any reasonable definition of the word) carried out in the 1950s in Canada (funded by the CIA off US soil so they could plausibly deny they were researching torture) in which patients were blasted back to virtually a blank slate by sensory depravation and electric shock treatment to US foreign policy in countries such as Chile in the 1970s and Iraq today.
If you had forgotten just how evil unconstrained capitalism is 鈥� it is time to read this book. If you are concerned that the world seems to believe democracy = free markets 鈥� it is time to read this book.
For two decades it has been abundantly clear that the greatest danger facing the world is the ideology that likes to call itself Economic Rationalism but is better described as Radical Free Market Economics. This is the view that any restraint placed on the free operation of the market 鈥� from fixing minimum wages to environmental standards to health and safety controls in the workplace 鈥� are by definition wrong and counterproductive. This view states that governments are, by definition, wasteful and unnecessary. This view is an attempt at justifying unmitigated greed as if it was a universal good. It is about destroying all vestiges of democracy (and God knows those vestiges are today meagre indeed) in our society and handing over all power to corporations. If you are not troubled by the shift in power in the world away from governments elected by the people, for the people to corporations created out of greed for greed 鈥� then you really need to turn off American Idol and start looking around yourself.
Klein takes a series of increasingly distressing 鈥榗ase studies鈥� in which ever purer forms of radical free market economics are applied in times of crisis across the world 鈥� invariably with devastatingly negative results, invariably the opposite of what is predicted by the neo-liberals. She points out that without a crisis such as 9/11 or Katrina or the War in Iraq 鈥� such policies would never be allowed to be implemented. But come a crisis people are so shocked by what has just happened to them that they are prepared to forgo their democratic rights so things can be 鈥榝ixed鈥�.
The problem is that these bastards don鈥檛 want anything fixed. They want to apply more shocks, because that is the only way they can get rid of democratic structures that stand in the way of them handing over the wealth of our nations to themselves. The Corporate raping of Iraq as depicted in this book is only slightly less shocking than the Corporate raping of New Orleans. Perhaps I found the stuff about New Orleans more shocking because it was Americans doing this sort of thing to their own people. I know, I鈥檓 na茂ve.
The descriptions of torture in the book are too much to take. I鈥檝e never been able to distance myself enough from the victims of torture to be objective about it. I believe it is the core of the democratic spirit 鈥� the notion that the sufferers of torture are our brothers and sisters and the perpetrators of torture require justice to be enacted against them 鈥� that immediately has me siding with the tortured. We have a moral responsibility to stop our government from using our tax dollars to torture people. If morality means anything at all 鈥� this is the minimum it can mean.
Klein documents that the torture used throughout the world by US client states has a long history going back to experiments done in the 1950s in Canada and have clearly become part of US foreign policy. If we are to be on the side of democracy then we must force our governments to stop using torture against the citizens of other countries. Particularly when these citizens are asking for what should be granted to them immediately 鈥� the right to reclaim the benefit of their own natural resources from foreign owned corporations.
There are so many lessons in this book, but the major one is that if people stand up against these greedy lunatics then we can stop them. We can reclaim our dignity and redistribute some of what has plundered from us. The criminal waste of tax dollars by these corporations in both Iraq and New Orleans is almost beyond description. In the book Iraq is at one point referred to as the Free Fraud Zone.
The world we live in today is increasingly becoming divided between those who have and are kept secure behind walled suburbs and those who have not and are forced to live without the basic necessities of life. We need to understand that my security is enhanced by making the world safer for you. That life isn鈥檛 about who ends up with the most stuff they don鈥檛 need or the biggest bank account or the fastest car, but that we are social animals and so what is good for all is also what is good for us.
As I said, this is a deeply disturbing book 鈥� but also an incredibly important one.
Klein compares some psychological experiments (torture by any reasonable definition of the word) carried out in the 1950s in Canada (funded by the CIA off US soil so they could plausibly deny they were researching torture) in which patients were blasted back to virtually a blank slate by sensory depravation and electric shock treatment to US foreign policy in countries such as Chile in the 1970s and Iraq today.
If you had forgotten just how evil unconstrained capitalism is 鈥� it is time to read this book. If you are concerned that the world seems to believe democracy = free markets 鈥� it is time to read this book.
For two decades it has been abundantly clear that the greatest danger facing the world is the ideology that likes to call itself Economic Rationalism but is better described as Radical Free Market Economics. This is the view that any restraint placed on the free operation of the market 鈥� from fixing minimum wages to environmental standards to health and safety controls in the workplace 鈥� are by definition wrong and counterproductive. This view states that governments are, by definition, wasteful and unnecessary. This view is an attempt at justifying unmitigated greed as if it was a universal good. It is about destroying all vestiges of democracy (and God knows those vestiges are today meagre indeed) in our society and handing over all power to corporations. If you are not troubled by the shift in power in the world away from governments elected by the people, for the people to corporations created out of greed for greed 鈥� then you really need to turn off American Idol and start looking around yourself.
Klein takes a series of increasingly distressing 鈥榗ase studies鈥� in which ever purer forms of radical free market economics are applied in times of crisis across the world 鈥� invariably with devastatingly negative results, invariably the opposite of what is predicted by the neo-liberals. She points out that without a crisis such as 9/11 or Katrina or the War in Iraq 鈥� such policies would never be allowed to be implemented. But come a crisis people are so shocked by what has just happened to them that they are prepared to forgo their democratic rights so things can be 鈥榝ixed鈥�.
The problem is that these bastards don鈥檛 want anything fixed. They want to apply more shocks, because that is the only way they can get rid of democratic structures that stand in the way of them handing over the wealth of our nations to themselves. The Corporate raping of Iraq as depicted in this book is only slightly less shocking than the Corporate raping of New Orleans. Perhaps I found the stuff about New Orleans more shocking because it was Americans doing this sort of thing to their own people. I know, I鈥檓 na茂ve.
The descriptions of torture in the book are too much to take. I鈥檝e never been able to distance myself enough from the victims of torture to be objective about it. I believe it is the core of the democratic spirit 鈥� the notion that the sufferers of torture are our brothers and sisters and the perpetrators of torture require justice to be enacted against them 鈥� that immediately has me siding with the tortured. We have a moral responsibility to stop our government from using our tax dollars to torture people. If morality means anything at all 鈥� this is the minimum it can mean.
Klein documents that the torture used throughout the world by US client states has a long history going back to experiments done in the 1950s in Canada and have clearly become part of US foreign policy. If we are to be on the side of democracy then we must force our governments to stop using torture against the citizens of other countries. Particularly when these citizens are asking for what should be granted to them immediately 鈥� the right to reclaim the benefit of their own natural resources from foreign owned corporations.
There are so many lessons in this book, but the major one is that if people stand up against these greedy lunatics then we can stop them. We can reclaim our dignity and redistribute some of what has plundered from us. The criminal waste of tax dollars by these corporations in both Iraq and New Orleans is almost beyond description. In the book Iraq is at one point referred to as the Free Fraud Zone.
The world we live in today is increasingly becoming divided between those who have and are kept secure behind walled suburbs and those who have not and are forced to live without the basic necessities of life. We need to understand that my security is enhanced by making the world safer for you. That life isn鈥檛 about who ends up with the most stuff they don鈥檛 need or the biggest bank account or the fastest car, but that we are social animals and so what is good for all is also what is good for us.
As I said, this is a deeply disturbing book 鈥� but also an incredibly important one.
May 10, 2025
This book can affect worldview, trust and faith in authorities, and belief in official, whitewashed history.
Klein unleashes the shocking and disturbing facts of an economic policy practiced over more than four decades, that can be described as a new level of contempt for human beings and nature mixed with megalomania and madness. And that麓s saying something when looking at the recent, not entirely bloodless world history.
One of the foundations and inspirations for the theories of the economist Milton Friedman are the experiments of the physician Ewen Cameron. His therapy was the complete mental destruction of his patients employing electric shocks, drugs, solitary confinement, sleep deprivation, noise terror, and, if there is still time, subsequent reconstruction. This was done, after sometimes months of pain, in the form of tapes, which played motivating sentences to the severely traumatized patients for days and weeks.
Based on this idea of wiping out a delicate psyche to build a better, healthier personality, Friedman developed the concept of destroying economies and then rebuilding them better and without the hassle of government interference. An integral part was, after the collapse of the existing state, privatization, deletion, or minimization of all state intervention such as health, education, infrastructures such as water, electricity, communication, pension system, employee protection laws, trade unions, all social achievements of Europe, environmental protection regulations, and fundamental democratic rights.
These ideas had been rejected after the Second World War, in a time of New Deal and Keynesianism, as sick and entirely out of the question. In the 1970s, the democratic and insolent socialist governments of Latin America became so provocative (and expensive for the US companies) for the US that they were all too happy to conjure up this hitherto outlawed economic doctrine. Before Pinochet's coup, scientific legitimacy was sought for the approach of indoctrination of young Latin Americans by the Chicago Boys, advocates of neoliberal predatory capitalism. These were educated in the US and then sent back to their Latin American universities and economic commissariats to form eagerly new advocates of teaching there. After the coup d'茅tat, democratically elected by President Allende, and supported by Americans, the hammers were dropped onto the stunned population.
This eponymous shock tactic is based on the concept, to hit the economic combatants in the weakest moment when she/he is paralyzed on the ground and can麓t defend her/himself to break her/him even in such a sustainable manner that she/he never recovers and all resistance are nipped in the bud. In Chile, everything has now been reversed concerning democratic reforms, and a military dictatorship has been set up, state employees dismissed, social services cut or reduced to a minimum, and privatized where possible. The purpose of the tactics was to drive the fallen state as deeply as possible into a severe economic crisis to additionally weaken it and make it susceptible to low loans, harder hitting economic sanctions, and the cheap exploitation of nature for raw materials.
The result for population, environment, and infrastructure was and is always the same. Distress, desperation, poverty, increased infant mortality, unemployment, contamination of natural resources, the sixth extinction, climate change, the misery of entire social groups, and untold suffering. All thanks to the zealous young economists with their scientifically utterly insincere and sorely prescribed infirmity. As a bonus, the Americans gladly donated their torturers, who showed the best techniques on a living practice object utilizing tortures inspired by Ewen Cameron's experiments, death squads, and secret police.
The US then used this principle to destroy entire societies in some Latin American states and succeeded in undermining democratic governments without triggering bloody civil wars and coups. The elections were merely accepted, but in the backroom, the same economic rules were taken almost one to one from Friedman's concoctions. As a result, a popular government was de facto disabled and had to bow to pressure from the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization. Also in South Africa, this perfidious tactic was used successfully.
Before the massacre on Tiananmen Square in China, a radical neo-liberal economic reform was launched, and Friedman personally animated the Chinese rulers to a stricter approach. To just Chuck Norris the dirty protesters like a boss is always the best solution.
But not only in the southern hemisphere, the disciples of the most undeserved fringe economic pseudoscience Nobel Prize winner of all time weren麓t idle too. In the 1990s, both Poland and Russia were vaccinated, or let麓s better say infected, with these ideas and, under pressure to receive economic aid or to be left to themselves, were forced to accept the conditions. As Margaret Thatcher, at the low point of her popularity (who always votes these people into office facepalm), won another election through war games around the Falkland Islands and thus could undermine the English welfare state, so also Yeltsin, at the low point of his career, used the Chechen war to increase the poll numbers again.
Stoke up nationalism, build up an enemy image, bombard, invade, massacre. In Iraq, the shock therapy technique reached its peak so far. After the initial shock and awe tactics of the actual war, democratic elections were banned, civil servants dismissed, all contracts awarded to American companies to rebuild the state, instead Iraqi economy and infrastructure abandoned, and citizens arbitrarily abducted and tortured.
After the tsunami of 2004 and Hurricane Katrina, the favor of the hour was finally used to forcibly relocate those affected and survivors to redeploy the valuable land and shoreline for luxury hotels, modern homes, industrial fishing ports, and fish farms. The former residents have been relocated to slums and deprived of any livelihood, and have been told that a return would be impossible due to the risk.
Over the past ten years, a massive war industry has emerged, focusing not only on privatizing police and military power with ever-larger numbers of security forces and mercenaries but also on counter-terrorism and surveillance electronics.
The theory that social gains and distributive justice in the United States and Europe of the 20th century were only enforced because of the US fear of a spillover, of communism and social unrest until the world socialist revolution, is bizarre. Thus, the whole social market economy could only be considered as a militarily necessary concept for creating a buffer zone in Europe and restraining the potential opposition in the US. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the social, political, and economic systems of Europe and America are even quicker moving towards working the same way as described, though not so dramatic and spectacular, but slowly and creeping, to pave the way for the neofeudal, neocolonial new world order.
I wonder why nobody is talking about the foundations of our economic system, although, duh, it麓s so wacky, unscientific, psycho, fringe, inhuman that an open debate is avoided, suppressed, and censored at all costs. Free press in democracies, how ridiculous, there is no damned open debate, it麓s a doctrine, a dogma, a taboo, everyone gets stigmatized and ridiculed as a stone age communists when openly talking about the truth. Just joking, governments and media go even further and just don麓t mention anything of it. Just silence to better hear the screams and pleas of the background extinction victims and better talk about climate change and financial crises, our only true real problems.
A wiki walk can be as refreshing to the mind as a walk through nature in this completely overrated real life outside books:
.
Klein unleashes the shocking and disturbing facts of an economic policy practiced over more than four decades, that can be described as a new level of contempt for human beings and nature mixed with megalomania and madness. And that麓s saying something when looking at the recent, not entirely bloodless world history.
One of the foundations and inspirations for the theories of the economist Milton Friedman are the experiments of the physician Ewen Cameron. His therapy was the complete mental destruction of his patients employing electric shocks, drugs, solitary confinement, sleep deprivation, noise terror, and, if there is still time, subsequent reconstruction. This was done, after sometimes months of pain, in the form of tapes, which played motivating sentences to the severely traumatized patients for days and weeks.
Based on this idea of wiping out a delicate psyche to build a better, healthier personality, Friedman developed the concept of destroying economies and then rebuilding them better and without the hassle of government interference. An integral part was, after the collapse of the existing state, privatization, deletion, or minimization of all state intervention such as health, education, infrastructures such as water, electricity, communication, pension system, employee protection laws, trade unions, all social achievements of Europe, environmental protection regulations, and fundamental democratic rights.
These ideas had been rejected after the Second World War, in a time of New Deal and Keynesianism, as sick and entirely out of the question. In the 1970s, the democratic and insolent socialist governments of Latin America became so provocative (and expensive for the US companies) for the US that they were all too happy to conjure up this hitherto outlawed economic doctrine. Before Pinochet's coup, scientific legitimacy was sought for the approach of indoctrination of young Latin Americans by the Chicago Boys, advocates of neoliberal predatory capitalism. These were educated in the US and then sent back to their Latin American universities and economic commissariats to form eagerly new advocates of teaching there. After the coup d'茅tat, democratically elected by President Allende, and supported by Americans, the hammers were dropped onto the stunned population.
This eponymous shock tactic is based on the concept, to hit the economic combatants in the weakest moment when she/he is paralyzed on the ground and can麓t defend her/himself to break her/him even in such a sustainable manner that she/he never recovers and all resistance are nipped in the bud. In Chile, everything has now been reversed concerning democratic reforms, and a military dictatorship has been set up, state employees dismissed, social services cut or reduced to a minimum, and privatized where possible. The purpose of the tactics was to drive the fallen state as deeply as possible into a severe economic crisis to additionally weaken it and make it susceptible to low loans, harder hitting economic sanctions, and the cheap exploitation of nature for raw materials.
The result for population, environment, and infrastructure was and is always the same. Distress, desperation, poverty, increased infant mortality, unemployment, contamination of natural resources, the sixth extinction, climate change, the misery of entire social groups, and untold suffering. All thanks to the zealous young economists with their scientifically utterly insincere and sorely prescribed infirmity. As a bonus, the Americans gladly donated their torturers, who showed the best techniques on a living practice object utilizing tortures inspired by Ewen Cameron's experiments, death squads, and secret police.
The US then used this principle to destroy entire societies in some Latin American states and succeeded in undermining democratic governments without triggering bloody civil wars and coups. The elections were merely accepted, but in the backroom, the same economic rules were taken almost one to one from Friedman's concoctions. As a result, a popular government was de facto disabled and had to bow to pressure from the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and the World Trade Organization. Also in South Africa, this perfidious tactic was used successfully.
Before the massacre on Tiananmen Square in China, a radical neo-liberal economic reform was launched, and Friedman personally animated the Chinese rulers to a stricter approach. To just Chuck Norris the dirty protesters like a boss is always the best solution.
But not only in the southern hemisphere, the disciples of the most undeserved fringe economic pseudoscience Nobel Prize winner of all time weren麓t idle too. In the 1990s, both Poland and Russia were vaccinated, or let麓s better say infected, with these ideas and, under pressure to receive economic aid or to be left to themselves, were forced to accept the conditions. As Margaret Thatcher, at the low point of her popularity (who always votes these people into office facepalm), won another election through war games around the Falkland Islands and thus could undermine the English welfare state, so also Yeltsin, at the low point of his career, used the Chechen war to increase the poll numbers again.
Stoke up nationalism, build up an enemy image, bombard, invade, massacre. In Iraq, the shock therapy technique reached its peak so far. After the initial shock and awe tactics of the actual war, democratic elections were banned, civil servants dismissed, all contracts awarded to American companies to rebuild the state, instead Iraqi economy and infrastructure abandoned, and citizens arbitrarily abducted and tortured.
After the tsunami of 2004 and Hurricane Katrina, the favor of the hour was finally used to forcibly relocate those affected and survivors to redeploy the valuable land and shoreline for luxury hotels, modern homes, industrial fishing ports, and fish farms. The former residents have been relocated to slums and deprived of any livelihood, and have been told that a return would be impossible due to the risk.
Over the past ten years, a massive war industry has emerged, focusing not only on privatizing police and military power with ever-larger numbers of security forces and mercenaries but also on counter-terrorism and surveillance electronics.
The theory that social gains and distributive justice in the United States and Europe of the 20th century were only enforced because of the US fear of a spillover, of communism and social unrest until the world socialist revolution, is bizarre. Thus, the whole social market economy could only be considered as a militarily necessary concept for creating a buffer zone in Europe and restraining the potential opposition in the US. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the social, political, and economic systems of Europe and America are even quicker moving towards working the same way as described, though not so dramatic and spectacular, but slowly and creeping, to pave the way for the neofeudal, neocolonial new world order.
I wonder why nobody is talking about the foundations of our economic system, although, duh, it麓s so wacky, unscientific, psycho, fringe, inhuman that an open debate is avoided, suppressed, and censored at all costs. Free press in democracies, how ridiculous, there is no damned open debate, it麓s a doctrine, a dogma, a taboo, everyone gets stigmatized and ridiculed as a stone age communists when openly talking about the truth. Just joking, governments and media go even further and just don麓t mention anything of it. Just silence to better hear the screams and pleas of the background extinction victims and better talk about climate change and financial crises, our only true real problems.
A wiki walk can be as refreshing to the mind as a walk through nature in this completely overrated real life outside books:
.
June 13, 2023
- "毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞: 氐毓賵丿 乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬" 賴賵 丕丨丿 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱賲乇噩毓賷丞 丕賱鬲兀乇賷禺賷丞 丕賱鬲丨賱賷賱賷丞 賱賰賷賮賷丞 丕賰鬲爻丕丨 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丕賸 賵禺氐禺氐鬲賴丕 賵鬲丿賲賷乇賴丕 賱丕丨賯丕賸貙 賵賴賵 賰鬲丕亘 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷 - 爻賷丕爻賷 賱賰賳賴 賲賰鬲賵亘 亘賱睾丞 氐丨丕賮賷丞 爻賴賱丞 丕賱賮賴賲 賵賲丿毓賾賲 亘賲乇丕噩毓 賴丕卅賱丞 (丕賱賲乇丕噩毓 鬲賯丕乇亘 丕賱100 氐賮丨丞) 鬲囟賮賷 毓賱賷賴 賲氐丿丕賯賷丞 賰亘賷乇丞 賲賲丕 賷噩毓賱賴 賰鬲丕亘丕賸 毓賱賷賳丕 丕賯鬲賳丕亍賴 賵賯乇丕亍鬲賴 賵丕賱賲賳丕賯卮丞 賮賷賴 賵鬲乇卮賷丨賴 賱夭賲賱丕卅賳丕 賵丕賱鬲賰賱賲 毓賳賴 賰孬賷乇丕賸.. 賵賰孬賷乇丕賸 噩丿丕賸.
- "丕賱氐丿賲丞"貙 賮賰乇丞 胤亘賷丞 丕賵 賮賰乇丞 賮賷 丕賱胤亘 丕賱賳賮爻賷 賱毓賱丕噩 丕賱賲乇囟賶 賯丕賲 胤锟斤拷賷亘 賰賳丿賷 亘賲丨丕賵賱丞 鬲丨賵賷賱賴丕 賱胤乇賷賯丞 賱賱鬲丨賰賲 亘丕賱毓賯賱 丕賱亘卮乇賷貙 亘丿毓賲 賲賳 賵賰丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲禺亘丕乇丕鬲 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞貙 氐46
賴匕賴 丕賱胤乇賷賯丞 賯丕賲鬲 丕賱賯賵丕鬲 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 亘廿爻鬲毓賲丕賱賴丕 賮賷 賲毓鬲賯賱丕鬲賴丕 (丕亘賵 睾乇賷亘貙 睾賵丕賳鬲丕賳丕賲賵) 賵賯丕賲鬲 亘鬲丿乇賷亘 丕噩賴夭丞 丕賲賳賷丞 丕噩賳亘賷丞 毓賱賷賴丕 廿亘丕賳 丕賱丨賰賲 丕賱丿賷賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷 賱鬲賱賰 丕賱亘賱丕丿 (丕賱兀乇噩賳鬲賷賳 賵鬲卮賷賱賷 賵丕賱爻賱賮丕丿賵乇 賵睾賷乇賴丕).
- 賴匕賴 丕賱賮賰乇丞 丕禺匕賴丕 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷 賷丿毓賶 "賲賷賱鬲賵賳 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳" 賵賳馗賾乇 (丕賷 賵囟毓 賳馗乇賷鬲賴 亘賳丕亍 毓賱賷賴丕) 亘賴丕貙 賵賯丿 丕爻鬲賮丕丿 賲賳 賲賵賯毓賴 賮賷 噩丕賲毓丞 卮賷賰丕噩賵 賱賱鬲乇賵賷噩 賱賴丕貙 賵乇睾賲 丕賳賴丕 賱賲 鬲噩丿 丕乇囟丕賸 禺氐亘丕賸 賱賴丕 賱賱鬲胤亘賷賯 賮賷 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 丕賱丕 丕賳賴丕 賵亘毓丿 賵氐賵賱 "爻賱賮丕丿賵乇 丌賱賷賳丿賷" 丕賱賶 爻丿賾丞 丕賱丨賰賲 賮賷 鬲卮賷賱賷 賵鬲賴丿賷丿賴 賱賲氐丕賱丨 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 賮賷賴丕 賵鬲丿亘賷乇 丕賱廿賳賯賱丕亘 毓賱賷賴貙 亘丿兀 鬲賱丕賲匕丞 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 (兀賱賲賱賯亘賵賳 亘氐亘賷丕賳 卮賷賰丕噩賵) 亘鬲賳賮賷匕 賳馗乇賷鬲賴 賮鬲賲賾 亘賷毓 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱賵胤賳賷丞 賵禺氐禺氐鬲賴丕 賲賳 賲賷丕賴 賵賰賴乇亘丕亍 賵賲氐丕乇賮 賵賳賯賱 毓丕賲貙 賰賲丕 鬲賲 鬲賯賱賷氐 丕賱廿賳賮丕賯 丕賱丨賰賵賲賷 賵丕賱丿毓賲 丕賱丨賰賵賲賷 賲賲丕 丕丿賶 賱丕丨賯丕賸 丕賱賶 賰丕乇孬丞 賮賷 鬲卮賷賱賷 賱賲 賷賳噩賴丕 賲賳賴丕 爻賵賶 丕丨鬲賮丕馗 丕賱丿賵賱丞 亘賲氐丕賳毓 丕賱賳丨丕爻. 匕丕鬲 丕賱鬲噩乇亘丞 毓丕丿鬲 賱鬲鬲賰乇乇 賮賷 丕賱兀乇噩賳鬲賷賳 (丿賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丞 毓爻賰乇賷丞 丕賷囟丕賸) 賵丕賱亘乇丕夭賷賱 賵丕賱兀賵乇賵噩賵賷 賲乇賵乇丕賸 亘亘賵賱賳丿丕 賵乇賵爻賷丕 賵丕賳丿賵賳賷爻丕 賲乇賵乇丕賸 亘丕賱毓乇丕賯 賵賱亘賳丕賳 賵睾賷乇賴...
- 丕賱賮賰乇丞 丕賱兀爻丕爻賷丞 賱毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞 賴賷 亘禺賱賯 丕賵 丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱 氐丿賲丞 賰亘賷乇丞 賲賳 丕噩賱 賮鬲丨 丕賱兀爻賵丕賯 賵鬲賲乇賷乇 賯賵丕賳賷賳 丕賱爻賵賯 丕賱丨乇丞貙 賵乇賮毓 賷丿 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賵 賰賮 賷丿賴丕 毓賳 丕賱鬲丿禺賱 賮賷 丕賱爻賵賯貙 賲爻鬲睾賱賷賳 賲乇丨賱丞 賲丕 亘毓丿 丕賱氐丿賲丞 丨賷孬 賷賰賵賳 丕賱賵毓賷 丕賱噩賲丕毓賷 賰丕賲賳丕賸 丕賵 囟丕賲乇丕賸:
氐360:
氐204:
賵丕賱賳馗乇賷丞 鬲賯賵賱 丕賳 丕賱兀爻賵丕賯 賯丕丿乇丞 毓賱賶 卮賮丕亍 賳賮爻賴丕 賲賳 丕賷 鬲囟禺賲 丕賵 賲卮丕賰賱 鬲賵丕噩賴賴丕貙 賵胤亘毓丕賸 賴匕丕 丕賱廿丿毓丕亍 丕賱夭丕卅賮 賳賯囟鬲賴 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱賵賯丕卅毓 賱丕丨賯丕賸.
- 賮賷 禺囟賲 丕賱丿賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丕鬲 丕賱噩賳賵亘-丕賲乇賷賰賷丞貙 賰丕賳 賱賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲毓丿丿丞 丕賱噩賳爻賷丞 丕賱賷丿 丕賱胤賵賱賶 賮賷 丿毓賲 賴匕賴 丕賱兀賳馗賲丞貙 賵賲爻丕毓丿鬲賴丕 毓賱賶 丕賱鬲禺賱氐 賲賳 禺氐賵賲賴丕 (丕賱毓賲丕賱 賵丕賱賮賯乇丕亍 賵丕賱兀丨乇丕乇) 賱兀賳賴丕 賲爻鬲賮賷丿丞 賲賳賴丕貙 賮賲孬賱丕賸:
氐162:
- 賷丿毓賷 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 賵兀鬲亘丕毓賴 賵丕賱睾乇亘 亘卮賰賱 毓丕賲 丕賳賴賲 囟丿 丕賱卮賷賵毓賷丞 賵兀爻丕賱賷亘 丕賱賯賴乇 丕賱賲鬲亘毓丞 賮賷 鬲賱賰 丕賱兀賳馗賲丞 賵丕賳賴賲 丨賲賾丕賱 亘賷丕乇賯 丕賱丨乇賷丞 賵丕賱鬲賲丿賾賳 賵丕賱丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷丞貙 賱賰賳賴賲 亘賳賮爻 丕賱爻賵亍 丕賵 賵噩賴丕賳 賱毓賲賱丞 賵丕丨丿丞: 氐311:
賵賲丕 兀賮囟賱 賲賳 賴匕賴 丕賱卮賴丕丿丞 賮賷 匕賱賰:
賰賲丕 賷丿毓賵賳 亘兀賳 兀爻賱賵亘 丕賱鬲噩丕乇丞 丕賱丨乇丞 丕賱賲賮鬲賵丨丞 賴賵 爻亘亘 賳噩丕丨 丕賯鬲氐丕丿丕鬲 賳賲賵乇 丌爻賷丕貙 賱賰賳 丕賱兀賲乇 賲睾丕賷乇貙 氐374:
丕匕賳貙 賮毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞 賴賷 賮賰乇丞 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 鬲禺丿賲 賮賰乇丞 爻賷丕爻賷丞 亘爻賷胤丞 丕賱丕 賵賴賷 丕賱爻賷胤乇丞 毓賱賶 賲賯丿乇丕鬲 丕賱卮毓賵亘 賵噩毓賱 卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱毓丕賲 爻丕賲 丕賰孬乇 丕賳鬲賮丕禺丕賸 亘丕賱賲賱賷丕乇丕鬲 賲毓 鬲乇賰 亘毓囟 丕賱賮鬲丕鬲 賱賵賰賱丕亍 賲丨賱賷賷賳貙 氐429:
- "乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬"貙 丕賵 賰賷賮賷丞 丕賱廿爻鬲賮丕丿丞 賲賳 丕賱賰丕乇孬丞 (賰丕乇孬丞 胤亘賷毓賷丞 賰廿毓氐丕乇貙 丕賵 亘卮乇賷丞 賰丕賱丨乇賵亘貙 丕賵 丕賮鬲乇丕囟賷丞 賰丕賱廿卮丕毓丕鬲)貙 賵丕賱賵賯鬲 丕賱賲賳丕爻亘 賴賵 賮賷 賱丨馗鬲賴丕 毓賱賶 丕賱丿賵丕賲:
賱賰賳 賴賱 毓賱賶 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱毓馗賲賶 丕賳 鬲賳鬲馗乇 丕賱賰丕乇孬丞責 亘丕賱鬲兀賰賷丿 賱丕貙 賮丕賱禺胤胤 賲賵噩賵丿丞 賵賲毓丿賾丞 賲爻亘賯丕賸貙 氐531:
賱賰賳 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱賲爻鬲賮賷丿丞 賱丕 毓賱丕賯丞 賱賴丕 亘丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 賮賴賷 鬲爻鬲賮賷丿 亘丕賱氐丿賮丞 丕賱賷爻 賰匕賱賰責 氐530:
賴賱 鬲胤亘賯 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 賴匕賴 丕賱賳馗乇賷丞 賮賷 丕賱禺丕乇噩 賮賯胤責 賱丕貙 賱賯丿 胤亘賯鬲賴丕 賮賷 丕賱丿丕禺賱 丕賷囟丕賸貙 禺氐賵氐丕賸 賲毓 爻賷胤乇丞 丕賱禺氐禺氐丞 毓賱賶 丕賱鬲毓丕賯丿丕鬲 丕賱丿丕禺賱賷丞貙 賵丕賱丿賱賷賱 賲丕 丨丿孬 賮賷 賳賷賵 丕賵乇賱賷賳夭 睾丿丕丞 丕毓氐丕乇 "賰丕鬲乇賷賳丕":
- 賮賷 丕賱毓乇丕賯貙 胤亘賯 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷賵賳 匕丕鬲 丕賱廿爻鬲乇丕鬲賷噩賷丞 亘卮賰賱 氐丿賲丕鬲 賲鬲賱丕丨賯丞 亘丿亍丕賸 賲賳 賱賷賱丞 丕賱賯氐賮 丕賱賶 丕賱廿噩鬲賷丕丨 賮丕賱廿丨鬲賱丕賱 賵丕賱氐丿賲丕鬲 丕賱賳賮爻賷丞 賵丕賱廿賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞:
* 丕賱賯氐賮 丕賱兀賵賱賷貙 丕賱匕賷 丕卮毓賱 賱賷賱 亘睾丿丕丿 賵丕爻鬲禺丿賲鬲 賮賷賴 丕賱丕賮 丕賱賯賳丕亘賱 賵丕賱氐賵丕乇賷禺 賰丕賳 賱廿乇賴丕亘 丕賱賳丕爻 賵氐丿賲賴丕 鬲賲丕賲丕賸: 氐458:
* 賲丨丕賵賱丞 賲丨賵 鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱亘賱丕丿 丕賵 賵毓賷 丕賱賳丕爻 丕賱噩賲丕毓賷貙 氐 458:
* 賵丕賱賮卮賱 丕賱匕乇賷毓 亘丕賱賲丨氐賱丞 賲賳 夭丕賵賷丞 爻賷丕爻賷丞 賵丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞:
賮鬲乇賰賵丕 丕賱亘賱丕丿 賲賲夭賯丞 鬲鬲氐丕乇毓 賮賷賴丕 丕賱毓氐丕亘丕鬲 丕賱胤丕卅賮賷丞 賵丕賱賲匕賴亘賷丞 賲賳 丕噩賱 賲氐丕賱丨 丌賳賷丞 丕賵 毓乇賯賷丞 丕賵 睾賷亘賷丞 亘毓丿 丕賳 鬲賲 賳賴亘 丕賱亘賱丕丿 賵爻乇賯丞 賲賱賷丕乇丕鬲 丕賱丿賵賱丕乇丕鬲.
- 賱丕 卮賰 丕賳 賴匕賴 丕賱賳馗乇賷丞 賱賲 鬲賳鬲賴賷貙 賵賱賲 賷賳鬲賴賷 鬲胤亘賷賯賴丕貙 賮賱丕 夭賱賳丕 賳乇賶 丕賱毓丿賷丿 賲賳 丕賱兀賲孬賱丞 賮賷 賲賳胤賯鬲賳丕 毓賳 賰賷賮賷丞 丕乇賴丕亘 丕賱卮毓賵亘 賵氐丿賲賴丕 賲賳 丕噩賱 鬲賲乇賷乇 爻賷丕爻丕鬲 賰丕賳 賲賳 丕賱賲爻鬲丨賷賱 丕賳 鬲賲乇 賮賷 丕賱兀賷丕賲 丕賱毓丕丿賷丞貙 丨鬲賶 丕賳 亘毓囟 丕賱丿賵賱 鬲爻鬲毓賲賱 匕丕鬲 丕賱賲賮賴賵賲 賱鬲賲乇賷乇 賯賵丕賳賷賳 丿丕禺賱賷丞. 丕賲丕 乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賳鬲噩 胤亘賯丞 睾賳賷丞 亘卮賰賱 賲賮乇胤貙 賮賴賷 鬲匕賴亘 亘賳丕 乇賵賷丿丕賸 乇賵賷丿丕賸 丕賱賶 鬲卮賰賷賱 賲賳丕胤賯 禺囟乇丕亍 睾賳賷丞 賲丨賲賷丞 亘卮乇賰丕鬲 禺丕氐丞貙 鬲丨賷胤 亘賴丕 丕丨夭賲丞 丕賱亘丐爻 賵丕賱賮賯乇 賵賴匕丕 丕賱廿鬲噩丕賴 毓丕賱賲賷 丕賱賶 丨丿 賲丕 賵爻賷丐丿賷 亘丕賱賳鬲賷噩丞 丕賱賶 卮乇禺 毓丕賲賵丿賷 亘賳鬲丕卅噩 賰丕乇孬賷丞.
- 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷丨鬲賵賷 毓賱賶 毓卮乇丕鬲 丕賱兀賲孬賱丞 賵丕賱賯氐氐 賵丕賱胤乇賵丨丕鬲 丕賱兀禺乇賶 丕賱鬲賷 賱丕 賲噩丕賱 賱匕賰乇賴丕 賰賱賾賴丕貙 賱賰賳 丕賴賲賴丕 丕賱賯氐丞 丕賱賵賴賲賷丞 賱廿賳鬲賴丕亍 丕賱賮氐賱 丕賱毓賳氐乇賷 賮賷 噩賳賵亘 丕賮乇賷賯賷丕 賵賰賷賮 鬲賲 丕賱乇亘丨 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 毓賱賶 丨爻丕亘 丕賱廿賯鬲氐丕丿賷貙 賯氐丞 氐毓賵丿 賳噩賲 亘賵乇爻 賷賱鬲爻賳 賵賯氐賮賴 賱賲噩賱爻 丕賱賳賵丕亘貙 賯氐氐 賲丨丕賰賲丞 丕賱丿賷賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丕鬲 賮賷 丕賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱噩賳賵亘賷丞貙 賯氐氐 丕賱鬲爻賵賳丕賲賷 賮賷 爻乇賷賱丕賳賰丕 賵鬲丕賷賱賳丿貙 賯氐氐 噩丿丕乇 丕賱賮氐賱 毓賱賶 丕賱丨丿賵丿 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞-丕賱賲賰爻賷賰賷丞 賵丿丕禺賱 賮賱爻胤賷賳 丕賱賲丨鬲賱丞貙 鬲丨賵賱 丕賱廿爻鬲賯乇丕乇 賲賳 毓丕賲賱 丕爻丕爻賷 賱賱廿夭丿賴丕乇 丕賱廿賯鬲氐丕丿賷 丕賱賶 毓丕賲賱 睾賷乇 賲丐孬乇貙 賯氐氐 丕賱賵賯賵賮 亘賵噩賴 丕賱氐丿賲丞 賲賳 賱亘賳丕賳 丕賱賶 丕賱毓乇丕賯 丕賱賶 丕賱丕乇噩賳鬲賷賳... 賵睾賷乇賴丕 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丨賵賱 丕賱毓丕賱賲.
- "丕賱氐丿賲丞"貙 賮賰乇丞 胤亘賷丞 丕賵 賮賰乇丞 賮賷 丕賱胤亘 丕賱賳賮爻賷 賱毓賱丕噩 丕賱賲乇囟賶 賯丕賲 胤锟斤拷賷亘 賰賳丿賷 亘賲丨丕賵賱丞 鬲丨賵賷賱賴丕 賱胤乇賷賯丞 賱賱鬲丨賰賲 亘丕賱毓賯賱 丕賱亘卮乇賷貙 亘丿毓賲 賲賳 賵賰丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲禺亘丕乇丕鬲 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞貙 氐46
"賰丕賳 丕賱賲乇囟賶 賷賱噩兀賵賳 丕賱賶 賰丕賲賷乇賵賳 (丕賱丿賰鬲賵乇 廿賷賵賷賳 賰丕賲賷乇賵賳) 亘丨孬丕賸 毓賳 毓賱丕噩 賱廿毓鬲賱丕賱丕鬲賴賲 丕賱賳賮爻賷丞 丕賱锟斤拷爻賷胤丞 - 賲孬賱 丕賰鬲卅丕亘 賲丕 亘毓丿 丕賱賵賱丕丿丞 賵丕賱賯賱賯 賵丕賱賲卮丕賰賱 丕賱夭賵噩賷丞- 廿賱丕 丕賳賴 毓賲丿 丕賱賶 丕爻鬲禺丿丕賲賴賲貙 亘丿賵賳 毓賱賲 丕賵 丕匕賳 賲賳賴賲貙 賰丨賯賱 賱賱鬲噩丕乇亘 丕賱毓賱賲賷丞 賲賳 丕噩賱 丕乇囟丕亍 鬲毓胤賾卮 賵賰丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲禺亘丕乇丕鬲 丕賱賲乇賰夭賷丞 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞貙 賱賱丨氐賵賱 毓賱賶 賲毓賱賵賲丕鬲 丨賵賱 賰賷賮賷丞 丕賱鬲丨賰賲 亘丕賱毓賯賱 丕賱亘卮乇賷."
賴匕賴 丕賱胤乇賷賯丞 賯丕賲鬲 丕賱賯賵丕鬲 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 亘廿爻鬲毓賲丕賱賴丕 賮賷 賲毓鬲賯賱丕鬲賴丕 (丕亘賵 睾乇賷亘貙 睾賵丕賳鬲丕賳丕賲賵) 賵賯丕賲鬲 亘鬲丿乇賷亘 丕噩賴夭丞 丕賲賳賷丞 丕噩賳亘賷丞 毓賱賷賴丕 廿亘丕賳 丕賱丨賰賲 丕賱丿賷賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷 賱鬲賱賰 丕賱亘賱丕丿 (丕賱兀乇噩賳鬲賷賳 賵鬲卮賷賱賷 賵丕賱爻賱賮丕丿賵乇 賵睾賷乇賴丕).
- 賴匕賴 丕賱賮賰乇丞 丕禺匕賴丕 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷 賷丿毓賶 "賲賷賱鬲賵賳 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳" 賵賳馗賾乇 (丕賷 賵囟毓 賳馗乇賷鬲賴 亘賳丕亍 毓賱賷賴丕) 亘賴丕貙 賵賯丿 丕爻鬲賮丕丿 賲賳 賲賵賯毓賴 賮賷 噩丕賲毓丞 卮賷賰丕噩賵 賱賱鬲乇賵賷噩 賱賴丕貙 賵乇睾賲 丕賳賴丕 賱賲 鬲噩丿 丕乇囟丕賸 禺氐亘丕賸 賱賴丕 賱賱鬲胤亘賷賯 賮賷 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 丕賱丕 丕賳賴丕 賵亘毓丿 賵氐賵賱 "爻賱賮丕丿賵乇 丌賱賷賳丿賷" 丕賱賶 爻丿賾丞 丕賱丨賰賲 賮賷 鬲卮賷賱賷 賵鬲賴丿賷丿賴 賱賲氐丕賱丨 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 賮賷賴丕 賵鬲丿亘賷乇 丕賱廿賳賯賱丕亘 毓賱賷賴貙 亘丿兀 鬲賱丕賲匕丞 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 (兀賱賲賱賯亘賵賳 亘氐亘賷丕賳 卮賷賰丕噩賵) 亘鬲賳賮賷匕 賳馗乇賷鬲賴 賮鬲賲賾 亘賷毓 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱賵胤賳賷丞 賵禺氐禺氐鬲賴丕 賲賳 賲賷丕賴 賵賰賴乇亘丕亍 賵賲氐丕乇賮 賵賳賯賱 毓丕賲貙 賰賲丕 鬲賲 鬲賯賱賷氐 丕賱廿賳賮丕賯 丕賱丨賰賵賲賷 賵丕賱丿毓賲 丕賱丨賰賵賲賷 賲賲丕 丕丿賶 賱丕丨賯丕賸 丕賱賶 賰丕乇孬丞 賮賷 鬲卮賷賱賷 賱賲 賷賳噩賴丕 賲賳賴丕 爻賵賶 丕丨鬲賮丕馗 丕賱丿賵賱丞 亘賲氐丕賳毓 丕賱賳丨丕爻. 匕丕鬲 丕賱鬲噩乇亘丞 毓丕丿鬲 賱鬲鬲賰乇乇 賮賷 丕賱兀乇噩賳鬲賷賳 (丿賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丞 毓爻賰乇賷丞 丕賷囟丕賸) 賵丕賱亘乇丕夭賷賱 賵丕賱兀賵乇賵噩賵賷 賲乇賵乇丕賸 亘亘賵賱賳丿丕 賵乇賵爻賷丕 賵丕賳丿賵賳賷爻丕 賲乇賵乇丕賸 亘丕賱毓乇丕賯 賵賱亘賳丕賳 賵睾賷乇賴...
- 丕賱賮賰乇丞 丕賱兀爻丕爻賷丞 賱毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞 賴賷 亘禺賱賯 丕賵 丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱 氐丿賲丞 賰亘賷乇丞 賲賳 丕噩賱 賮鬲丨 丕賱兀爻賵丕賯 賵鬲賲乇賷乇 賯賵丕賳賷賳 丕賱爻賵賯 丕賱丨乇丞貙 賵乇賮毓 賷丿 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賵 賰賮 賷丿賴丕 毓賳 丕賱鬲丿禺賱 賮賷 丕賱爻賵賯貙 賲爻鬲睾賱賷賳 賲乇丨賱丞 賲丕 亘毓丿 丕賱氐丿賲丞 丨賷孬 賷賰賵賳 丕賱賵毓賷 丕賱噩賲丕毓賷 賰丕賲賳丕賸 丕賵 囟丕賲乇丕賸:
氐360:
"賵丨丿賴丕 丕賱亘賱丿丕賳 丕賱鬲賷 鬲毓丕賳賷 兀夭賲丞 卮丿賷丿丞貙 鬲賯亘賱 亘廿亘鬲賱丕毓 丕賱丿賵丕亍 丕賱賲乇賷乇貙 賵賵丨丿賴丕 丕賱亘賱丿丕賳 丕賱鬲賷 賮賷 丨丕賱丞 氐丿賲丞 鬲乇囟賶 丕賳 鬲毓丕賱噩 亘丕賱氐丿賲丞""
氐204:
"賮賷 丕賱毓丕賲 1982 賰賳亘 賲賷賱鬲賵賳 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳..:"賵丨丿賴丕 丕賱兀夭賲丞 -丕賱賵丕賯毓丞 丕賵 丕賱賲賳馗賵乇丞- 賴賷 丕賱鬲賷 鬲丨丿孬 鬲睾賷賷乇丕賸 賮毓賱賷丕賸. 賮毓賳丿 丨丿賵孬 鬲賱賰 丕賱兀夭賲丞貙 鬲賰賵賳 丕賱鬲丿丕亘賷乇 丕賱賲鬲禺匕丞 賲賳賵胤丞賸 亘丕賱兀賮賰丕乇 丕賱賲丨賷胤丞. 鬲賱賰 賴賷 賵馗賷賮鬲賳丕 丕賱兀爻丕爻賷丞.. 丕賳 賳胤賵賾乇 丕賱亘丿丕卅賱 賱賱爻賷丕爻丕鬲 丕賱賲賵噩賵丿丞貙 賵丕賳 賳亘賯賷 鬲賱賰 丕賱亘丿丕卅賱 賯丕卅賲丞 賵賲鬲賵賮乇丞 丨鬲賶 賷氐亘丨 丕賱賲爻鬲丨賷賱 爻賷丕爻賷丕賸 丨鬲賲賷丞 爻賷丕爻賷丞""
賵丕賱賳馗乇賷丞 鬲賯賵賱 丕賳 丕賱兀爻賵丕賯 賯丕丿乇丞 毓賱賶 卮賮丕亍 賳賮爻賴丕 賲賳 丕賷 鬲囟禺賲 丕賵 賲卮丕賰賱 鬲賵丕噩賴賴丕貙 賵胤亘毓丕賸 賴匕丕 丕賱廿丿毓丕亍 丕賱夭丕卅賮 賳賯囟鬲賴 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱賵賯丕卅毓 賱丕丨賯丕賸.
- 賮賷 禺囟賲 丕賱丿賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丕鬲 丕賱噩賳賵亘-丕賲乇賷賰賷丞貙 賰丕賳 賱賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲毓丿丿丞 丕賱噩賳爻賷丞 丕賱賷丿 丕賱胤賵賱賶 賮賷 丿毓賲 賴匕賴 丕賱兀賳馗賲丞貙 賵賲爻丕毓丿鬲賴丕 毓賱賶 丕賱鬲禺賱氐 賲賳 禺氐賵賲賴丕 (丕賱毓賲丕賱 賵丕賱賮賯乇丕亍 賵丕賱兀丨乇丕乇) 賱兀賳賴丕 賲爻鬲賮賷丿丞 賲賳賴丕貙 賮賲孬賱丕賸:
氐162:
"賵賮賯丕賸 賱賱賲丐乇禺 丕賱兀賲賷乇賰賷 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷貙 賰丕乇賷賳 乇賵亘乇鬲貙 賮賷 賳賴丕賷丞 丨賰賲 丕賱丿賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丞 (賮賷 丕賱兀乇噩賳鬲賷賳)貙 賰丕賳 賲睾馗賲 丕賱賲賲孬賱賷賳 丕賱賳賯丕亘賷賷賳 賯丿 丕禺鬲賮賵丕 賲賳 丕賰亘乇 卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱亘賱丿 毓賱賶 睾乇丕乇 "賲乇爻賷丿爻 亘賳夭" 賵"賰乇丕賷夭賱乇" 賵"賮賷丕鬲 賰賵賳賰賵乇丿"... 賱賲 賷賰賳 丕賱賳賯丕亘賷賵賳 賵丨丿賴賲 賴賲 丕賱匕賷賳 賵丕噩賴賵丕 賴噩賵賲丕賸 丕爻鬲亘丕賯賷丕賸 亘賱 賰賱 卮禺氐 賰丕賳 賷噩爻丿 乇丐賷丞 賱賲噩鬲賲毓 賲亘賳賷 毓賱賶 丕賱賯賷賲 賵賱賷爻 毓賱賶 丕賱乇亘丨 丕賱亘丨鬲"
- 賷丿毓賷 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 賵兀鬲亘丕毓賴 賵丕賱睾乇亘 亘卮賰賱 毓丕賲 丕賳賴賲 囟丿 丕賱卮賷賵毓賷丞 賵兀爻丕賱賷亘 丕賱賯賴乇 丕賱賲鬲亘毓丞 賮賷 鬲賱賰 丕賱兀賳馗賲丞 賵丕賳賴賲 丨賲賾丕賱 亘賷丕乇賯 丕賱丨乇賷丞 賵丕賱鬲賲丿賾賳 賵丕賱丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷丞貙 賱賰賳賴賲 亘賳賮爻 丕賱爻賵亍 丕賵 賵噩賴丕賳 賱毓賲賱丞 賵丕丨丿丞: 氐311:
"賱賯丿 毓卮賳丕 賲丿賾丞 胤賵賷賱丞 鬲丨鬲 賳賷乇 丕賱丿賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丞 丕賱卮賷賵毓賷丞貙 賱賰賳賳丕 丕賰鬲卮賮賳丕 丕賱賷賵賲 丕賳 丕賱毓賷卮 鬲丨鬲 乇丨賲丞 丿賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丞 乇噩丕賱 丕賱兀毓賲丕賱 賱賲 賷賰賳 兀賮囟賱."
賵賲丕 兀賮囟賱 賲賳 賴匕賴 丕賱卮賴丕丿丞 賮賷 匕賱賰:
"兀賳丕 丕爻鬲賯賷賱 丕賱賷賵賲 賲賳 賮乇賷賯 毓賲賱 氐賳丿賵賯 丕賱賳賯丿 丕賱丿賵賱賷 亘毓丿 丕賰孬乇 賲賳 12 毓丕賲丕賸 賲賳 丕賱禺丿賲丞 賮賷 鬲兀賲賷賳 丕賱賲爻丕毓丿丕鬲 丕賱乇爻賲賷丞貙 毓賲賱 鬲賲孬賾賱 賮賷 丕賱廿鬲噩丕乇 亘兀丿賵賷鬲賰賲 賵亘丨賯丕卅亘賰賲 丕賱賲賲賱賵亍丞 亘丕賱禺丿毓貙 賵廿乇爻丕賱賴丕 丕賱賶 丕賱丨賰賵賲丕鬲 賵丕賱卮毓賵亘 丕賱賱丕鬲賷賳賷丞 賵兀賮乇賷賯賷丕. 鬲毓鬲亘乇 丕賱廿爻鬲賯丕賱丞 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 丕賱賷 丕賱賷賵賲 鬲丨乇乇丕賸 賱丕 賷賯丿乇 亘孬賲賳貙 賱兀賳賷 兀禺胤賵 亘賴丕 丕賱賶 丕賱賲賰丕賳 丕賱匕賷 賷爻毓賳賷 賮賷賴 丕賳 丕丨賱賲 亘睾爻賱 賷丿賷 賲賲丕 賷卮賰賱 丿賲丕亍 賲賱丕賷賷賳 丕賱賮賯乇丕亍 賵丕賱噩賷丕毓" 丿丕賷賮丿 亘賵丿賵 - 賲賵馗賾賮 賮賷 氐賳丿賵賯 丕賱賳賯丿 丕賱丿賵賱賷"
賰賲丕 賷丿毓賵賳 亘兀賳 兀爻賱賵亘 丕賱鬲噩丕乇丞 丕賱丨乇丞 丕賱賲賮鬲賵丨丞 賴賵 爻亘亘 賳噩丕丨 丕賯鬲氐丕丿丕鬲 賳賲賵乇 丌爻賷丕貙 賱賰賳 丕賱兀賲乇 賲睾丕賷乇貙 氐374:
"丕賱丕 丕賳 丕賱廿丿毓丕亍 丕賳 爻亘亘 賴匕丕 丕賱賳賲賵 (賳賲賵 丕賯鬲氐丕丿 丕賱賳賲賵乇 丕賱丌爻賷賵賷丞) 賴賵 丕賱鬲噩丕乇丞 丕賱丨乇丞 賰丕賳 丕丿毓丕亍賸 賰丕匕亘丕賸. 賰丕賳鬲 賲丕賱賷夭賷丕 賵賰賵乇賷丕 丕賱噩賳賵亘賷丞 賵鬲丕賷賱賳丿 鬲鬲亘毓 爻賷丕爻丕鬲 丨賲鬲卅賷丞 氐丕乇賲丞 鬲賲賳毓 丕賱兀噩丕賳亘 鬲賲賱賰 丕賱兀乇丕囟賷貙 丕賵 卮乇丕亍 丕賱賲氐丕賳毓 丕賱賲丨賱賷丞. 賵賰丕賳鬲 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賱丕 鬲夭丕賱 鬲鬲賲鬲毓 亘丿賵乇 賰亘賷乇 賮賷 鬲賱賰 丕賱亘賱丿丕賳貙 賲亘賯賷丞 賯胤丕毓丕鬲 賰丕賱胤丕賯丞 賵丕賱賳賯賱 賮賷 賷丿賷 丕賱丨賰賵賲丞""
丕匕賳貙 賮毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞 賴賷 賮賰乇丞 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 鬲禺丿賲 賮賰乇丞 爻賷丕爻賷丞 亘爻賷胤丞 丕賱丕 賵賴賷 丕賱爻賷胤乇丞 毓賱賶 賲賯丿乇丕鬲 丕賱卮毓賵亘 賵噩毓賱 卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱毓丕賲 爻丕賲 丕賰孬乇 丕賳鬲賮丕禺丕賸 亘丕賱賲賱賷丕乇丕鬲 賲毓 鬲乇賰 亘毓囟 丕賱賮鬲丕鬲 賱賵賰賱丕亍 賲丨賱賷賷賳貙 氐429:
"亘兀禺鬲氐丕乇貙 丕賳 噩夭亍丕賸 賰亘賷乇丕賸 賲賳 爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 丕賱禺丕乇噩賷丞貙 賴賵 鬲賲乇賾爻 賮賷 丕賱鬲賯丿賷乇 丕賱毓丕賲貙 鬲禺賱胤 賮賷賴 賳禺亘丞 丕賳丕賳賷丞 亘賷賳 丨丕噩丕鬲賴丕 賵乇睾亘丕鬲賴丕貙 賵丨丕噩丕鬲 丕賱毓丕賱賲 亘兀爻乇賴""
- "乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬"貙 丕賵 賰賷賮賷丞 丕賱廿爻鬲賮丕丿丞 賲賳 丕賱賰丕乇孬丞 (賰丕乇孬丞 胤亘賷毓賷丞 賰廿毓氐丕乇貙 丕賵 亘卮乇賷丞 賰丕賱丨乇賵亘貙 丕賵 丕賮鬲乇丕囟賷丞 賰丕賱廿卮丕毓丕鬲)貙 賵丕賱賵賯鬲 丕賱賲賳丕爻亘 賴賵 賮賷 賱丨馗鬲賴丕 毓賱賶 丕賱丿賵丕賲:
丕賱賵賯鬲 丕賱兀賮囟賱 賱賱廿爻鬲孬賲丕乇 賴賵 丨賷賳 賷賰賵賳 丕賱丿賲 賱丕 賷夭丕賱 毓賱賶 丕賱兀乇囟"貙 賴匕丕 賲丕 賯丕賱賴 賱賷 亘氐乇丕丨丞 兀丨丿 丕賱賲賳丿賵亘賷賳 賮賷 丕賱賲丐鬲賲乇 丕賱孬丕賳賷 賱 "廿毓丕丿丞 廿毓賲丕乇 丕賱毓乇丕賯" 賮賷 賵丕卮賳胤賳""
賱賰賳 賴賱 毓賱賶 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱毓馗賲賶 丕賳 鬲賳鬲馗乇 丕賱賰丕乇孬丞責 亘丕賱鬲兀賰賷丿 賱丕貙 賮丕賱禺胤胤 賲賵噩賵丿丞 賵賲毓丿賾丞 賲爻亘賯丕賸貙 氐531:
"兀胤賱賯鬲 賵夭丕乇丞 丕賱禺丕乇噩賷丞 賮賷 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 賲賰鬲亘 "廿毓丕丿丞 丕賱廿毓賲丕乇 賵廿乇爻丕亍 丕賱廿爻鬲賯乇丕乇" 賵鬲胤賱亘 賲賳賴 乇爻賲 禺胤胤 賲賮氐賾賱丞 賱廿毓丕丿丞 丕毓賲丕乇 25 亘賱丿丕賸 賷賲賰賳賴丕 丕賳 鬲賯毓 囟丨賷丞 丕賱鬲丿賲賷乇 丕賱匕賷 鬲乇毓丕賴 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 賲賳 賮賳夭賵賷賱丕 丕賱賶 丕賷乇丕賳. 賵賷鬲賲 鬲賳馗賷賲 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 賵丕賱賲爻鬲卮丕乇賷賳 亘賵丕爻胤丞 毓賯賵丿 賲賵賯賾毓丞 賲爻亘賯丕賸貙 賱賷賰賵賳賵丕 噩丕賴夭賷賳 賱賱亘丿亍 亘丕賱毓賲賱 丨丕賱賲丕 鬲賯毓 丕賱賰丕乇孬丞."
賱賰賳 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱賲爻鬲賮賷丿丞 賱丕 毓賱丕賯丞 賱賴丕 亘丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 賮賴賷 鬲爻鬲賮賷丿 亘丕賱氐丿賮丞 丕賱賷爻 賰匕賱賰責 氐530:
"亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 丕賱賶 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱鬲賷 鬲鬲賲賷賾夭 亘亘毓丿 丕賱賳馗乇 賵亘丕賱丨賰賲丞 賰賭 "賴丕賱賷亘乇鬲賵賳" 賵賲噩賲賵毓丞 "賰丕乇賱丕賷賱"貙 賷卮賰賾賱 丕賱賲丿賲乇賵賳 賵丕賱亘賳丕亍賵賳 兀賯爻丕賲丕賸 賲禺鬲賱賮丞 賲賳 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 賳賮爻賴丕"
賴賱 鬲胤亘賯 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 賴匕賴 丕賱賳馗乇賷丞 賮賷 丕賱禺丕乇噩 賮賯胤責 賱丕貙 賱賯丿 胤亘賯鬲賴丕 賮賷 丕賱丿丕禺賱 丕賷囟丕賸貙 禺氐賵氐丕賸 賲毓 爻賷胤乇丞 丕賱禺氐禺氐丞 毓賱賶 丕賱鬲毓丕賯丿丕鬲 丕賱丿丕禺賱賷丞貙 賵丕賱丿賱賷賱 賲丕 丨丿孬 賮賷 賳賷賵 丕賵乇賱賷賳夭 睾丿丕丞 丕毓氐丕乇 "賰丕鬲乇賷賳丕":
""丕賱賳丕爻 賯丿 賷賰賵賳賵賳 毓賱賶 丿乇丕賷丞 亘毓丿賲 丕賱賲爻丕賵丕丞 丕賱匕賷 賯丿 賷馗賴乇 賲賳 禺賱丕賱 丕賱丨賷丕丞 丕賱賷賵賲賷丞 賮賷 丕賱賲丿丕乇爻 丕賱賲鬲胤賵乇丞貙 丕賵 賮賷 賰賳賮 丕賱卮乇丕卅丨 丕賱鬲賷 鬲丨馗賶 賮賷 丕賲賰丕賳賷丞 丕賱賳賮丕匕 丕賱賶 乇毓丕賷丞 氐丨賷丞 噩賷丿丞貙 丕賱丕 丕賳 丕賱鬲賵賯毓 丕賱毓丕賲 賰丕賳 賲禺鬲賱賮丕賸 賮賷 丨丕賱丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬"
- 賮賷 丕賱毓乇丕賯貙 胤亘賯 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷賵賳 匕丕鬲 丕賱廿爻鬲乇丕鬲賷噩賷丞 亘卮賰賱 氐丿賲丕鬲 賲鬲賱丕丨賯丞 亘丿亍丕賸 賲賳 賱賷賱丞 丕賱賯氐賮 丕賱賶 丕賱廿噩鬲賷丕丨 賮丕賱廿丨鬲賱丕賱 賵丕賱氐丿賲丕鬲 丕賱賳賮爻賷丞 賵丕賱廿賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞:
* 丕賱賯氐賮 丕賱兀賵賱賷貙 丕賱匕賷 丕卮毓賱 賱賷賱 亘睾丿丕丿 賵丕爻鬲禺丿賲鬲 賮賷賴 丕賱丕賮 丕賱賯賳丕亘賱 賵丕賱氐賵丕乇賷禺 賰丕賳 賱廿乇賴丕亘 丕賱賳丕爻 賵氐丿賲賴丕 鬲賲丕賲丕賸: 氐458:
"丕賳 丕爻鬲乇鬲賷噩賷丞 "丕賱氐丿賲 賵丕賱鬲乇賴賷亘" 賰丕賳鬲 鬲賯賵賲 亘毓賲賱賴丕貙 賵鬲鬲丨丿賶 賯賵丕賳賷賳 丕賱丨乇亘 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賲賳毓 丕賱毓賯丕亘 丕賱噩賲丕毓賷. 賰丕賳鬲 毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲 賵丕賱鬲乇賴賷亘 毓賯賷丿丞 毓爻賰乇賷丞 鬲賮丕禺乇 亘兀賳賴丕 賱丕 鬲爻鬲賴丿賮 賯賵賾丕鬲 丕賱毓丿賵 丕賱毓爻賰乇賷丞 賮丨爻亘貙 亘賱 "丕賱賲噩鬲賲毓 亘兀爻乇賴"貙 賰賲丕 賷卮丿丿 賵丕囟毓賵賴丕貙 賮丕賱禺賵賮 丕賱噩賲丕毓賷 賴賵 噩夭亍 兀爻丕爻賷 賲賳 丕賱廿爻鬲乇丕鬲賷噩賷丞."
* 賲丨丕賵賱丞 賲丨賵 鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱亘賱丕丿 丕賵 賵毓賷 丕賱賳丕爻 丕賱噩賲丕毓賷貙 氐 458:
"賱賯丿 兀匕賶 丕賱賯氐賮 丕賱毓乇丕賯 胤亘毓丕賸貙 賱賰賳 丕賱賳賴亘 丕賱匕賷 賱賲 鬲囟亘胤賴 賯賵丕鬲 丕賱廿丨鬲賱丕賱 (賰丕賳 賷噩丿乇 丕賱賯賵賱 丕賱匕賷 爻賴賾賱鬲賴 賵爻丕賴賲鬲 賮賷賴)貙 賴賵 賲丕 鬲爻亘亘 賮賷 賲丨賵 噩賵賴乇 丕賱亘賱丿 丕賱匕賷 賰丕賳"
* 賵丕賱賮卮賱 丕賱匕乇賷毓 亘丕賱賲丨氐賱丞 賲賳 夭丕賵賷丞 爻賷丕爻賷丞 賵丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞:
"丕爻鬲禺丿賲鬲 兀爻丕賱賷亘 丕賱氐丿賲 賰賱賾賴丕 賮賷 丕賱毓乇丕賯 賲丕 毓丿丕 丕賱賯賳亘賱丞 丕賱賳賵賵賷丞貙 賵亘乇睾賲 匕賱賰 賱賲 賷賳噩丨 丕賱賲丨鬲賱賵賳 賮賷 廿禺囟丕毓 丕賱毓乇丕賯. 亘丕鬲 賮卮賱 賴匕賴 丕賱鬲噩乇亘丞 噩賱賷賾丕賸"
賮鬲乇賰賵丕 丕賱亘賱丕丿 賲賲夭賯丞 鬲鬲氐丕乇毓 賮賷賴丕 丕賱毓氐丕亘丕鬲 丕賱胤丕卅賮賷丞 賵丕賱賲匕賴亘賷丞 賲賳 丕噩賱 賲氐丕賱丨 丌賳賷丞 丕賵 毓乇賯賷丞 丕賵 睾賷亘賷丞 亘毓丿 丕賳 鬲賲 賳賴亘 丕賱亘賱丕丿 賵爻乇賯丞 賲賱賷丕乇丕鬲 丕賱丿賵賱丕乇丕鬲.
- 賱丕 卮賰 丕賳 賴匕賴 丕賱賳馗乇賷丞 賱賲 鬲賳鬲賴賷貙 賵賱賲 賷賳鬲賴賷 鬲胤亘賷賯賴丕貙 賮賱丕 夭賱賳丕 賳乇賶 丕賱毓丿賷丿 賲賳 丕賱兀賲孬賱丞 賮賷 賲賳胤賯鬲賳丕 毓賳 賰賷賮賷丞 丕乇賴丕亘 丕賱卮毓賵亘 賵氐丿賲賴丕 賲賳 丕噩賱 鬲賲乇賷乇 爻賷丕爻丕鬲 賰丕賳 賲賳 丕賱賲爻鬲丨賷賱 丕賳 鬲賲乇 賮賷 丕賱兀賷丕賲 丕賱毓丕丿賷丞貙 丨鬲賶 丕賳 亘毓囟 丕賱丿賵賱 鬲爻鬲毓賲賱 匕丕鬲 丕賱賲賮賴賵賲 賱鬲賲乇賷乇 賯賵丕賳賷賳 丿丕禺賱賷丞. 丕賲丕 乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賳鬲噩 胤亘賯丞 睾賳賷丞 亘卮賰賱 賲賮乇胤貙 賮賴賷 鬲匕賴亘 亘賳丕 乇賵賷丿丕賸 乇賵賷丿丕賸 丕賱賶 鬲卮賰賷賱 賲賳丕胤賯 禺囟乇丕亍 睾賳賷丞 賲丨賲賷丞 亘卮乇賰丕鬲 禺丕氐丞貙 鬲丨賷胤 亘賴丕 丕丨夭賲丞 丕賱亘丐爻 賵丕賱賮賯乇 賵賴匕丕 丕賱廿鬲噩丕賴 毓丕賱賲賷 丕賱賶 丨丿 賲丕 賵爻賷丐丿賷 亘丕賱賳鬲賷噩丞 丕賱賶 卮乇禺 毓丕賲賵丿賷 亘賳鬲丕卅噩 賰丕乇孬賷丞.
- 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷丨鬲賵賷 毓賱賶 毓卮乇丕鬲 丕賱兀賲孬賱丞 賵丕賱賯氐氐 賵丕賱胤乇賵丨丕鬲 丕賱兀禺乇賶 丕賱鬲賷 賱丕 賲噩丕賱 賱匕賰乇賴丕 賰賱賾賴丕貙 賱賰賳 丕賴賲賴丕 丕賱賯氐丞 丕賱賵賴賲賷丞 賱廿賳鬲賴丕亍 丕賱賮氐賱 丕賱毓賳氐乇賷 賮賷 噩賳賵亘 丕賮乇賷賯賷丕 賵賰賷賮 鬲賲 丕賱乇亘丨 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 毓賱賶 丨爻丕亘 丕賱廿賯鬲氐丕丿賷貙 賯氐丞 氐毓賵丿 賳噩賲 亘賵乇爻 賷賱鬲爻賳 賵賯氐賮賴 賱賲噩賱爻 丕賱賳賵丕亘貙 賯氐氐 賲丨丕賰賲丞 丕賱丿賷賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丕鬲 賮賷 丕賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱噩賳賵亘賷丞貙 賯氐氐 丕賱鬲爻賵賳丕賲賷 賮賷 爻乇賷賱丕賳賰丕 賵鬲丕賷賱賳丿貙 賯氐氐 噩丿丕乇 丕賱賮氐賱 毓賱賶 丕賱丨丿賵丿 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞-丕賱賲賰爻賷賰賷丞 賵丿丕禺賱 賮賱爻胤賷賳 丕賱賲丨鬲賱丞貙 鬲丨賵賱 丕賱廿爻鬲賯乇丕乇 賲賳 毓丕賲賱 丕爻丕爻賷 賱賱廿夭丿賴丕乇 丕賱廿賯鬲氐丕丿賷 丕賱賶 毓丕賲賱 睾賷乇 賲丐孬乇貙 賯氐氐 丕賱賵賯賵賮 亘賵噩賴 丕賱氐丿賲丞 賲賳 賱亘賳丕賳 丕賱賶 丕賱毓乇丕賯 丕賱賶 丕賱丕乇噩賳鬲賷賳... 賵睾賷乇賴丕 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丨賵賱 丕賱毓丕賱賲.
February 27, 2019
Using shock treatment as a metaphor, Klein analyzes the importance of economic dislocations and disasters to the success of Milton Friedman's free market philosophy. This is an important book, and shows why the apparent stupidities of the Bush administration in Iraq and Katrina are actually deliberate measures designed to daze and demoralize people into accepting a radical free-market agenda.
August 30, 2017
賷毓鬲亘乇 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賳 丕賴賲 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱賶 賲賲賰賳 鬲賯乇丕亍賴丕 賮賶 丨賷丕鬲賰 .. 賰鬲丕亘 亘賴 賰賲賷丞 賲毓賱賵賲丕鬲 爻賷丕爻賷丞 賵鬲丕乇賷禺賷丞 賵丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 賲亘匕賵賱 賮賷賴 噩賴丿 禺乇丕賮賶 ..丕賱賰丕鬲亘丞 賳賯賱鬲賰 賲賳 鬲卮賷賱賶 賵丕賳賯賱丕亘 亘賷賳賵卮賷賴 丕賱賶 亘賵賱賷賮賷丕 賵丕賱丕乇噩賳鬲賷賳 賵丕賱亘乇丕夭賷賱 賱丕賳噩賱鬲乇丕 賵亘賵賱賳丿丕 賱乇賵爻賷丕 賱賱氐賷賳 賱鬲丕賷賱丕賳丿 賵爻賷乇賷賱丕賳賰丕 賵賰賵乇賷丕 賵噩夭乇丕賱賲丕賱丿賷賮 丕賱賶 丕賲乇賷賰丕 賵氐賵賱丕 丕賱賶 丕賱毓乇丕賯 賵賱亘賳丕賳 , 賱鬲賯乇兀 賲孬賱丕 賰賲 賰爻亘鬲 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 丕賱賲賱賷丕乇丕鬲 賲賳 睾夭賵 丕賱毓乇丕賯
鬲卮乇丨 丕賱賰丕鬲亘丞 賵鬲賮賳丿 賮賰乇 賲賷賱鬲賵賳 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 賵丕賱賳賷賵 賱賷亘乇丕賱賷丞 丕賵 賮賰乇 丕賱爻賵賯 丕賱丨乇 賮賰乇 氐亘賷丕賳 卮賷賰丕睾賵 丕賱匕賶 賷毓鬲賲丿 毓賱賶 丕賴賲 孬賱丕孬 丕賮賰丕乇 賵賴賶 丕賱禺氐禺氐丞 賵丕賱睾丕亍 鬲丿禺賱 丕賱丨賰賵賲丞 鬲丨丿賷丿 丕賱丕爻毓丕乇 丕賵 丕賱鬲丨賰賲 亘丕賱爻賵賯 賵丕賱丨丿 賲锟斤拷 丕賱丕毓丕賳丕鬲 賵丕賱乇毓丕賷丞 丕賱丕噩鬲賲丕毓賷丞.
賵賱鬲賲乇賷乇 鬲賱賰 丕賱賯乇丕乇丕鬲 賮賶 賰賱 鬲賱賰 丕賱亘賱丕丿 賷噩亘 丕賱丕爻鬲毓丕賳丞 亘毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞 丕賱鬲賶 賷鬲毓乇囟 賱賴丕 丕賱卮毓亘 賮賷鬲毓乇囟 :
賱氐丿賲丞 丕賵賱賶 賲鬲賲孬賱丞 賮賶 丨乇亘 賲孬賱 噩夭乇 丕賱賮賵賰賱丕賳丿 亘賷賳 亘乇賷胤丕賳賷丕 賵丕賱丕乇噩賳鬲賷賳 , 兀賵 睾夭賵 丕賱毓乇丕賯 丕賵 賮賶 賰丕乇孬丞 胤亘賷毓賷丞 賲孬賱 鬲爻賵賳丕賲賶 丕賵 丨鬲賶 丕夭賲丞 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 胤丕丨賳丞, 賵廿匕丕 賱賲 賷噩丿賵丕 兀夭賲丞 丕賯鬲丕丿賷丞 鬲胤賵乇 丕賱賮賰乇 賱丕賲賰丕賳賷丞 禺賱賯 鬲賱賰 丕賱丕夭賲丞 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 賱鬲丐丿賶 丕賱賶 丕賳賴賷丕乇 丕賱亘賱丿 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丕 賵賷鬲賲 禺賱賯 鬲賱賰 丕賱丕夭賲丞 賲賳 鬲賯丕乇賷乇 賰丕匕亘丞 鬲氐丿乇丕 賲賳 氐賳丿賵賯 丕賱賳賯丿 賵丕賱亘賳賰 丕賱丿賵賱賶 賮鬲賱噩兀 丕賱丿賵賱 賱賴賲丕 賱兀禺匕 賯乇賵囟 賱丕賳賯丕匕 丕賱亘賱丿 賮鬲兀鬲賶 卮乇賵胤 丕賱亘賳賰 賵氐賳丿賵賯 丕賱賳賯丿 丕賱丿賵賱賶
氐丿賲丞 孬丕賳賷丞 賲賳 賯锟斤拷丕乇丕鬲 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 爻乇賷毓丞 賵賷鬲賲 丕賱丕毓鬲賲丕丿 毓賱賶 氐丿賲丞 丕賱卮毓亘 賲賳 丕賱氐丿賲丞 丕賱丕賵賱賶 賱鬲賲乇賷乇 賯乇丕乇丕鬲 囟丿 賲氐賱丨丞 丕賱卮毓亘 賵賱丕 賷爻鬲賮賷丿 賲賳賴丕 丕賱丕 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱賰亘乇賷 賮鬲夭賷丿 賲毓丿賱丕鬲 丕賱賮賯乇 賵鬲賳丨爻乇 丕賱胤亘賯丞 丕賱賲鬲賵爻胤丞 賱鬲賰賵賳 鬲丨鬲 禺胤 丕賱賮賯乇
賵賲賳 賷乇賮囟 賷鬲毓乇囟 賱氐丿賲丞 孬丕賱孬丞 賲鬲賲孬賱丞 賮賶 丕賱禺胤賮 賵丕賱鬲毓匕賷亘 賵丕賱賯鬲賱
賵囟丨 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賰賷賮 鬲鬲丨賰賲 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱賰亘乇賷 賵氐賳丿賵賯 丕賱賳賯丿 賵丕賱亘賳賰 丕賱丿賵賱賶 賮賶 賯乇丕乇丕鬲 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賵丕賱賯賷丕賲 亘丨乇亘 賵丨鬲賶 丕禺鬲賷丕乇 丕賱乇丐爻丕亍 賮賮賶 賰賵乇賷丕 丕禺匕鬲 囟賲丕賳丕鬲 賲賳 丕乇亘毓 乇丐爻丕亍 賲乇卮丨賷賳 賱丕鬲賲丕賲 卮乇賵胤 氐賳丿賵賯 丕賱賳賯丿 賮賲毓賳賶 匕賱賰 丕匕賴亘 賵賯賵賱 乇兀賷賰 賮賶 丕賱丕賳鬲禺丕亘丕鬲 賵丕禺鬲丕乇 亘賷賳 兀乇亘毓 賲乇卮丨賷賳 賷丐賷丿賵賳 丕賵 賷鬲亘毓賵賳 兀賵丕賲乇賳丕 , 賮丕賳鬲禺亘 賲賳 鬲乇賷丿 賵爻賵賮 賳賳賮匕 賲丕 賳乇賷丿 賳丨賳!!
丕禺鬲賲 亘卮賴丕丿丞 乇噩賱 賲夭丕乇毓 丕乇噩賳鬲賷賳賶 賮賷 丕賱賲丨賰賲丞 鬲賲 丨亘爻賴 禺賲爻 爻賳賷賳 賮賷 毓氐乇 丕賱胤睾賲丞 丕賱毓爻賰乇賷丞 賷賯賵賱 爻賷乇噩賷賵 胤賵賲丕爻賷賱丕 :
賱賯丿 丕氐乇 丕賳 丕賱丕爻丕亍丞 丕賱鬲賶 鬲毓乇囟 賱賴丕 賴賵 賵夭賵噩鬲賴 賱丕 賷賲賰賳 毓夭賱賴丕 毓賳 丕賱賲氐丕賱丨 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 賱賱卮乇賰丕鬲 賱匕丕 賮亘丿賱丕 賲賳 鬲爻賲賷丞 丕賱噩賳賵丿 賵胤睾丕丞 丕賱毓爻賰乇 丕賱匕賷賳 丕爻丕亍賵丕 丕賱賷賴 丕禺鬲丕乇 丕賳 賷爻賲賶 丕賱賲丐爻爻丕鬲 丕賱賵胤賳賷丞 賵丕賱丕噩賳亘賷丞 丕賱鬲賶 鬲爻鬲賮賷丿 賲賳 毓丿賲 賯丿乇丞 丕賯鬲氐丕丿 丕賱亘賱丿 賱賱丕毓鬲賲丕丿 毓賱賶 賳賮爻賴 賮鬲賮乇囟 丕賱丕丨鬲賰丕乇丕鬲 丕賱丕噩賳亘賷丞 丕賱丨氐丕丿 毓賱賷賳丕 賵鬲賮乇囟 丕賱賰賷賲丕賵賷丕鬲 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賱賵孬 丕乇囟賳丕 賵鬲賮乇囟 丕賱鬲賰賳賵賱賵噩賷丕 賵賰賱 匕賱賰 賷鬲賲 賲賳 禺賱丕賱 丕賯賱賷丞 丨丕賰賲丞 賯賲毓賷丞 鬲賲賱賰 丕賱丕乇囟 賵鬲賴賷賲賳 毓賱賷 丕賱丨賷丕丞 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 賵賱賰賳 鬲賱賰 丕賱丕賯賱賷丞 丕賱丨丕賰賲丞 鬲鬲睾賷乇 賵鬲鬲賴乇囟 賱賱丕丨鬲賰丕乇丕鬲 賳賮爻賴丕 賵賱賰賳 丕賱毓丿賵 丕賱賲賲孬賱 賮賶 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 賲孬賱 賮賵乇丿 賲賵鬲賵乇夭 賵賮賷賱賷亘 賲賵乇賷爻 賵睾賷乇賴賲 賴賶 賲丕 賷噩亘 丕賳 賳睾賷乇
賷賯賵賱 丕賳賴 賷毓鬲賯丿 丕賳賴 爻賷賳鬲氐乇賵丕 賯賶 賷賵賲 賲賳 丕賱丕賷丕賲 賵賱賰賳 賷噩亘 丕賳 賳毓賱賲 賲賳 賴賵 丕賱毓丿賵
賰賱丕賲 賲夭丕乇毓 賮賴賲 丕賱賶 賲卮 賮賴賲賵丕 毓賳丿賳丕 爻賷丕爻賷賷賳 賵賲鬲毓賱賲賷賳 賵丨鬲賶 乇丐爻丕亍
賱丕 丕乇賷丿 丕賳 丕胤賷賱 丕賱乇賷賮賷賵 賮賲賲賰賳 丕賳 丕賰鬲亘 丕賱賰孬賷乇 毓賱賶 丕賴賲賷丞 匕賱賰 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賮丕賱匕賶 匕賰乇鬲賴 賮賶 丕賱乇賷賮賷賵 賱丕 賷賲孬賱 丕賱丕 丕賱賯賱賷賱 噩丿丕 賲賳 賲毓賱賵賲丕鬲 賵丕賱丨賯丕卅賯 丕賱賲匕賰賵乇丞 賮賶 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賵賱賰賳 丕賳氐丨 亘賴 丕賱噩賲賷毓 賷爻鬲丨賯 丕賰孬乇 賲賳 禺賲爻 賳噩賵賲 ..
April 13, 2024
鈥淐apitalism鈥� 101: Shocking, to Western liberalism鈥�
Preamble:
--It鈥檚 difficult to find a label more propagandized than 鈥渃补辫颈迟补濒颈蝉尘鈥� (the other being its opposition, 鈥渟ocialism鈥�). What鈥檚 really shocking is how we often skip careful definitions and immediately jump to find 鈥渇acts鈥� that confirm the conclusions we have already made.
--In an effort to combat this, I recommend the , which builds foundational definitions.
鈥et me add to the definitions:
1) 鈥渓颈产别谤补濒鈥�:
--From a global historical perspective (always be wary when context is omitted), liberalism and capitalism/imperialism are two sides of the same coin.
[ii] 鈥渕oral sentiments鈥�: referencing Adam Smith鈥檚 1759 The Theory of Moral Sentiments; as a moral philosopher, perhaps Smith had a bit more to say than just economic self-interest (despite being an ivory-tower intellectual).
[iii] 鈥渁nonymous shareholders鈥�: the stock market is a key capitalist market. Markets for goods (鈥渞eal commodities鈥� with real producers and real costs of production, i.e. Smith's 鈥渂utchers, bakers and brewers鈥�) have long existed before capitalism; we can call these 鈥渟ocieties with markets鈥�. That鈥檚 not capitalism. Capitalism is a 鈥渕arket society鈥� because of 3 peculiar markets: labour/land/money, which feature "fictitious commodities" (humans/nature/purchasing power, which are not "produced" like real commodities just for buying/selling on markets): Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: or, How Capitalism Works鈥攁nd How It Fails
鈥f we cut through liberalism鈥檚 idealist rhetoric and examine its materialist structures, then I find the label 鈥渃osmopolitan capitalism鈥� most revealing:
鈥or more on the 鈥渉istorical materialist鈥� lens, see the aforementioned 鈥淲hat is Politics?鈥� video series, as well as this checklist: A People's History of the World: From the Stone Age to the New Millennium
1a) 鈥�default liberals鈥�:
--This is what I call the apolitical public who by default adopt the 鈥渞uling ideas鈥� as if it is a balanced centrism between 鈥渓eft鈥� vs. 鈥渞ight鈥�, not realizing such ideas have been carefully framed by the ruling capitalist minority.
--This is what I call the much smaller group of avid spectators and the intelligentsia for cosmopolitan capitalism (see: Necessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic Societies).
2) 鈥渓别蹿迟颈蝉迟蝉鈥�/鈥渞补诲颈肠补濒蝉鈥�:
--Radicals seek to diagnose the structural roots of social ills and provide systemic alternatives rather than band-aids. A good start is to carefully unpack real-world capitalism. 鈥淧rogressives鈥� range from liberals to leftists, often due to context (ex. trying to be pragmatic).
3) 鈥渞颈驳丑迟-飞颈苍驳鈥�/鈥渃辞苍蝉别谤惫补迟颈惫别鈥�/鈥渞别补肠迟颈辞苍补谤测鈥�:
--I unpack all this in reviewing Klein鈥檚 2023 Doppelganger: A Trip into the Mirror World.
鈥lso see:
-The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Donald Trump
-Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism
-why Jordan Peterson is actually crying about capitalism (鈥渁ll that is holy is profaned鈥�): 12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos
The Good:
--Klein鈥檚 2007 book is a resounding success in achieving its primary goal of offering an engaging critique of 鈥渃补辫颈迟补濒颈蝉尘鈥� for the general Western audience (i.e. default liberals).
--Here鈥檚 a sample comparing the readership of popular books on 鈥渆conomics鈥� (these are 欧宝娱乐 numbers, which of course bias English-speaking esp. American readers using the website since 2007):
-838,472 ratings: Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything (2005): "probably the best-known economics book of our time" which somehow omits "capitalism".
-593,970 ratings: Rich Dad, Poor Dad (1997): self-help for liberals.
-190,622 ratings: Nickel and Dimed: On (Not) Getting By in America (2001): critical history/social science, along with 239,208 ratings for A People's History of the United States (1980).
-158,942 ratings: The Communist Manifesto (1848): in reality, this is one of the most widely read books globally.
-158,173 ratings: The Big Short: Inside the Doomsday Machine (2010): written like a script for a Hollywood blockbuster. Oh, wait鈥�
-146,926 ratings: The Psychology of Money (2020): self-help for liberals, with 鈥渂ehavioral psychology鈥�?
-93,460 ratings: Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City (2016).
-46,867 ratings: Klein鈥檚 2007 book: Note how rare it is for a book with 鈥渃补辫颈迟补濒颈蝉尘鈥� in the title to be popular.
-31,560 ratings: Capital in the Twenty First Century (2013): yet how many actually bothered to read it to completion? See .
The Missing:
--With the book鈥檚 primary goal being a resounding success (where countless works have utterly failed, including all the academic tomes that never even try), we can now push readers to dig deeper.
--How sound are Klein鈥檚 foundations and how far can we take them? Missing clear definitions (i.e. how is Klein defining 鈥渃补辫颈迟补濒颈蝉尘鈥�?), which I stress in my preamble, we have to do extra work to sort this all out, as it鈥檚 all mixed up in the book:
1) Colonization: origins or foundations?:
--Reading Klein鈥檚 evolution as a writer/theorist, there seems to be a foundational clash between:
a) Western 鈥減rogressive鈥� lens: growing up in Global North post-WWII 鈥渕iddle class鈥� mass consumerist privileges, thus struggling more with alienation, vs.
b) Solidarity with those outside the privileged bubble, i.e. working poor in the Global North and globally, who are more burdened by direct exploitation.
--Had Klein focused on the latter lens in conceptualizing 鈥渃补辫颈迟补濒颈蝉尘鈥�, Klein would have centered this buried passage:
鈥or the rest of the review, see the comments below (starting at comment #12):
2) 鈥淲elfare State鈥� Capitalism: a compromise to derail Keynes/Socialism/Third World decolonization
3)鈥淐orporatism鈥�/鈥淒isaster Capitalism鈥�?
Preamble:
--It鈥檚 difficult to find a label more propagandized than 鈥渃补辫颈迟补濒颈蝉尘鈥� (the other being its opposition, 鈥渟ocialism鈥�). What鈥檚 really shocking is how we often skip careful definitions and immediately jump to find 鈥渇acts鈥� that confirm the conclusions we have already made.
--In an effort to combat this, I recommend the , which builds foundational definitions.
鈥et me add to the definitions:
1) 鈥渓颈产别谤补濒鈥�:
--From a global historical perspective (always be wary when context is omitted), liberalism and capitalism/imperialism are two sides of the same coin.
Liberalism鈥檚 fatal hypocrisy [...] was to rejoice in the virtuous Jills and Jacks, the neighbourhood butchers, bakers and brewers [i], so as to defend the vile East India Companies, the Facebooks and the Amazons, which know no neighbours, have no partners, respect no moral sentiments [ii] and stop at nothing to destroy their competitors. By replacing partnerships with anonymous shareholders [iii], we created Leviathans that end up undermining and defying all the values that liberals [...] claim to cherish.[i] 鈥渂utchers, bakers and brewers鈥�: referencing Classical liberal economics godfather Adam Smith鈥檚 famous quote praising self-interested producers unintentionally providing social needs, thus not needing state regulation. Vulgar pro-capitalists have cherry-picked the beneficial self-interest part, as if these petty producers are comparable to corporations owned by anonymous shareholders (who by definition are not producers, i.e. workers).
[Another Now: Dispatches from an Alternative Present, emphases added]
[ii] 鈥渕oral sentiments鈥�: referencing Adam Smith鈥檚 1759 The Theory of Moral Sentiments; as a moral philosopher, perhaps Smith had a bit more to say than just economic self-interest (despite being an ivory-tower intellectual).
[iii] 鈥渁nonymous shareholders鈥�: the stock market is a key capitalist market. Markets for goods (鈥渞eal commodities鈥� with real producers and real costs of production, i.e. Smith's 鈥渂utchers, bakers and brewers鈥�) have long existed before capitalism; we can call these 鈥渟ocieties with markets鈥�. That鈥檚 not capitalism. Capitalism is a 鈥渕arket society鈥� because of 3 peculiar markets: labour/land/money, which feature "fictitious commodities" (humans/nature/purchasing power, which are not "produced" like real commodities just for buying/selling on markets): Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: or, How Capitalism Works鈥攁nd How It Fails
鈥f we cut through liberalism鈥檚 idealist rhetoric and examine its materialist structures, then I find the label 鈥渃osmopolitan capitalism鈥� most revealing:
Constant revolutionising of production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that is holy is profaned 摆鈥鈥his provides clues to how adaptive capitalism can be at co-opting grassroots demands. The racism used by colonization鈥檚 divide-and-conquer can continue under token liberal 鈥渕ulticulturalism鈥�, which smuggly rests on top of the global division of labour adopted from colonialism (cheap labour and 鈥渂rain drain鈥�): The Divide: A Brief Guide to Global Inequality and its Solutions
[The Communist Manifesto]
鈥or more on the 鈥渉istorical materialist鈥� lens, see the aforementioned 鈥淲hat is Politics?鈥� video series, as well as this checklist: A People's History of the World: From the Stone Age to the New Millennium
1a) 鈥�default liberals鈥�:
--This is what I call the apolitical public who by default adopt the 鈥渞uling ideas鈥� as if it is a balanced centrism between 鈥渓eft鈥� vs. 鈥渞ight鈥�, not realizing such ideas have been carefully framed by the ruling capitalist minority.
The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, i.e. the class which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its ruling intellectual force.1b) 鈥�devoted liberals鈥�:
-Marx
--This is what I call the much smaller group of avid spectators and the intelligentsia for cosmopolitan capitalism (see: Necessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic Societies).
2) 鈥渓别蹿迟颈蝉迟蝉鈥�/鈥渞补诲颈肠补濒蝉鈥�:
--Radicals seek to diagnose the structural roots of social ills and provide systemic alternatives rather than band-aids. A good start is to carefully unpack real-world capitalism. 鈥淧rogressives鈥� range from liberals to leftists, often due to context (ex. trying to be pragmatic).
3) 鈥渞颈驳丑迟-飞颈苍驳鈥�/鈥渃辞苍蝉别谤惫补迟颈惫别鈥�/鈥渞别补肠迟颈辞苍补谤测鈥�:
--I unpack all this in reviewing Klein鈥檚 2023 Doppelganger: A Trip into the Mirror World.
鈥lso see:
-The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Donald Trump
-Blackshirts and Reds: Rational Fascism and the Overthrow of Communism
-why Jordan Peterson is actually crying about capitalism (鈥渁ll that is holy is profaned鈥�): 12 Rules for Life: An Antidote to Chaos
The Good:
--Klein鈥檚 2007 book is a resounding success in achieving its primary goal of offering an engaging critique of 鈥渃补辫颈迟补濒颈蝉尘鈥� for the general Western audience (i.e. default liberals).
--Here鈥檚 a sample comparing the readership of popular books on 鈥渆conomics鈥� (these are 欧宝娱乐 numbers, which of course bias English-speaking esp. American readers using the website since 2007):
-838,472 ratings: Freakonomics: A Rogue Economist Explores the Hidden Side of Everything (2005): "probably the best-known economics book of our time" which somehow omits "capitalism".
-593,970 ratings: Rich Dad, Poor Dad (1997): self-help for liberals.
-190,622 ratings: Nickel and Dimed: On (Not) Getting By in America (2001): critical history/social science, along with 239,208 ratings for A People's History of the United States (1980).
-158,942 ratings: The Communist Manifesto (1848): in reality, this is one of the most widely read books globally.
-158,173 ratings: The Big Short: Inside the Doomsday Machine (2010): written like a script for a Hollywood blockbuster. Oh, wait鈥�
-146,926 ratings: The Psychology of Money (2020): self-help for liberals, with 鈥渂ehavioral psychology鈥�?
-93,460 ratings: Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City (2016).
-46,867 ratings: Klein鈥檚 2007 book: Note how rare it is for a book with 鈥渃补辫颈迟补濒颈蝉尘鈥� in the title to be popular.
-31,560 ratings: Capital in the Twenty First Century (2013): yet how many actually bothered to read it to completion? See .
The Missing:
--With the book鈥檚 primary goal being a resounding success (where countless works have utterly failed, including all the academic tomes that never even try), we can now push readers to dig deeper.
--How sound are Klein鈥檚 foundations and how far can we take them? Missing clear definitions (i.e. how is Klein defining 鈥渃补辫颈迟补濒颈蝉尘鈥�?), which I stress in my preamble, we have to do extra work to sort this all out, as it鈥檚 all mixed up in the book:
1) Colonization: origins or foundations?:
--Reading Klein鈥檚 evolution as a writer/theorist, there seems to be a foundational clash between:
a) Western 鈥減rogressive鈥� lens: growing up in Global North post-WWII 鈥渕iddle class鈥� mass consumerist privileges, thus struggling more with alienation, vs.
b) Solidarity with those outside the privileged bubble, i.e. working poor in the Global North and globally, who are more burdened by direct exploitation.
--Had Klein focused on the latter lens in conceptualizing 鈥渃补辫颈迟补濒颈蝉尘鈥�, Klein would have centered this buried passage:
In the first stage of capitalist expansion, that kind of ravenous growth was provided by colonialism鈥攂y 鈥渄iscovering鈥� new territories and grabbing land without paying for it, then extracting riches from the earth without compensating local populations. [Milton] Friedman鈥檚 war on the 鈥渨elfare state鈥� and 鈥渂ig government鈥� held out the promise of a new font of rapid riches鈥攐nly this time, rather than conquering new territory, the state itself would be the new frontier, its public services and assets auctioned off for far less than they were worth.--The question we have to ask Klein is this: has colonization ever not been the foundations of capitalism (i.e. 鈥渕arket society鈥� run on endless private accumulation)? Did the 鈥渨elfare state鈥� period transcend colonization?
鈥or the rest of the review, see the comments below (starting at comment #12):
2) 鈥淲elfare State鈥� Capitalism: a compromise to derail Keynes/Socialism/Third World decolonization
3)鈥淐orporatism鈥�/鈥淒isaster Capitalism鈥�?
July 10, 2020
I only got about 录 into this. I don't like the shifty way Klein argues her points. I felt like I was being propagandized rather than educated.
Much of her main 鈥渟hock doctrine鈥� argument seems to be just sort of a tightly-woven set of linguistic parallels that are meant to suggest causation. Something like: Hitler had the autobahn built. The autobahn allowed drivers to finally race where they wanted to go. Hitler crafted what he thought of as the final solution to a race problem. So you see, highway systems are part and parcel of genocide.
You see, electroshock is a mostly-discredited method of treating mental illness that results in profound disorientation and amnesia. Electric shocks are also used to torture people in despotic regimes. People recommending against gradual economic reforms have used the metaphor of 鈥�shock treatment鈥� to describe rapid, all-at-once changes. Ergo, these sorts of economists are like torturers trying to mess with our minds.
She also uses the term 鈥渇ree market鈥� 鈥� the b锚te noire of her book 鈥� to cover just about any economic circumstance she doesn鈥檛 like, whether there鈥檚 anything free about it or not.
On the one hand, the free market villains swoop in after disasters to inflict their 鈥渢hree trademark demands 鈥� privatization, government deregulation, and deep cuts in social spending鈥� and on the other hand, this more often than not gets illustrated with examples like the U.S. paying huge sums of money to such corporations as those who provide various contracting services in Iraq. You can call that bad, but don鈥檛 call it 鈥減rivatization, government deregulation, and deep cuts in social spending.鈥� And certainly don鈥檛 call it 鈥渇ree market鈥� anything.
Much of her main 鈥渟hock doctrine鈥� argument seems to be just sort of a tightly-woven set of linguistic parallels that are meant to suggest causation. Something like: Hitler had the autobahn built. The autobahn allowed drivers to finally race where they wanted to go. Hitler crafted what he thought of as the final solution to a race problem. So you see, highway systems are part and parcel of genocide.
You see, electroshock is a mostly-discredited method of treating mental illness that results in profound disorientation and amnesia. Electric shocks are also used to torture people in despotic regimes. People recommending against gradual economic reforms have used the metaphor of 鈥�shock treatment鈥� to describe rapid, all-at-once changes. Ergo, these sorts of economists are like torturers trying to mess with our minds.
She also uses the term 鈥渇ree market鈥� 鈥� the b锚te noire of her book 鈥� to cover just about any economic circumstance she doesn鈥檛 like, whether there鈥檚 anything free about it or not.
On the one hand, the free market villains swoop in after disasters to inflict their 鈥渢hree trademark demands 鈥� privatization, government deregulation, and deep cuts in social spending鈥� and on the other hand, this more often than not gets illustrated with examples like the U.S. paying huge sums of money to such corporations as those who provide various contracting services in Iraq. You can call that bad, but don鈥檛 call it 鈥減rivatization, government deregulation, and deep cuts in social spending.鈥� And certainly don鈥檛 call it 鈥渇ree market鈥� anything.
February 16, 2014
This was a very illuminating work about how chaotic situations are used, and sometimes created, as cover for the imposition of drastic economic and political reorganization in vulnerable economies. The end product of these actions is a so-called free market model as advocated by the Chicago School of Milton Friedman and his acolytes. Examples used include Chile, China, Argentina, Bolivia, South Africa, Russia, among others. The technique is for western financial powers to swoop in during a time of financial crisis and refuse to lend a struggling nation any money until that nation agrees to a radical reworking of its economy. This reworking is done in a shock, with many changes instituted all at once, with little or no warning. These changes, as they are draconian toward the lower classes, usually need to be accompanied by severe political repression in order to enforce the transition. What we see here is the mechanism of a growing form of corporatist colonialism.
Klein parallels her examination of the stresses endured by many national economies with a look at actual, literal, personal shock treatment. In the 1950s a researcher named Ewan Cameron did research on his theory that instead of Freudian therapy a more effective method of treating mental illness was to erase the patient鈥檚 personality using electric shocks. Then the blank page would be receptive to reconstruction by the good doctor. The shocks caused amnesia and extreme regression. Cameron devised a new tool, one that applied six shocks at once, and even used a wide range of drugs to disorient and wipe clean as much of the patient鈥檚 personality as possible. Once the subject was reduced to a vegetative state, Cameron played them tapes dozens, maybe hundreds of times over. The CIA took note and launched a program of its own.
She posits a parallel between treatments that serve to erase personality with the economic and political shocks that struggling nations are forced to endure, shocks that are part and parcel of the move from a developmentalist economy, one that seeks local control and self-sufficiency, to a globalist economy, one in which foreign investment in and ownership of local enterprise is encouraged.
While I found that at times Klein extended her discourse beyond the reach of her material, her analysis of the subject matter is compelling, her linkage of different forms of shock (personal, political, economic) illuminating, and the applicability of her work to the current economic disruptions frightening. Despite its subject matter, this a compelling, and relatively fast read. It should be mandatory reading for anyone concerned with politics, economics, world affairs or current events.
=============================EXTRA STUFF
August 4, 2011 - the following has particular relevance not only for the international implementation of TSD, but to its application within the USA. It is an interview with Dr. Michael Hudson, a guy who has been ahead of the curve for a long time on the roots of current economic atrocities.
June 18, 2012 - Joe Nocera's NY Times column on how ALEC-based programs are in Rhode Island
March 2, 2008
鈥淭he lucky get Kevlar, the rest get prayer beads.鈥�
This is a chilling, writhing outrage of a book. A hideous, squealing beast of a book that cannot and should not be ignored.
Klein has dropped the curtain on an ugly, malevolent Wizard. When these kind of curtains drop, we never like what we see. Like so many of these kinds of leftist exposes on conservatives, the Bush Administration, the neocons and their rabble, this book needn鈥檛 have been written. Orwell wrote it already. But better than any other book of its kind, Klein makes it so painfully obvious that these necons who have grabbed control of the reins of this wild mustang of a country and who disdain the government so much have absolutely no business governing. Something is indeed rotten when Destruction and Doom is this profitable. It鈥檚 Cowardly, it鈥檚 Un-American, it鈥檚 Weak, and it is Lazy.
If Reading is Sexy, this book is a tour through a decrepit brothel with Klein as your guide to point out the perverse fetishes and hemorrhaging syphilitic tumors rupturing on the sides of our society. Klein鈥檚 story is an epic and sprawling Indictment, providing exhaustive analysis and criticism of the disastrous economic policies pursued in Latin America, Poland, China, South Africa, Iraq, New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, and in Asia after the tsunami.
The Shock Doctrine is the story of Milton Friedman and his 鈥淐hicago School鈥� of economic policies: Led by the US and its incestuous, inbred offspring (the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO), Friedman touted an economic policy that came to be termed The Washington Consensus. It was resoundingly embraced by neocons under the ideal of spreading 鈥渇reedom鈥� to countries at their most dire by installing the triumvirate of Friedmansism: 1) privatization (outsourcing), 2) free trade/deregulation, and 3) a cut in government spending. What Klein does a very good job of illuminating throughout her book is that what these neocons refer to as economic freedom does not equate to nor provide for human rights and civil liberties. Economic freedom (free trade) is not a panacea for the world鈥檚 ills. A blind faith in capitalism is not enough. A dictatorship of communism or fascism is revealed to be the same as a dictatorship of Business. As Klein鈥檚 gruesome story unfolds across the world, the main tenets of this 鈥渟hock doctrine鈥� cease to be privatization, deregulation, and pay cuts but instead Exploitation, Opportunism, Manipulation, and Corruption. Such economic polices only survived when democracy was suppressed. As Klein explains,鈥淥nce you accept that profit and greed as practiced on a mass scale create the greatest possible benefits for any society, pretty much any act of personal enrichment can be justified as a contribution to the great creative cauldron of capitalism, generating wealth and spurring economic growth 鈥� even if it鈥檚 only for yourself and your colleagues.鈥�
No. The Average Joe does not benefit from such disaster capitalism. People like you and I do not get anything out of such tactics, and the citizens of countries where such horrendous laws are put into place certainly do not benefit. No. The benefits go to firms like Halliburton, Bechtel, and Blackwater who swarm around the government salivating for no-bid contracts like junkies pacing the sidewalks outside a methadone clinic. Never have Disparity and Hypocrisy sung so depressing a duet. We have Socialism in America, but not for the poor, that would be Socialism! No, our handouts go to Rich Friends. The poor are getting poorer. The rich are getting richer. Private firms greedily gobble up no-bid government contracts from their fat cat robber baron puppet leader-friends straight out of corporate America now sitting in big chairs in corner offices for the U S of A. The outsourcing and branding that was successful in the private sector was introduced to the public sector. Big Business and Big Government are in a Big Bed fucking to their dirty pig heart鈥檚 content.
So Iraqi Freedom was really about opening up a new market for private multi-national corporations to reap absurd profits. It is a crude, obnoxious tactic and a new level for war profiteers. And once those tactics had failed in Iraq, they were used in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina struck. Like the pathetic drunk at the Roulette Wheel, Bush and his cronies are nothing more than stupid kids who don鈥檛 learn, foolishly insisting that 鈥渢hey鈥檙e due.鈥漌ar profiteers should be treated like the drunk driving, child molesting pervert Losers they are.
We all know that the Emperor Has No Clothes. But now, it doesn鈥檛 matter. Our Leaders are Blind, Deaf and Dumb anyway. They are dressed, fed, entertained, and put to bed by Outsourced Contractors.鈥淲hen it came time to update the Army Manual on the rules for dealing with contractors, the army contracted out the job to one of its major contractors, MPRI 鈥� it no longer had the know-how in-house.鈥� Most disheartening is that these people seem to have lost their sense of humor. Irony is clearly lost on them. All hope is lost. Send them back to a small liberal arts college and have them suffer through an anthropology major or something.
Klein again and again asks the right questions from a different perspective. A good critic, Klein consistently analyzes events and actions to determine the cause for which they are indicative of. Torture? What is that symptomatic of? What is torture serving? That is the ill, what is the disease, the cause, that needs to be cured?
Klein鈥檚 prose is dense and exacting, exerting the thorough confidence of a straightforward journalist asking the right questions about the right topics from a refreshingly different perspective. Given her subject matter, you actually wish she鈥檇 allow herself a little more personal rage, some occasional vitriol and human madness. But no. Klein is a cool character, calmly exposing the atrocities and mistakes of our Modern Era. She even quotes Rilke, Brecht, and the rapper Juvenile.
This book belongs on your shelf next to The People鈥檚 History of the United States of America, but Klein is hardly the storyteller that Zinn is. But like Zinn鈥檚 magnificent and important work, The Shock Doctrine is about the Little Man, the Worker, the Poor, the Forgotten. The Shock Doctrine continues on in that great and noble canon that is for The Rest.
Despite such a sprawling, probing work that can at times wander and leap across themes and arguments, Klein can be quite poignant when she drops the complex and well-constructed debate in favor of keen observations. Observing the 鈥渞econstruction鈥� following the Asian Tsunami disaster, Klein observes, 鈥淲hat it looked like was hundreds of thousands of poor, brown-skinned people (the fishing people deemed 鈥渦nproductive鈥� by the World Bank) being moved against their wishes to make room for ultrarich, mostly light-skinned people (the 鈥渉igh-yield鈥� tourists).
鈥淥ne thing was certain, though: if peace was to take root in Sri Lanka, it needed to outweigh the benefits of war including the tangible economic benefits flowing from a war economy, in which the army takes care of the families of its soldiers and the Tamil Tigers look after the families of its fighter and suicide bombers.鈥漌e are fighting the same exact problem in Iraq. That鈥檚 the West for you, we figured out a way to get Peace. But it鈥檚 War. Cheers!
Some day, Historians will find the non-fiction books written about this era and probably mistake them for the plays of some raving-mad lunatic genius, the next Shakespeare. But no, unfortunately our Humiliation and our Embarrassment are Real. Klein is haunting, making you realize that we live in a world where,鈥淪urvival is determined by who can afford to pay for escape.鈥�
This is a chilling, writhing outrage of a book. A hideous, squealing beast of a book that cannot and should not be ignored.
Klein has dropped the curtain on an ugly, malevolent Wizard. When these kind of curtains drop, we never like what we see. Like so many of these kinds of leftist exposes on conservatives, the Bush Administration, the neocons and their rabble, this book needn鈥檛 have been written. Orwell wrote it already. But better than any other book of its kind, Klein makes it so painfully obvious that these necons who have grabbed control of the reins of this wild mustang of a country and who disdain the government so much have absolutely no business governing. Something is indeed rotten when Destruction and Doom is this profitable. It鈥檚 Cowardly, it鈥檚 Un-American, it鈥檚 Weak, and it is Lazy.
If Reading is Sexy, this book is a tour through a decrepit brothel with Klein as your guide to point out the perverse fetishes and hemorrhaging syphilitic tumors rupturing on the sides of our society. Klein鈥檚 story is an epic and sprawling Indictment, providing exhaustive analysis and criticism of the disastrous economic policies pursued in Latin America, Poland, China, South Africa, Iraq, New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina, and in Asia after the tsunami.
The Shock Doctrine is the story of Milton Friedman and his 鈥淐hicago School鈥� of economic policies: Led by the US and its incestuous, inbred offspring (the IMF, the World Bank, and the WTO), Friedman touted an economic policy that came to be termed The Washington Consensus. It was resoundingly embraced by neocons under the ideal of spreading 鈥渇reedom鈥� to countries at their most dire by installing the triumvirate of Friedmansism: 1) privatization (outsourcing), 2) free trade/deregulation, and 3) a cut in government spending. What Klein does a very good job of illuminating throughout her book is that what these neocons refer to as economic freedom does not equate to nor provide for human rights and civil liberties. Economic freedom (free trade) is not a panacea for the world鈥檚 ills. A blind faith in capitalism is not enough. A dictatorship of communism or fascism is revealed to be the same as a dictatorship of Business. As Klein鈥檚 gruesome story unfolds across the world, the main tenets of this 鈥渟hock doctrine鈥� cease to be privatization, deregulation, and pay cuts but instead Exploitation, Opportunism, Manipulation, and Corruption. Such economic polices only survived when democracy was suppressed. As Klein explains,鈥淥nce you accept that profit and greed as practiced on a mass scale create the greatest possible benefits for any society, pretty much any act of personal enrichment can be justified as a contribution to the great creative cauldron of capitalism, generating wealth and spurring economic growth 鈥� even if it鈥檚 only for yourself and your colleagues.鈥�
No. The Average Joe does not benefit from such disaster capitalism. People like you and I do not get anything out of such tactics, and the citizens of countries where such horrendous laws are put into place certainly do not benefit. No. The benefits go to firms like Halliburton, Bechtel, and Blackwater who swarm around the government salivating for no-bid contracts like junkies pacing the sidewalks outside a methadone clinic. Never have Disparity and Hypocrisy sung so depressing a duet. We have Socialism in America, but not for the poor, that would be Socialism! No, our handouts go to Rich Friends. The poor are getting poorer. The rich are getting richer. Private firms greedily gobble up no-bid government contracts from their fat cat robber baron puppet leader-friends straight out of corporate America now sitting in big chairs in corner offices for the U S of A. The outsourcing and branding that was successful in the private sector was introduced to the public sector. Big Business and Big Government are in a Big Bed fucking to their dirty pig heart鈥檚 content.
So Iraqi Freedom was really about opening up a new market for private multi-national corporations to reap absurd profits. It is a crude, obnoxious tactic and a new level for war profiteers. And once those tactics had failed in Iraq, they were used in New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina struck. Like the pathetic drunk at the Roulette Wheel, Bush and his cronies are nothing more than stupid kids who don鈥檛 learn, foolishly insisting that 鈥渢hey鈥檙e due.鈥漌ar profiteers should be treated like the drunk driving, child molesting pervert Losers they are.
We all know that the Emperor Has No Clothes. But now, it doesn鈥檛 matter. Our Leaders are Blind, Deaf and Dumb anyway. They are dressed, fed, entertained, and put to bed by Outsourced Contractors.鈥淲hen it came time to update the Army Manual on the rules for dealing with contractors, the army contracted out the job to one of its major contractors, MPRI 鈥� it no longer had the know-how in-house.鈥� Most disheartening is that these people seem to have lost their sense of humor. Irony is clearly lost on them. All hope is lost. Send them back to a small liberal arts college and have them suffer through an anthropology major or something.
Klein again and again asks the right questions from a different perspective. A good critic, Klein consistently analyzes events and actions to determine the cause for which they are indicative of. Torture? What is that symptomatic of? What is torture serving? That is the ill, what is the disease, the cause, that needs to be cured?
Klein鈥檚 prose is dense and exacting, exerting the thorough confidence of a straightforward journalist asking the right questions about the right topics from a refreshingly different perspective. Given her subject matter, you actually wish she鈥檇 allow herself a little more personal rage, some occasional vitriol and human madness. But no. Klein is a cool character, calmly exposing the atrocities and mistakes of our Modern Era. She even quotes Rilke, Brecht, and the rapper Juvenile.
This book belongs on your shelf next to The People鈥檚 History of the United States of America, but Klein is hardly the storyteller that Zinn is. But like Zinn鈥檚 magnificent and important work, The Shock Doctrine is about the Little Man, the Worker, the Poor, the Forgotten. The Shock Doctrine continues on in that great and noble canon that is for The Rest.
Despite such a sprawling, probing work that can at times wander and leap across themes and arguments, Klein can be quite poignant when she drops the complex and well-constructed debate in favor of keen observations. Observing the 鈥渞econstruction鈥� following the Asian Tsunami disaster, Klein observes, 鈥淲hat it looked like was hundreds of thousands of poor, brown-skinned people (the fishing people deemed 鈥渦nproductive鈥� by the World Bank) being moved against their wishes to make room for ultrarich, mostly light-skinned people (the 鈥渉igh-yield鈥� tourists).
鈥淥ne thing was certain, though: if peace was to take root in Sri Lanka, it needed to outweigh the benefits of war including the tangible economic benefits flowing from a war economy, in which the army takes care of the families of its soldiers and the Tamil Tigers look after the families of its fighter and suicide bombers.鈥漌e are fighting the same exact problem in Iraq. That鈥檚 the West for you, we figured out a way to get Peace. But it鈥檚 War. Cheers!
Some day, Historians will find the non-fiction books written about this era and probably mistake them for the plays of some raving-mad lunatic genius, the next Shakespeare. But no, unfortunately our Humiliation and our Embarrassment are Real. Klein is haunting, making you realize that we live in a world where,鈥淪urvival is determined by who can afford to pay for escape.鈥�
July 13, 2016
(spoilers ahead, but it's not fiction so don't worry about it)
Where do I begin? This is a failed Noam Chomsky book.
Firstly, Klein is working with a strange definition of capitalism. When the free market economists who Klein refers to (like Friedman and Hayek) talk about capitalism they are referring to an economic system free of government intervention. Klein however uses the word capitalist to refer to the current economic model鈥� one in which governments and corporations work in tandem to exploit the general population. (Edit: I realize that "capitalism" has multiple definitions, but the problem is that Klein uses a different definition from the economists she is criticizing, which makes her entire criticism seem like an assault upon a strawman). Klein has essentially built a book around conflating capitalism with corporatism. This is fairly subtle in the first chapter, but reaches a point of real absurdity towards the end of the book. There is a clear distinction between the policies advocated by Hayek/Friedman, and George W. Bush. Klein purposefully obfuscates this.
The Shock Docterine starts out criticizing Milton Friedman for his activities in Chile. This is at least understandable because Friedman did in fact visit Chile and advise Pi帽ochet. However, this is more or less where the facts begin and end. She soon moves on to more dubious claims- for instance, blaming Friedman and his acolytes for the Iraq war in particular (a war he expressly opposed) and the military industrial complex in general. It should be obvious to any reader that this sort of alliance between business and government has little to do with free markets, private property rights, or "capitalism" as defined by Chicago or Austrian school economists.
By the end of the book she really goes bonkers. She details the plight of several Sri Lankan fishing communities. Here is the story as she presents it: A hurricane hits Sri Lanka destroying many coastal settlements. Hotel companies see an opportunity decide to take possession of the coastal property, which has been conveniently cleared of all those pesky villages. The hotel companies move in and take possession of the beaches. When the villagers protest, the government police force defends the newly acquired beaches on behalf of the hotels using violence. The villagers are reduced to living in poverty and squalor because their land was stolen from them by the alliance of hotel companies and government.
In summary, The hotel companies used the government to steal the private property of the fishing communities. And this is supposed to be an example of free market practices that Hayek and Friedman would approve of. See the issue I'm having?
A modified version of this book would actually make for an apt criticism of corporatism, which is why I was tempted to give this book two stars. However, the problem here is far deeper than a confusion of terms. She actually ascribes neo-Conservative ideas to Libertarian or Classical Liberal thinkers. The Shock Doctrine is essentially the strawman from hell.
And for that it earns 1 star.
Where do I begin? This is a failed Noam Chomsky book.
Firstly, Klein is working with a strange definition of capitalism. When the free market economists who Klein refers to (like Friedman and Hayek) talk about capitalism they are referring to an economic system free of government intervention. Klein however uses the word capitalist to refer to the current economic model鈥� one in which governments and corporations work in tandem to exploit the general population. (Edit: I realize that "capitalism" has multiple definitions, but the problem is that Klein uses a different definition from the economists she is criticizing, which makes her entire criticism seem like an assault upon a strawman). Klein has essentially built a book around conflating capitalism with corporatism. This is fairly subtle in the first chapter, but reaches a point of real absurdity towards the end of the book. There is a clear distinction between the policies advocated by Hayek/Friedman, and George W. Bush. Klein purposefully obfuscates this.
The Shock Docterine starts out criticizing Milton Friedman for his activities in Chile. This is at least understandable because Friedman did in fact visit Chile and advise Pi帽ochet. However, this is more or less where the facts begin and end. She soon moves on to more dubious claims- for instance, blaming Friedman and his acolytes for the Iraq war in particular (a war he expressly opposed) and the military industrial complex in general. It should be obvious to any reader that this sort of alliance between business and government has little to do with free markets, private property rights, or "capitalism" as defined by Chicago or Austrian school economists.
By the end of the book she really goes bonkers. She details the plight of several Sri Lankan fishing communities. Here is the story as she presents it: A hurricane hits Sri Lanka destroying many coastal settlements. Hotel companies see an opportunity decide to take possession of the coastal property, which has been conveniently cleared of all those pesky villages. The hotel companies move in and take possession of the beaches. When the villagers protest, the government police force defends the newly acquired beaches on behalf of the hotels using violence. The villagers are reduced to living in poverty and squalor because their land was stolen from them by the alliance of hotel companies and government.
In summary, The hotel companies used the government to steal the private property of the fishing communities. And this is supposed to be an example of free market practices that Hayek and Friedman would approve of. See the issue I'm having?
A modified version of this book would actually make for an apt criticism of corporatism, which is why I was tempted to give this book two stars. However, the problem here is far deeper than a confusion of terms. She actually ascribes neo-Conservative ideas to Libertarian or Classical Liberal thinkers. The Shock Doctrine is essentially the strawman from hell.
And for that it earns 1 star.
February 2, 2020
This is an ambitious book. It tries to tie the economic politics of Chile, Argentina, Bolivia (in the 1970s), Russia, Poland, China, South Africa (in the 1980s and early nineties), the war in Iraq, the tsunami, and hurricane Katrina into a unified theory. Obviously, certain investigative and interpretive biases are required to make this work. Third world nationalism and developmentalism, in general, get off pretty easy in Klein's analysis. As a specialist in Indonesia, I found her portrayal of the Suharto regime as a betrayal of the somehow more viable Sukarno regime a bit evasive (let us not foget that Sukarno was also an ideologue who ran the nation's economy into the ground in the name of fighting neo-colonialism). Making me wonder just how she'd cooked the books in analyzing numerous other countries whose histories I don't know so well.
That said, it offers a very provocative perspective tying together some of the most significant events of the past quarter century.
The thesis, simply put, is that the economic theory championed by Milton Friedman and his Chicago School, first play-tested in the third world in the 1970s, has increasingly come home to roost in the West and Bush's America. The gist of the theory, according to Klein, is a total rejection of Keynesian economics (i.e. the New Deal approach to combatting recession through government spending). In contrast, the three guiding principles of the Chicago School are: deregulation, privatization and cutbacks. (Sound familiar yet?) Transferriing as much of the public sector as possible to the private sector, eliminating government regulations of business, cutting back on services, protections and other economic benefits to the workforce.
The problem, as Friedman and his disciples realized early on, is that voting citizens don't actually want any of this, and will not vote for neoliberal policies through any normal, free democratic process. The solution? Make democracy abnormal. Through shock and awe. Wait for (or instigate) a state of crisis and emergency (i.e. war, natural disaster, mass torture, revolution) and then implement neoliberal policies outside (or, in many cases, in direct contradiction to) democratic will. However, as we have discovered most recently in Iraq, such tactics don't tend to "settle down" into widespread prosperity for ordinary people. Rather, neoliberal governments find that if they let democracy operate normally again, they lose power. Which is why the United States ended up supporting so many dictators. In the name of spreading free market democracy.
There are some sharp notions in this book. I'm particularly taken with Klein's generalization of "Red Zone/Green Zone" to talk about zones of normalcy and nightmare created by neoliberal policies from Iraq to post-tsunami Sri Lanka to New Orleans. She also offers a persuasive refutation of the claim that we (the US) did the Marshall Plan in Europe, but when we tried it in Iraq, Arab Muslims just couldn't handle it. Rather, while the Marshall Plan was rooted in Keynesian economics (we rebuilt Europe's governments and public infrastructure), reconstruction in Iraq has been an "anti-Marshall plan," dismantling the Iraqi state and contracting all its functions to US corporations.
The REAL problem of this book is how to present arguments like these to anyone who doesn't already concsider themselves anti-globalization liberals. I think that any intelligent person who has read Thomas Friedman and found his arguments somewhat persuasive, should read this book too, and decide what sounds most persuasive for themselves. Unfortunately, I think most people will look at the jacket cover endorsements from Howard Zinn, Studs Terkel et al. and make a snap call for the usual ideological reasons.
THAT is not good for America.
That said, it offers a very provocative perspective tying together some of the most significant events of the past quarter century.
The thesis, simply put, is that the economic theory championed by Milton Friedman and his Chicago School, first play-tested in the third world in the 1970s, has increasingly come home to roost in the West and Bush's America. The gist of the theory, according to Klein, is a total rejection of Keynesian economics (i.e. the New Deal approach to combatting recession through government spending). In contrast, the three guiding principles of the Chicago School are: deregulation, privatization and cutbacks. (Sound familiar yet?) Transferriing as much of the public sector as possible to the private sector, eliminating government regulations of business, cutting back on services, protections and other economic benefits to the workforce.
The problem, as Friedman and his disciples realized early on, is that voting citizens don't actually want any of this, and will not vote for neoliberal policies through any normal, free democratic process. The solution? Make democracy abnormal. Through shock and awe. Wait for (or instigate) a state of crisis and emergency (i.e. war, natural disaster, mass torture, revolution) and then implement neoliberal policies outside (or, in many cases, in direct contradiction to) democratic will. However, as we have discovered most recently in Iraq, such tactics don't tend to "settle down" into widespread prosperity for ordinary people. Rather, neoliberal governments find that if they let democracy operate normally again, they lose power. Which is why the United States ended up supporting so many dictators. In the name of spreading free market democracy.
There are some sharp notions in this book. I'm particularly taken with Klein's generalization of "Red Zone/Green Zone" to talk about zones of normalcy and nightmare created by neoliberal policies from Iraq to post-tsunami Sri Lanka to New Orleans. She also offers a persuasive refutation of the claim that we (the US) did the Marshall Plan in Europe, but when we tried it in Iraq, Arab Muslims just couldn't handle it. Rather, while the Marshall Plan was rooted in Keynesian economics (we rebuilt Europe's governments and public infrastructure), reconstruction in Iraq has been an "anti-Marshall plan," dismantling the Iraqi state and contracting all its functions to US corporations.
The REAL problem of this book is how to present arguments like these to anyone who doesn't already concsider themselves anti-globalization liberals. I think that any intelligent person who has read Thomas Friedman and found his arguments somewhat persuasive, should read this book too, and decide what sounds most persuasive for themselves. Unfortunately, I think most people will look at the jacket cover endorsements from Howard Zinn, Studs Terkel et al. and make a snap call for the usual ideological reasons.
THAT is not good for America.
December 29, 2020
The Shock Doctrine - The Rise of Disaster Capitalism is an eye-opening, scathing critique of neo-liberalism and corporatism. Klein extensively examines disaster capitalism complex - a new form of economy built on fear in the wake of a mind-numbing crisis. Based on Nobel laureate Milton Friedman and the Chicago boys' economic theory, disaster capitalism involves the implementation of unpopular, radical free market reforms by exploiting the period of collective shock right after a national crisis during which the population's attention is diverted and their reactive capacities are numbed.
The Chicago boys were a group of Chilean economists prominent around the 1970s and the 1980s, and the majority of them were educated/trained at the Department of Economics of the University of Chicago. Although I am not well acquainted with the theory, from what I have gathered, Friedman advocated developing "alternatives to existing policies, to keep them alive and available until the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable" during or immediately after a crisis. Friedmanites stockpile free market ideas and impose them swiftly after a crisis so that they are mostly irreversible.
The first laboratory for Friedman school of economics was Latin America - where military dictatorships were largely in place back in the 70s and 80s. Friedmanites' ideas have mostly aligned with the interests of multinational corporations and over the past fifty years, we have witnessed an upheaval of economic systems all over the world and particularly in global south. The repercussions of disaster capitalism have been overwhelmingly devastating - an ever-widening chasm between the rich and the poor, enormous debt accumulations, enormous private wealth accumulations, irreversible damage to the ecological and environmental system, widespread poverty, destitution and hunger.
I read this book over one month in October during which I also read a large number of reports on pandemic profiteering from all over the world. In India, billionaire and corporatist Mukesh Ambani's net worth grew by Rs 2000 crore per day since March 23, 2020 while nearly 40 crore Indian workers are projected to sink into poverty due to covid-19. Nine Indian billionaires have as much wealth as 50% of the Indian population. Globally, the top 25 billionaires increased their wealth by 255 billion dollars between mid-March and May and 32 of the world's most profitable companies are together expected to make 109 billion dollars more than the average of their profits in the last four years. Also, the 'pandemic profits' of these 32 companies could be redeployed in funding global covid-19 testing needs (estimated at 6 billion dollars) and delivering vaccines to everyone on the planet (estimated at 71 billion dollars.)
Klein's book is extremely important and now more than ever. It is a must-read.
The Chicago boys were a group of Chilean economists prominent around the 1970s and the 1980s, and the majority of them were educated/trained at the Department of Economics of the University of Chicago. Although I am not well acquainted with the theory, from what I have gathered, Friedman advocated developing "alternatives to existing policies, to keep them alive and available until the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable" during or immediately after a crisis. Friedmanites stockpile free market ideas and impose them swiftly after a crisis so that they are mostly irreversible.
The first laboratory for Friedman school of economics was Latin America - where military dictatorships were largely in place back in the 70s and 80s. Friedmanites' ideas have mostly aligned with the interests of multinational corporations and over the past fifty years, we have witnessed an upheaval of economic systems all over the world and particularly in global south. The repercussions of disaster capitalism have been overwhelmingly devastating - an ever-widening chasm between the rich and the poor, enormous debt accumulations, enormous private wealth accumulations, irreversible damage to the ecological and environmental system, widespread poverty, destitution and hunger.
I read this book over one month in October during which I also read a large number of reports on pandemic profiteering from all over the world. In India, billionaire and corporatist Mukesh Ambani's net worth grew by Rs 2000 crore per day since March 23, 2020 while nearly 40 crore Indian workers are projected to sink into poverty due to covid-19. Nine Indian billionaires have as much wealth as 50% of the Indian population. Globally, the top 25 billionaires increased their wealth by 255 billion dollars between mid-March and May and 32 of the world's most profitable companies are together expected to make 109 billion dollars more than the average of their profits in the last four years. Also, the 'pandemic profits' of these 32 companies could be redeployed in funding global covid-19 testing needs (estimated at 6 billion dollars) and delivering vaccines to everyone on the planet (estimated at 71 billion dollars.)
Klein's book is extremely important and now more than ever. It is a must-read.
December 29, 2013
"Everything under heaven is in utter chaos; the situation is excellent."
~ Mao
I read it once, and I couldn't believe it.
I tried reading it again and I believe it even less.
I want to, honestly. And I feel as strongly as the author that The Shock Doctrine is changing the world. But it runs in the face of all economics I have been taught and I find myself scorning and muttering 'alarmist' to some of the more provocative paragraphs.
Thesis: The history of the contemporary free market was written in shocks. Some of the most infamous human rights violations of the past thirty颅 five years, which have tended to be viewed as sadistic acts carried out by anti-democratic regimes, were in fact either committed with the deliberate intent of terrorizing the public or actively harnessed to prepare the ground for the introduction of radical free-market reforms.
's take: The imposition of a full market economy is thus rendered much easier if the way to it is paved by some kind of trauma (natural, military, economic) which, as it were, forces people into shaking off their "old habits;' turning them into an ideological tabula rasa, survivors of their own symbolic death, ready to accept the new order now that all obstacles have been swept away. And one can be sure that Klein's shock doctrine holds also for ecological issues: far from endangering capitalism, a widespread envi颅ronmental catastrophe may well reinvigorate it, opening up new and hitherto unheard-of spaces for capitalist investment.
I will now read Seth Godin to recover.
December 16, 2019
It's 2007 and Naomi Klein builds a rather convincing argument about modern governmental/corporational trends.
I've personally never seen it laid out so baldly, but after having read several dozen of political books, perhaps an equivalent number of documentaries, and a lot of otherwise independent research into the topics herein, I'm willing to concede that she has a very valid point.
What is the point?
Modern economics theories are used to lay out a rather obvious plan of mass looting. They're constructed as laissez-faire Chicago School of Economics, which looks great on paper, letting the invisible hand of Adam Smith regulate all markets. In practice, putting it into effect, under the heading of Democracy or Liberation or whatever they want, the big heads of the Chicago school are backed with the CIA, big corporation interests, and a single additional theory that makes the whole thing gel together.
What's this extra theory? It's simple. They believe, as they have learned from their lessons in briefly earlier psychology research, that the best way to heal a patient is to first break their minds and bodies, starting them out on a tabula rasa, and then rebuilding from the rubble. So many have quoted the belief that the only way to get real change is after a disaster.
Never mind that the original torture victims in McGill college that underwent sensory deprivation, LSD, PCP, punctuated with ECT and blaring noise did not come out of the experience quite sane. Most of them never recovered. But THIS was the original study that they based their first great experiment on. Export the school of thought to Chile, and when it didn't quite take, destabilize the government, assassinate Allende, and install Pinochet. On Sept. 11, 1973. They used shock and awe, destroyed infrastructure, and people went hungry and were terrorized.
Guess who got a Nobel Prize in economics?
It's worse. The dictatorship was atrocious, but the big corporations were given leave to move in and rape the economy, loot anything of value, while allowing Pinochet to take the lion's share, turning him into an Oligarch, overnight. A decade later, Chile, once sporting one of the most impressive resumes of a growing and happy populace, could barely stand on its own. But the corporations got RICH.
Jump ahead to Russia right as Communism is going defunct. The same Chicago school economics of Free-Market offers them a deal. Businesses will loan expertise and open market doctrines and massive loans, but be sure to destabilize everything first. When enough blood is on the ground and people are terrified, starving, and giving up everything they ever owned, then offer them a deal they can't refuse. Capitalism on a plate that promises everything that the European nations and America has to offer since Communism is dead.
When democracy is offered but capitalism is competing, capitalism beats anything. Enter a capitalism-backed coup, corporate sponsorships everywhere, and a promise that our new leader will be able to make himself and a handful others into some of the top 30 ranked richest people in the world, opening up Russia to free trade on a scale never seen before, the only way to keep it going is by looting the population. And it did. What was the number? 14 million homeless children? Think about that. At least under communism there WAS something like a middle class. Now it's only the super rich and the survivors.
CLEARLY, this is an AMAZING outcome for the Chicago School! Companies got rich. The stock market had a field day supporting the victors. Everyone was shaking everyone else's hands. Except for the rest of the 99%, of course. They went hungry. A reported 50,000 AIDS victims exploded into 1.5 million over the space of a couple of years. Clearly, everyone was having a party.
But the rich got richer.
Remember what happened during the Iraq War, part 2? Privatized war, with every single aspect of the war delegated to private companies except for the troops, themselves. 90% of every contract went into overhead, contractors subcontracting up to four times until there was no longer any money left for doing the work. And easily, if you look back on the actual work for the reconstruction, either it was not completed in 85% of the cases, or what did get finished was at half capacity after a year. ALL work and workers were brought in from the outside. Corporations tried to set up McD and Walmart, unloaded big screen TVs on the streets that were lined with rubble.
Shock and Awe. Come on. The purpose is to drive them all into a permanent state of helplessness or create an environment of terrorism. Against them. But heck, as long as we can brew terrorists this way, each one wanting to get revenge or at the very least, JUSTICE for this travesty. 650,000 dead. For Oil. For the free market. For the freedom of a hoard of corporations to come swooping in and install a Free Trade Zone, where profits just kept coming.
Let's ignore for a moment that every cabinet member in the presidency at that time had vested and current interests in the very same corporations that made the most money on Iraq. Or that America inflated its debt many times over to pay for the graft, looting, and amazing incompetence, while leaving the door open to keep ALL of the contractors out of the legal crosshairs of ANY country, while walking away with astounding paychecks.
Ignore the fact that most invasions, if they're NOT there to loot, will actually set aside troops to protect national heritage. There is a lot of proof that the national museum holding artifacts thousands of years old was specifically excluded from that protection list, which is why troops sat by and watched as so many truckloads of priceless artifacts were spirited away. Later, even now, only 20% have ever been recovered.
We can add Hurricane Katrina to the list. The same contractors for Iraq came in to help out, taking more government money, pulling the same exact crap, and then leaving the job almost completely undone. We're talking BIG money, too. But look on the bright side! All that land can now be cleared out to build new condos! Tons of companies swooped in to reclaim the land. And they did. And a lot of them were linked, intricately, to the SAME people who were supposed to REBUILD for the original inhabitants.
Sorry, folks, couldn't do the job. You're gonna have to find a new place to live. My brother here wants the land for his new McD!
Yep, first you need to have a disaster. If you don't have a disaster, make one. If you can, build compounds and Green zones and make sure you give enough fodder to create a simmering cauldron of hate that you can regularly call on to rise up and smash down with your brand new war machine. And make sure it keeps on simmering, too, right, ISIS? We need a reason to keep getting the latest equipment to protect our super-rich bunkers.
It's great economics as long as your real intention is to get extremely rich. It's not good economics if you want long-lasting, sustained prosperity. It's the looter's creed. Make situations you can profit from. Make sure you always negotiate from the ultimate position. If that means making sure the rest of the world has a foot on its neck, then that's all for the best. That's GOOD NEGOTIATION TACTICS.
Laissez-faire, to these guys, means taking away all the safety nets. They're the same ones gutting social security, social protections, and basic food and health for the poorest people in our first-world nations. They want no government, or to turn all governments into shells with no power to do anything. They've stated this creed a million times. They want social darwinism at its worst. Keep everyone so shock and awed that they can take everything. Absolutely everything.
Let's judge an idea not on its stated ideal. Let's judge an idea based on its actual practice. If this wonderful ideal says it works best after a disaster, flawlessly re-establishing the free hand of the market, then by their own writings, we should have seen a flowering of cooperation, self-interest coinciding with everyone else's self-interest, and a natural growth of blanket prosperity that effects everyone involved. It's pretty. I've read many great books on the Chicago Style of Economics and loved them. But let's look at the ACTUAL FACTS of its implementation.
There has never been a free hand of the market. The big banana corporation pressured America to secure its economic freedom. America got it's most famous laissez-faire economists to embark on a campaign, assisted with a ton of money, integral CIA support, and a bunch of extra vultures hanging in the wings, smelling blood in the water. When the blood splashed and buildings with the elected government were murdered, all the looters moved in. Of course, back in the day, it was all ideological garbage. Sticking it to the communists, bringing in democracy. Ignore the fact that they just bombed a democracy and Pinochet the dictator came in, got rich, and entered a very profitable loot cycle with the outside vultures.
It begs the question. If, each and every time, they bring in the Chicago School of Economics, they always bring the same result, then maybe we ought to question their motives. Maybe.
I'm just waiting for other enemies of this paradigm to get their own shock and awe. Left-leaning college campuses? Gay bars? All they need is a disaster. They can wait for it and exploit it like with Katrina, but they're perfectly willing to orchestrate them, too. And give you wonderfully idealistic reasons why you should let them murder you, too.
Dark, right? But real. You've seen these looters in the housing bubble. The banking crisis. It's big. Very, very big. You can complain about transgenders in bathrooms all you like, but the really scary bits are right here. And they can take us all down. Equally.
I've personally never seen it laid out so baldly, but after having read several dozen of political books, perhaps an equivalent number of documentaries, and a lot of otherwise independent research into the topics herein, I'm willing to concede that she has a very valid point.
What is the point?
Modern economics theories are used to lay out a rather obvious plan of mass looting. They're constructed as laissez-faire Chicago School of Economics, which looks great on paper, letting the invisible hand of Adam Smith regulate all markets. In practice, putting it into effect, under the heading of Democracy or Liberation or whatever they want, the big heads of the Chicago school are backed with the CIA, big corporation interests, and a single additional theory that makes the whole thing gel together.
What's this extra theory? It's simple. They believe, as they have learned from their lessons in briefly earlier psychology research, that the best way to heal a patient is to first break their minds and bodies, starting them out on a tabula rasa, and then rebuilding from the rubble. So many have quoted the belief that the only way to get real change is after a disaster.
Never mind that the original torture victims in McGill college that underwent sensory deprivation, LSD, PCP, punctuated with ECT and blaring noise did not come out of the experience quite sane. Most of them never recovered. But THIS was the original study that they based their first great experiment on. Export the school of thought to Chile, and when it didn't quite take, destabilize the government, assassinate Allende, and install Pinochet. On Sept. 11, 1973. They used shock and awe, destroyed infrastructure, and people went hungry and were terrorized.
Guess who got a Nobel Prize in economics?
It's worse. The dictatorship was atrocious, but the big corporations were given leave to move in and rape the economy, loot anything of value, while allowing Pinochet to take the lion's share, turning him into an Oligarch, overnight. A decade later, Chile, once sporting one of the most impressive resumes of a growing and happy populace, could barely stand on its own. But the corporations got RICH.
Jump ahead to Russia right as Communism is going defunct. The same Chicago school economics of Free-Market offers them a deal. Businesses will loan expertise and open market doctrines and massive loans, but be sure to destabilize everything first. When enough blood is on the ground and people are terrified, starving, and giving up everything they ever owned, then offer them a deal they can't refuse. Capitalism on a plate that promises everything that the European nations and America has to offer since Communism is dead.
When democracy is offered but capitalism is competing, capitalism beats anything. Enter a capitalism-backed coup, corporate sponsorships everywhere, and a promise that our new leader will be able to make himself and a handful others into some of the top 30 ranked richest people in the world, opening up Russia to free trade on a scale never seen before, the only way to keep it going is by looting the population. And it did. What was the number? 14 million homeless children? Think about that. At least under communism there WAS something like a middle class. Now it's only the super rich and the survivors.
CLEARLY, this is an AMAZING outcome for the Chicago School! Companies got rich. The stock market had a field day supporting the victors. Everyone was shaking everyone else's hands. Except for the rest of the 99%, of course. They went hungry. A reported 50,000 AIDS victims exploded into 1.5 million over the space of a couple of years. Clearly, everyone was having a party.
But the rich got richer.
Remember what happened during the Iraq War, part 2? Privatized war, with every single aspect of the war delegated to private companies except for the troops, themselves. 90% of every contract went into overhead, contractors subcontracting up to four times until there was no longer any money left for doing the work. And easily, if you look back on the actual work for the reconstruction, either it was not completed in 85% of the cases, or what did get finished was at half capacity after a year. ALL work and workers were brought in from the outside. Corporations tried to set up McD and Walmart, unloaded big screen TVs on the streets that were lined with rubble.
Shock and Awe. Come on. The purpose is to drive them all into a permanent state of helplessness or create an environment of terrorism. Against them. But heck, as long as we can brew terrorists this way, each one wanting to get revenge or at the very least, JUSTICE for this travesty. 650,000 dead. For Oil. For the free market. For the freedom of a hoard of corporations to come swooping in and install a Free Trade Zone, where profits just kept coming.
Let's ignore for a moment that every cabinet member in the presidency at that time had vested and current interests in the very same corporations that made the most money on Iraq. Or that America inflated its debt many times over to pay for the graft, looting, and amazing incompetence, while leaving the door open to keep ALL of the contractors out of the legal crosshairs of ANY country, while walking away with astounding paychecks.
Ignore the fact that most invasions, if they're NOT there to loot, will actually set aside troops to protect national heritage. There is a lot of proof that the national museum holding artifacts thousands of years old was specifically excluded from that protection list, which is why troops sat by and watched as so many truckloads of priceless artifacts were spirited away. Later, even now, only 20% have ever been recovered.
We can add Hurricane Katrina to the list. The same contractors for Iraq came in to help out, taking more government money, pulling the same exact crap, and then leaving the job almost completely undone. We're talking BIG money, too. But look on the bright side! All that land can now be cleared out to build new condos! Tons of companies swooped in to reclaim the land. And they did. And a lot of them were linked, intricately, to the SAME people who were supposed to REBUILD for the original inhabitants.
Sorry, folks, couldn't do the job. You're gonna have to find a new place to live. My brother here wants the land for his new McD!
Yep, first you need to have a disaster. If you don't have a disaster, make one. If you can, build compounds and Green zones and make sure you give enough fodder to create a simmering cauldron of hate that you can regularly call on to rise up and smash down with your brand new war machine. And make sure it keeps on simmering, too, right, ISIS? We need a reason to keep getting the latest equipment to protect our super-rich bunkers.
It's great economics as long as your real intention is to get extremely rich. It's not good economics if you want long-lasting, sustained prosperity. It's the looter's creed. Make situations you can profit from. Make sure you always negotiate from the ultimate position. If that means making sure the rest of the world has a foot on its neck, then that's all for the best. That's GOOD NEGOTIATION TACTICS.
Laissez-faire, to these guys, means taking away all the safety nets. They're the same ones gutting social security, social protections, and basic food and health for the poorest people in our first-world nations. They want no government, or to turn all governments into shells with no power to do anything. They've stated this creed a million times. They want social darwinism at its worst. Keep everyone so shock and awed that they can take everything. Absolutely everything.
Let's judge an idea not on its stated ideal. Let's judge an idea based on its actual practice. If this wonderful ideal says it works best after a disaster, flawlessly re-establishing the free hand of the market, then by their own writings, we should have seen a flowering of cooperation, self-interest coinciding with everyone else's self-interest, and a natural growth of blanket prosperity that effects everyone involved. It's pretty. I've read many great books on the Chicago Style of Economics and loved them. But let's look at the ACTUAL FACTS of its implementation.
There has never been a free hand of the market. The big banana corporation pressured America to secure its economic freedom. America got it's most famous laissez-faire economists to embark on a campaign, assisted with a ton of money, integral CIA support, and a bunch of extra vultures hanging in the wings, smelling blood in the water. When the blood splashed and buildings with the elected government were murdered, all the looters moved in. Of course, back in the day, it was all ideological garbage. Sticking it to the communists, bringing in democracy. Ignore the fact that they just bombed a democracy and Pinochet the dictator came in, got rich, and entered a very profitable loot cycle with the outside vultures.
It begs the question. If, each and every time, they bring in the Chicago School of Economics, they always bring the same result, then maybe we ought to question their motives. Maybe.
I'm just waiting for other enemies of this paradigm to get their own shock and awe. Left-leaning college campuses? Gay bars? All they need is a disaster. They can wait for it and exploit it like with Katrina, but they're perfectly willing to orchestrate them, too. And give you wonderfully idealistic reasons why you should let them murder you, too.
Dark, right? But real. You've seen these looters in the housing bubble. The banking crisis. It's big. Very, very big. You can complain about transgenders in bathrooms all you like, but the really scary bits are right here. And they can take us all down. Equally.
June 24, 2022
鈥淪pread the truth鈥攖he laws of economics are like the laws of engineering. One set of laws works everywhere.鈥�
鈥擫awrence Summers, chief economist of the World Bank, 1991
A big focus of my studies in college was the study of ideologies in their historical context, sometimes referred to as 鈥溾€檌ntellectual history.鈥�
One of the main takeaways is that none of these ideologies are scientific, no matter how many equations are written on a white board.
Economics is not a science, but an ideology that takes different forms.
But Milton Friedman and his 鈥淐hicago Boys鈥� thought otherwise. They had a religious belief in unfettered capitalism and its ability to radically transform economies and countries overnight. The so-called shock doctrine.
At the core of this doctrine, is the use of cataclysmic events to advance radical privatization and to move as quickly as possible to impose change. ("Move fast and break things")
It proved disastrous wherever it was applied.
In March 1975, Milton Friedman flew to Santiago, Chile, at the invitation of a major bank to help save the experiment. Friedman was greeted by the junta-controlled press as something of a rock star, the guru of the new order. Each of his pronouncements made headlines, his academic lectures were broadcast on national television and he had the most important audience of all: a private meeting with General Pinochet.
In speeches and interviews, he used a term that had never before been publicly applied to a real-world economic crisis: he called for 鈥渟hock treatment.鈥� He said it was 鈥渢he only medicine. Absolutely. There is no other.鈥�
By 1988, thirteen years later, when the economy had stabilized and was growing rapidly, 45 percent of the population had fallen below the poverty line. The richest 10 percent of Chileans, however, had seen their incomes increase by 83 percent. Even in 2007, Chile remained one of the most unequal societies in the world鈥攐ut of 123 countries in which the United Nations tracks inequality, Chile ranked 116th, making it the 8th most unequal country on the list.
Chile under Chicago School rule was offering a glimpse of the future of the global economy, a pattern that would repeat again and again, from Russia to South Africa to Argentina: an urban bubble of frenetic speculation and dubious accounting fueling superprofits and frantic consumerism, ringed by the ghostly factories and rotting infrastructure of a development past; roughly half the population excluded from the economy altogether; out-of-control corruption and cronyism; decimation of nationally owned small and medium-sized businesses; a huge transfer of wealth from public to private hands, followed by a huge transfer of private debts into public hands.
This 鈥渕edicine鈥� fostered the rise of autocrats and oligarchies.
The rest of the book, which I read carefully, is numerous case studies of how such havoc was wreaked in numerous countries.
China, for example, became an obvious case of where capitalism could be co-opted without the rise of democracy. In 1989, the shock of the Tiananmen Square massacre made that clear. China became the sweatshop of the world. And at the time, 90 percent of China鈥檚 billionaires (calculated in Chinese yuan) were the children of Communist Party officials.
At one point, Harvard economist, Jeffrey Sachs, drank the kool-aid and began parachuting into countries in distress, without any knowledge of the history or culture of these nations.
Wherever Sachs went, and shock therapy was applied, the masses of the poor got much larger, often doubled. Vulture capitalism at its best.
Sachs was not above cheating. In Bolivia he derived the average income by adding up the country鈥檚 total income and dividing by the number of people in the country.
A leader of the peasants鈥� union explained that 鈥渢he government鈥檚 statistics don鈥檛 reflect the growing number of families forced to live in tents; the thousands of malnourished kids who get only a piece of bread and a cup of tea a day; the hundreds of campesinos who have come to the capital in search of work and end up begging on the streets.鈥� That was the hidden story of Bolivia鈥檚 shock therapy: hundreds of thousands of full-time jobs with pensions were eliminated, replaced with precarious ones with no protections at all. Between 1983 and 1988, the number of Bolivians eligible for social security dropped by 61 percent.
Sachs eventually saw the light, but Milton Friedman went to his grave deluded as ever.
Yet one more ideology, treated as religion, had wreaked destruction.
======
Friedman's Cruel Legacy
=====
BTW...
Friedmanites like to invoke The Wealth of Nations, but at some point someone removed a chapter from the original book that defends government intervention when needed.....
/review/show...
==============
鈥擫awrence Summers, chief economist of the World Bank, 1991
A big focus of my studies in college was the study of ideologies in their historical context, sometimes referred to as 鈥溾€檌ntellectual history.鈥�
One of the main takeaways is that none of these ideologies are scientific, no matter how many equations are written on a white board.
Economics is not a science, but an ideology that takes different forms.
But Milton Friedman and his 鈥淐hicago Boys鈥� thought otherwise. They had a religious belief in unfettered capitalism and its ability to radically transform economies and countries overnight. The so-called shock doctrine.
At the core of this doctrine, is the use of cataclysmic events to advance radical privatization and to move as quickly as possible to impose change. ("Move fast and break things")
It proved disastrous wherever it was applied.
In March 1975, Milton Friedman flew to Santiago, Chile, at the invitation of a major bank to help save the experiment. Friedman was greeted by the junta-controlled press as something of a rock star, the guru of the new order. Each of his pronouncements made headlines, his academic lectures were broadcast on national television and he had the most important audience of all: a private meeting with General Pinochet.
In speeches and interviews, he used a term that had never before been publicly applied to a real-world economic crisis: he called for 鈥渟hock treatment.鈥� He said it was 鈥渢he only medicine. Absolutely. There is no other.鈥�
By 1988, thirteen years later, when the economy had stabilized and was growing rapidly, 45 percent of the population had fallen below the poverty line. The richest 10 percent of Chileans, however, had seen their incomes increase by 83 percent. Even in 2007, Chile remained one of the most unequal societies in the world鈥攐ut of 123 countries in which the United Nations tracks inequality, Chile ranked 116th, making it the 8th most unequal country on the list.
Chile under Chicago School rule was offering a glimpse of the future of the global economy, a pattern that would repeat again and again, from Russia to South Africa to Argentina: an urban bubble of frenetic speculation and dubious accounting fueling superprofits and frantic consumerism, ringed by the ghostly factories and rotting infrastructure of a development past; roughly half the population excluded from the economy altogether; out-of-control corruption and cronyism; decimation of nationally owned small and medium-sized businesses; a huge transfer of wealth from public to private hands, followed by a huge transfer of private debts into public hands.
This 鈥渕edicine鈥� fostered the rise of autocrats and oligarchies.
The rest of the book, which I read carefully, is numerous case studies of how such havoc was wreaked in numerous countries.
China, for example, became an obvious case of where capitalism could be co-opted without the rise of democracy. In 1989, the shock of the Tiananmen Square massacre made that clear. China became the sweatshop of the world. And at the time, 90 percent of China鈥檚 billionaires (calculated in Chinese yuan) were the children of Communist Party officials.
At one point, Harvard economist, Jeffrey Sachs, drank the kool-aid and began parachuting into countries in distress, without any knowledge of the history or culture of these nations.
Wherever Sachs went, and shock therapy was applied, the masses of the poor got much larger, often doubled. Vulture capitalism at its best.
Sachs was not above cheating. In Bolivia he derived the average income by adding up the country鈥檚 total income and dividing by the number of people in the country.
A leader of the peasants鈥� union explained that 鈥渢he government鈥檚 statistics don鈥檛 reflect the growing number of families forced to live in tents; the thousands of malnourished kids who get only a piece of bread and a cup of tea a day; the hundreds of campesinos who have come to the capital in search of work and end up begging on the streets.鈥� That was the hidden story of Bolivia鈥檚 shock therapy: hundreds of thousands of full-time jobs with pensions were eliminated, replaced with precarious ones with no protections at all. Between 1983 and 1988, the number of Bolivians eligible for social security dropped by 61 percent.
Sachs eventually saw the light, but Milton Friedman went to his grave deluded as ever.
Yet one more ideology, treated as religion, had wreaked destruction.
======
Friedman's Cruel Legacy
=====
BTW...
Friedmanites like to invoke The Wealth of Nations, but at some point someone removed a chapter from the original book that defends government intervention when needed.....
/review/show...
==============
July 25, 2022
丨賷賳 兀睾賱賯鬲 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 禺胤乇鬲 亘亘丕賱賷 賲賯賵賱丞 賰丕賮賰丕 :
毓賱賶 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 兀賳 賷賰賵賳 賰丕賱賮兀爻 丕賱鬲賷 鬲丨胤賲 丕賱亘丨乇 丕賱賲鬲噩賲丿 賮賷 丿丕禺賱賳丕貙 賴匕丕 賲丕 兀馗賳賴馃巰.
賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷毓鬲亘乇 丕賴賲 賲丕 賯乇丕鬲 賮賷 丨賷丕鬲賷 賵 丨胤賲 賱賷爻 丕賱亘丨乇 丕賱賲鬲噩賲丿 賮賯胤 亘賱 兀賷賯馗 鬲爻賵賳丕賲賷 賲賳 丕賱兀賮賰丕乇 賮賷 毓賯賱賷
賴匕賴 賱賲丨丞 賲賳賴丕 馃槉
馃枃賲賳匕 卮賴賵乇 賵 丕賳丕 兀爻賲毓 乇卅賷爻 丕賱丨賰賵賲丞 賷鬲丨丿孬 毓賳 廿噩乇丕亍鬲 賷噩亘 丕鬲禺匕賴丕 亘爻亘亘 賯乇囟 氐賳丿賵賯 丕賱賳賯丿 丕賱丿賵賱賷.
賮賮賷 毓賴丿 亘賳 毓賱賷 賱賲 賷賰賳 賷爻賲丨 賱卮毓亘 亘賲毓乇賮丞 丨鬲賶
賲鬲賶 兀禺匕賳丕 丕賱賯乇囟 賵 賰賲 賵 賲賲賳 .乇睾賲 丕賳賳丕 賲賳匕 爻賳賷賳
毓乇賮賳丕 胤乇賷賯 氐賳丿賵賯 丕賱賳賯丿 丕賱丿賵賱賷 .
賵 賱賲 兀乇賶 兀賷賳 廿卮賰丕賱賷丞 賮賷 廿噩乇丕亍 亘毓囟 丕賱鬲毓丿賷賱丕鬲 賰賲丕 賷賯賵賱
丕賱鬲賷 兀賰鬲卮賮 亘毓丿 丕賱賯乇丕亍丞 丕賳賴丕 賲賵卮 鬲毓丿賷賱丕鬲 賱賰賳賴丕 鬲睾賷賷乇 賰丕賲賱 賱賲毓丕賱賲 丕賱亘賱丕丿 :
賮賴匕賴 鬲睾賷乇丕鬲 鬲卮賲賱 : 丕賱禺氐氐丞 賵 丕賱睾丕亍 丕賱丨賷胤丞 丕賱丕噩鬲賲丕毓賷丞 賵 賮鬲丨 爻賵賯 丕賱丨乇丞 丕賱鬲賷 賱賳 鬲賰賵賳 賲卮賰賱鬲賴丕 賲賳丕賮爻丞 丕賱卮乇爻丞 賲毓 爻賱毓 兀賰孬乇 噩賵丿丞 賲賳 爻賱毓賳丕 亘賱 爻賵賮 鬲禺賱賯 :
賲賳胤賯丞 禺囟乇丕亍 賵 兀禺乇賶 丨賲乇丕亍 賮賷 鬲賵賳爻 賲孬賱 賲丕 毓亘乇 毓賳賴丕 丕賱賰丕鬲亘丞 :
亘丿兀鬲 賴匕賴 賲賳丕胤賯 亘丕賱馗賴賵乇 賱賰賳 亘卮賰賱 賲丨鬲卮賲丞 賵 鬲兀賰賱鬲 丕賱胤亘賯丞 丕賱賵爻胤賶 賱賰賳 爻賷鬲毓賲賯 丕賱賵囟毓 .
亘毓丿 賯乇丕亍丞 賰鬲丕亘 丕賳鬲亘賴鬲 賱賱賯乇丕乇丕鬲 丕賱鬲賷 丕鬲禺匕鬲賴丕 丕賱丿賵賱丞 .
廿孬乇 丕夭賲丞 賰賵乇賵賳丕 氐丿賲丞 丕賱卮毓亘 亘鬲乇賮賷毓 賮賷 鬲爻毓賷乇丞 丕賱賰賴乇亘丕亍 丕賲丕賲 卮毓丕乇 毓噩夭 賲賷夭丕賳賷丞
孬賲 氐丿賲丞 丕乇鬲賮丕毓 賮賷 鬲爻毓賷乇丞 丕賱賲丕亍
賵 丕賱睾丕亍 鬲毓丕賯丿 賲毓 氐賳丿賵賯 鬲兀賲賷賳 毓賱賶 丕賱賲乇囟
賵 賳丨賳 賲丕夭賱賳丕 賳爻鬲賵毓亘 丕賲乇 鬲兀鬲賷 氐丿賲丞 丕爻鬲賯丕賱丞 丕賱丨賰賵賲丞 .
鈻笍賱賵 賱賲 兀賯乇丕 賴匕丕 賰鬲丕亘 賱賯賱鬲 賴匕丕 丕賮囟賱 丕賱賲 賷鬲賴賲 亘賮爻丕丿.
賱賰賳 丕賱丌賳 丕氐亘丨鬲 丕賰孬乇 鬲乇賯亘 賵 爻丐丕賱 賰亘賷乇 賷丐乇賯賳賷.
賲丕 丕賱孬賲賳 丕賱匕賷 爻賳丿賮毓賴 責 .
馃巰鬲睾丕囟賷鬲 毓賳 氐丿賲丞 丨乇亘 毓賱賶 丕賱丕乇賴丕亘 賮賷 噩亘賱 丕賱卮毓丕賳亘賷 丕賱匕賷 賷兀鬲賷 丨爻亘 乇睾亘丞 賵 鬲賵賯賷鬲 丕賱丿賵賱丞
賵 毓賱賶 氐丿賲丞 丕賱廿睾鬲賷丕賱丕鬲 賵 丕賱鬲賮噩賷乇 丕賱賮賳丿賯 賮賷 爻賵爻丞
賵 毓賱賶 氐丿賲丞 丕賱賲丿乇爻丞 丕賱賯乇丌賳賷丞 賮匕賱賰 賵賻囟毓鬲 囟賲賳
孬賯丕賮丞 丕賱賳亘丕賴丞 賵 丕賱丕爻鬲丨賲丕乇 丕賱鬲賷 賯丕賱 毓賳賴丕 丕賱卮乇賷毓鬲賷.
馃巰賰賲 丕鬲賵賯 兀賳 兀賯乇兀 賲乇丕噩毓丞 賲鬲毓賲賯丞 賱賯丕乇卅 鬲賵賳爻賷
賲賱賲 兀賰孬乇 賲賳賷 亘賵囟毓 爻賷丕爻賷 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷.
賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷噩亘 兀賳 賷購賯乇兀 乇睾賲 丕賱丕賱賲 丕賱匕賷 賮賷賴 賵 丕賱氐毓賵亘丞
賱賰賳 賷噩亘 兀賳 賷賯乇兀 賵 丕乇卮丨賴 賱賱噩賲賷毓
賮丕賱賵毓賷 賷丨鬲丕噩 兀賱賲 賰賲丕 賯丕賱 氐丿賷賯 賱賷.
賲乇丕噩毓丞 丕賱氐丿賷賯 賮丕賷夭 鬲毓鬲亘乇 兀賮囟賱 鬲賱禺賷氐 賱賲丨丕賵乇 丕賱賰鬲丕亘.
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22/juillet/20 馃尭
毓賱賶 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 兀賳 賷賰賵賳 賰丕賱賮兀爻 丕賱鬲賷 鬲丨胤賲 丕賱亘丨乇 丕賱賲鬲噩賲丿 賮賷 丿丕禺賱賳丕貙 賴匕丕 賲丕 兀馗賳賴馃巰.
賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷毓鬲亘乇 丕賴賲 賲丕 賯乇丕鬲 賮賷 丨賷丕鬲賷 賵 丨胤賲 賱賷爻 丕賱亘丨乇 丕賱賲鬲噩賲丿 賮賯胤 亘賱 兀賷賯馗 鬲爻賵賳丕賲賷 賲賳 丕賱兀賮賰丕乇 賮賷 毓賯賱賷
賴匕賴 賱賲丨丞 賲賳賴丕 馃槉
馃枃賲賳匕 卮賴賵乇 賵 丕賳丕 兀爻賲毓 乇卅賷爻 丕賱丨賰賵賲丞 賷鬲丨丿孬 毓賳 廿噩乇丕亍鬲 賷噩亘 丕鬲禺匕賴丕 亘爻亘亘 賯乇囟 氐賳丿賵賯 丕賱賳賯丿 丕賱丿賵賱賷.
賮賮賷 毓賴丿 亘賳 毓賱賷 賱賲 賷賰賳 賷爻賲丨 賱卮毓亘 亘賲毓乇賮丞 丨鬲賶
賲鬲賶 兀禺匕賳丕 丕賱賯乇囟 賵 賰賲 賵 賲賲賳 .乇睾賲 丕賳賳丕 賲賳匕 爻賳賷賳
毓乇賮賳丕 胤乇賷賯 氐賳丿賵賯 丕賱賳賯丿 丕賱丿賵賱賷 .
賵 賱賲 兀乇賶 兀賷賳 廿卮賰丕賱賷丞 賮賷 廿噩乇丕亍 亘毓囟 丕賱鬲毓丿賷賱丕鬲 賰賲丕 賷賯賵賱
丕賱鬲賷 兀賰鬲卮賮 亘毓丿 丕賱賯乇丕亍丞 丕賳賴丕 賲賵卮 鬲毓丿賷賱丕鬲 賱賰賳賴丕 鬲睾賷賷乇 賰丕賲賱 賱賲毓丕賱賲 丕賱亘賱丕丿 :
賮賴匕賴 鬲睾賷乇丕鬲 鬲卮賲賱 : 丕賱禺氐氐丞 賵 丕賱睾丕亍 丕賱丨賷胤丞 丕賱丕噩鬲賲丕毓賷丞 賵 賮鬲丨 爻賵賯 丕賱丨乇丞 丕賱鬲賷 賱賳 鬲賰賵賳 賲卮賰賱鬲賴丕 賲賳丕賮爻丞 丕賱卮乇爻丞 賲毓 爻賱毓 兀賰孬乇 噩賵丿丞 賲賳 爻賱毓賳丕 亘賱 爻賵賮 鬲禺賱賯 :
賲賳胤賯丞 禺囟乇丕亍 賵 兀禺乇賶 丨賲乇丕亍 賮賷 鬲賵賳爻 賲孬賱 賲丕 毓亘乇 毓賳賴丕 丕賱賰丕鬲亘丞 :
亘丿兀鬲 賴匕賴 賲賳丕胤賯 亘丕賱馗賴賵乇 賱賰賳 亘卮賰賱 賲丨鬲卮賲丞 賵 鬲兀賰賱鬲 丕賱胤亘賯丞 丕賱賵爻胤賶 賱賰賳 爻賷鬲毓賲賯 丕賱賵囟毓 .
亘毓丿 賯乇丕亍丞 賰鬲丕亘 丕賳鬲亘賴鬲 賱賱賯乇丕乇丕鬲 丕賱鬲賷 丕鬲禺匕鬲賴丕 丕賱丿賵賱丞 .
廿孬乇 丕夭賲丞 賰賵乇賵賳丕 氐丿賲丞 丕賱卮毓亘 亘鬲乇賮賷毓 賮賷 鬲爻毓賷乇丞 丕賱賰賴乇亘丕亍 丕賲丕賲 卮毓丕乇 毓噩夭 賲賷夭丕賳賷丞
孬賲 氐丿賲丞 丕乇鬲賮丕毓 賮賷 鬲爻毓賷乇丞 丕賱賲丕亍
賵 丕賱睾丕亍 鬲毓丕賯丿 賲毓 氐賳丿賵賯 鬲兀賲賷賳 毓賱賶 丕賱賲乇囟
賵 賳丨賳 賲丕夭賱賳丕 賳爻鬲賵毓亘 丕賲乇 鬲兀鬲賷 氐丿賲丞 丕爻鬲賯丕賱丞 丕賱丨賰賵賲丞 .
鈻笍賱賵 賱賲 兀賯乇丕 賴匕丕 賰鬲丕亘 賱賯賱鬲 賴匕丕 丕賮囟賱 丕賱賲 賷鬲賴賲 亘賮爻丕丿.
賱賰賳 丕賱丌賳 丕氐亘丨鬲 丕賰孬乇 鬲乇賯亘 賵 爻丐丕賱 賰亘賷乇 賷丐乇賯賳賷.
賲丕 丕賱孬賲賳 丕賱匕賷 爻賳丿賮毓賴 責 .
馃巰鬲睾丕囟賷鬲 毓賳 氐丿賲丞 丨乇亘 毓賱賶 丕賱丕乇賴丕亘 賮賷 噩亘賱 丕賱卮毓丕賳亘賷 丕賱匕賷 賷兀鬲賷 丨爻亘 乇睾亘丞 賵 鬲賵賯賷鬲 丕賱丿賵賱丞
賵 毓賱賶 氐丿賲丞 丕賱廿睾鬲賷丕賱丕鬲 賵 丕賱鬲賮噩賷乇 丕賱賮賳丿賯 賮賷 爻賵爻丞
賵 毓賱賶 氐丿賲丞 丕賱賲丿乇爻丞 丕賱賯乇丌賳賷丞 賮匕賱賰 賵賻囟毓鬲 囟賲賳
孬賯丕賮丞 丕賱賳亘丕賴丞 賵 丕賱丕爻鬲丨賲丕乇 丕賱鬲賷 賯丕賱 毓賳賴丕 丕賱卮乇賷毓鬲賷.
馃巰賰賲 丕鬲賵賯 兀賳 兀賯乇兀 賲乇丕噩毓丞 賲鬲毓賲賯丞 賱賯丕乇卅 鬲賵賳爻賷
賲賱賲 兀賰孬乇 賲賳賷 亘賵囟毓 爻賷丕爻賷 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷.
賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷噩亘 兀賳 賷購賯乇兀 乇睾賲 丕賱丕賱賲 丕賱匕賷 賮賷賴 賵 丕賱氐毓賵亘丞
賱賰賳 賷噩亘 兀賳 賷賯乇兀 賵 丕乇卮丨賴 賱賱噩賲賷毓
賮丕賱賵毓賷 賷丨鬲丕噩 兀賱賲 賰賲丕 賯丕賱 氐丿賷賯 賱賷.
賲乇丕噩毓丞 丕賱氐丿賷賯 賮丕賷夭 鬲毓鬲亘乇 兀賮囟賱 鬲賱禺賷氐 賱賲丨丕賵乇 丕賱賰鬲丕亘.
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22/juillet/20 馃尭
December 20, 2018
賰鬲丕亘 乇丕卅毓 鬲乇噩賲丞 爻賴賱丞 賵亘丿賷毓丞 兀賮賰丕乇 賵丕囟丨丞 賵亘爻賷胤丞 毓賲賱 乇丕卅毓 賮賶 賲噩賲賱賴
賷鬲丨丿孬 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 毓賳 爻賷賳丕乇賷賵 賲鬲賰乇乇 賮賶 兀毓賯丕亘 丕賱丨賵丕丿孬 賵丕賱丕夭賲丕鬲 賵丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 丕賱賰亘乇賶 爻賵丕亍 兀賰丕賳鬲 丕賳賯賱丕亘丕鬲 丕賵 丕賵 賲匕丕亘丨 丕賵 丨鬲賶 賰賵丕乇孬 胤亘賷毓賷丞 丕賱爻賷賳丕乇賷賵 賷鬲賲丨賵乇 丨賵賱 氐丿賲 丕賱卮毓亘 亘賯乇丕乇丕鬲 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 匕丕鬲 丕孬丕乇 爻賱亘賷丞 賰毓賲賱賷丕鬲 丕賱禺氐禺氐丞 賵亘賷毓 卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賵丕爻賳丕丿 亘毓囟 賲賴丕賲 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱禺丕氐丞 賵乇賮毓 丕賱丿毓賲 賵鬲丨乇賷乇 丕賱丕爻毓丕乇 賵亘賷毓 賲賲鬲賱賰丕鬲 丕賱丿賵賱丞 亘兀賯賱 賲賳 賯賷賲丞 丕氐賵賱賴丕 丕賱丨賯賷賯賷丞 亘睾賷丞 鬲丨賯賷賯 賲賰丕爻亘 爻乇賷毓丞 賵乇賮毓 賲毓丿賱丕鬲 丕賱賳賲賵
兀囟賮 丕賱賶 匕賱賰
丕囟賮 丕賱賶 匕賱賰 賰賱賴 爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱丕賯鬲乇丕囟 賵丕賱丕賯鬲乇丕囟 丕賱賲卮乇賵胤 丕賱鬲賶 鬲鬲丨賯賯 賲賳 禺賱丕賱賴丕 丕乇亘丕丨 賴丕卅賱丞 賱賱卮乇賰丕鬲 賵丕賱賲賵爻爻丕鬲 丕賱禺丕氐丞 毓賱賶 賳丨賵 鬲卮乇丨賴 賳毓賵賲賶 賰賱丕賷賳 亘卮賰賱 乇丕卅毓 賵亘丕丿賱丞 丿丕賲睾丞
丕丨丿 丕賱丕丿賱丞 丕賱乇丕卅毓丞 毓賱賶 毓賲賱賷丕鬲 丕賱氐丿賲 賲丕丨丿孬 賮賶 丕賱鬲卮賷賱賶 侑伲 賵丕賱丕乇噩賳鬲賷賳 賵亘賵賱賷賮賷丕 賵丕賱毓乇丕賯 賮賶 丕毓賯丕亘 佟佟 爻亘鬲賲亘乇
賵鬲卮亘賴 賰賱丕賷賳 賴匕賴 丕賱毓賲賱賷丕鬲 賲賳 丕賱氐丿賲 賵丕賱鬲賶 鬲丐丿賶 丕賱賶 丕乇鬲賮丕毓 賳爻亘丞 丕賱鬲囟禺賲 賵賵丕賱亘胤丕賱丞 賵丕賱賮賯乇 鬲卮亘賴賴丕 亘毓賲賱賷丕鬲 丕賱氐丿賲 丕賱賰賴乇亘丕卅賶 丕孬賳丕亍 丕賱鬲毓匕賷亘 丨賷孬 賷鬲賲 鬲禺賵賷賮 丕賱囟丨賷丞 賵丕囟毓丕賮賴 賳賮爻賷丕賸 賵亘毓丿賴丕 賷鬲賲 鬲毓匕賷亘賴 噩爻丿賷丕賸 賵賮氐賱賴 丨爻賷丕賸 毓賳 賰賱 丕賱賲丿禺賱丕鬲 亘卮賰賱 賷噩毓賱 賯賵丕賴 鬲賳賴丕乇 丕賲丕賲 丕賵賱 賲丨賯賯 丕爻鬲噩賵丕亘
賰鬲丕亘 乇丕卅毓 丕鬲賲賳賶 賲賳 噩賲賷毓 丕氐丿賯丕卅賶 賯乇丕亍鬲賴 賵賰賲 賰賳鬲 丕鬲賲賳賶 丕賳 賷賰賵賳 賱丿賶 丕賱賵賯鬲 賱賰鬲丕亘丞 賲乇丕噩毓丞 丕賮囟賱 賲賳 賴匕賴 賱賰鬲丕亘 賷爻鬲丨賯.
賷鬲丨丿孬 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 毓賳 爻賷賳丕乇賷賵 賲鬲賰乇乇 賮賶 兀毓賯丕亘 丕賱丨賵丕丿孬 賵丕賱丕夭賲丕鬲 賵丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 丕賱賰亘乇賶 爻賵丕亍 兀賰丕賳鬲 丕賳賯賱丕亘丕鬲 丕賵 丕賵 賲匕丕亘丨 丕賵 丨鬲賶 賰賵丕乇孬 胤亘賷毓賷丞 丕賱爻賷賳丕乇賷賵 賷鬲賲丨賵乇 丨賵賱 氐丿賲 丕賱卮毓亘 亘賯乇丕乇丕鬲 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 匕丕鬲 丕孬丕乇 爻賱亘賷丞 賰毓賲賱賷丕鬲 丕賱禺氐禺氐丞 賵亘賷毓 卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賵丕爻賳丕丿 亘毓囟 賲賴丕賲 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱禺丕氐丞 賵乇賮毓 丕賱丿毓賲 賵鬲丨乇賷乇 丕賱丕爻毓丕乇 賵亘賷毓 賲賲鬲賱賰丕鬲 丕賱丿賵賱丞 亘兀賯賱 賲賳 賯賷賲丞 丕氐賵賱賴丕 丕賱丨賯賷賯賷丞 亘睾賷丞 鬲丨賯賷賯 賲賰丕爻亘 爻乇賷毓丞 賵乇賮毓 賲毓丿賱丕鬲 丕賱賳賲賵
兀囟賮 丕賱賶 匕賱賰
丕囟賮 丕賱賶 匕賱賰 賰賱賴 爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱丕賯鬲乇丕囟 賵丕賱丕賯鬲乇丕囟 丕賱賲卮乇賵胤 丕賱鬲賶 鬲鬲丨賯賯 賲賳 禺賱丕賱賴丕 丕乇亘丕丨 賴丕卅賱丞 賱賱卮乇賰丕鬲 賵丕賱賲賵爻爻丕鬲 丕賱禺丕氐丞 毓賱賶 賳丨賵 鬲卮乇丨賴 賳毓賵賲賶 賰賱丕賷賳 亘卮賰賱 乇丕卅毓 賵亘丕丿賱丞 丿丕賲睾丞
丕丨丿 丕賱丕丿賱丞 丕賱乇丕卅毓丞 毓賱賶 毓賲賱賷丕鬲 丕賱氐丿賲 賲丕丨丿孬 賮賶 丕賱鬲卮賷賱賶 侑伲 賵丕賱丕乇噩賳鬲賷賳 賵亘賵賱賷賮賷丕 賵丕賱毓乇丕賯 賮賶 丕毓賯丕亘 佟佟 爻亘鬲賲亘乇
賵鬲卮亘賴 賰賱丕賷賳 賴匕賴 丕賱毓賲賱賷丕鬲 賲賳 丕賱氐丿賲 賵丕賱鬲賶 鬲丐丿賶 丕賱賶 丕乇鬲賮丕毓 賳爻亘丞 丕賱鬲囟禺賲 賵賵丕賱亘胤丕賱丞 賵丕賱賮賯乇 鬲卮亘賴賴丕 亘毓賲賱賷丕鬲 丕賱氐丿賲 丕賱賰賴乇亘丕卅賶 丕孬賳丕亍 丕賱鬲毓匕賷亘 丨賷孬 賷鬲賲 鬲禺賵賷賮 丕賱囟丨賷丞 賵丕囟毓丕賮賴 賳賮爻賷丕賸 賵亘毓丿賴丕 賷鬲賲 鬲毓匕賷亘賴 噩爻丿賷丕賸 賵賮氐賱賴 丨爻賷丕賸 毓賳 賰賱 丕賱賲丿禺賱丕鬲 亘卮賰賱 賷噩毓賱 賯賵丕賴 鬲賳賴丕乇 丕賲丕賲 丕賵賱 賲丨賯賯 丕爻鬲噩賵丕亘
賰鬲丕亘 乇丕卅毓 丕鬲賲賳賶 賲賳 噩賲賷毓 丕氐丿賯丕卅賶 賯乇丕亍鬲賴 賵賰賲 賰賳鬲 丕鬲賲賳賶 丕賳 賷賰賵賳 賱丿賶 丕賱賵賯鬲 賱賰鬲丕亘丞 賲乇丕噩毓丞 丕賮囟賱 賲賳 賴匕賴 賱賰鬲丕亘 賷爻鬲丨賯.
August 9, 2010
A very disturbing book indeed. I can't decide whether I feel that her paranoia got out of control, or whether it is indeed a fair representation of US foreign policy over the last 30-40 years. A lot of it rings true. Though I hope that the links between torture and economic theory are not as clear as she paints them... that was the part I had the hardest time swallowing. Maybe we will learn more now that the Neo-Cons are going to lose control of the US.
___________________________________
I can't help thinking of The Shock Doctrine when I see the daily headlines here in Britain about the drastic changes our new government intends to make. Klein argues that the standard tactic the right has used is to wait for a crisis of some kind, and then use it as an excuse to rush through policies which they've prepared for this eventuality. In some cases, they engineer the crisis intentionally.
Okay... I can see that some of the government's policies can be defended as as a rational response to Britain's enormous debt. And then you have things like reducing the number of MPs from 650 to 600. This is very advantageous to the Conservatives. But the official justification is that it will save 拢12M.
Now, people are often bad at comparing big numbers. We owe something around 拢900B, largely as a result of having to bail out the banks during the credit crunch two years ago. Let's divide by ten million and try to relate it to something we can actually understand. So, I'll suppose that my cousin somehow persuaded me to invest in his business venture, which sounded sensible but actually turned out to be a pyramid scheme that collapsed catastrophically. To our horror, this has left us saddled with a personal debt of 拢90,000, which we're slowly trying to pay off.
Not surprisingly, my partner is all over my case, and is taking the opportunity to get her way on a number of issues while she has the moral upper hand. But when she uses this argument to motivate not buying a copy of a Sunday newspaper that I like and she doesn't, and which costs 拢1.20, I feel she's gone too far. A saving this small makes no real difference. It's just exploiting the situation.
Well, as I see it, that's roughly what our government is doing now.
___________________________________
I can't help thinking of The Shock Doctrine when I see the daily headlines here in Britain about the drastic changes our new government intends to make. Klein argues that the standard tactic the right has used is to wait for a crisis of some kind, and then use it as an excuse to rush through policies which they've prepared for this eventuality. In some cases, they engineer the crisis intentionally.
Okay... I can see that some of the government's policies can be defended as as a rational response to Britain's enormous debt. And then you have things like reducing the number of MPs from 650 to 600. This is very advantageous to the Conservatives. But the official justification is that it will save 拢12M.
Now, people are often bad at comparing big numbers. We owe something around 拢900B, largely as a result of having to bail out the banks during the credit crunch two years ago. Let's divide by ten million and try to relate it to something we can actually understand. So, I'll suppose that my cousin somehow persuaded me to invest in his business venture, which sounded sensible but actually turned out to be a pyramid scheme that collapsed catastrophically. To our horror, this has left us saddled with a personal debt of 拢90,000, which we're slowly trying to pay off.
Not surprisingly, my partner is all over my case, and is taking the opportunity to get her way on a number of issues while she has the moral upper hand. But when she uses this argument to motivate not buying a copy of a Sunday newspaper that I like and she doesn't, and which costs 拢1.20, I feel she's gone too far. A saving this small makes no real difference. It's just exploiting the situation.
Well, as I see it, that's roughly what our government is doing now.
May 8, 2023
Incredibly interesting. Also incredibly depressing. Really worth the time and wish I would鈥檝e read this a long while ago because it sets up a critical framework on how to view crises.
November 23, 2016
賵丕丨丿 賲賳 兀賴賲 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱鬲賷 賯乇兀鬲賴丕 賵爻兀賯乇丐賴丕 賮賷 丨賷丕鬲賷!
賰鬲丕亘 囟禺賲 賵氐毓亘 兀賷囟丕賸 賰賵賳 賴匕賴 丕賱賲乇丞 丕賱兀賵賱賶 丕賱鬲賷 兀爻亘乇 賮賷賴丕 睾賵乇 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷.
鬲卮乇丨 丕賱賰丕鬲亘丞 賳馗丕賲 毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞 丕賱賲乇鬲亘胤 亘丨丿賵孬 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 -亘賰丕賮丞 兀卮賰丕賱賴丕-貙 賮馗丕卅毓 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷貙 鬲丨乇賷乇 丕賱兀爻賵丕賯貙 丕賱禺氐禺氐丞貙 賲丿乇爻丞 卮賷賰丕睾賵 賵賲賷賱鬲賵賳 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳.. 賵賯丿 兀禺匕鬲賳丕 賮賷 噩賵賱丞 賮賷 丕賱毓丿賷丿 賲賳 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱鬲賷 鬲毓乇賾囟鬲 賱賱氐丿賲丞貨 鬲卮賷賱賷貙 丕賱兀乇噩賳鬲賷賳貙 丕賱亘乇丕夭賷賱貙 亘賵賱賷賮賷丕貙 乇賵爻賷丕貙 噩賳賵亘 廿賮乇賷賯賷丕貙 丕賱氐賷賳貙 亘賵賱賳丿丕貙 丕賱毓乇丕賯 賵丕賳鬲賴丕亍賸 亘丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 賳賮爻賴丕! 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賱賷亍 亘丕賱賲毓賱賵賲丕鬲 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷丞 賵丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 賵丨丕賱丕鬲 賵卮賴丕丿丕鬲 賲鬲賳賵賾毓丞 丨賵賱 丕賱毓賱丕噩 亘丕賱氐丿賲丞..
亘丕賱乇睾賲 賲賳 氐毓賵亘丞 賵孬賯賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱賰賳賳賷 丕爻鬲賲鬲毓鬲 亘賴貙 賵丿購賴卮鬲 賱賲丕 賷丨氐賱 賮賷 毓丕賱賲賳丕.. 賯丿 賮鬲丨 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 毓賷賳賷賾 毓賱賶 丨賯丕卅賯 賵兀賲賵乇 賱賲 兀賰賳 兀丿乇賷 毓賳賴丕 卮賷卅丕賸 兀賵 丨鬲賶 賱丕 兀賮賲賴賲丕..
卮賰乇丕賸 賳毓賵賲賷 賰賱丕賷賳貙 賱賰賲 賳丨賳 亘丨丕噩丞 賱兀賲孬丕賱賰
*賱丕 鬲毓鬲亘乇 賴匕賴 賲乇丕噩毓丞
December 2, 2007
I would seriously like to see every human on this planet read this book. I can鈥檛 think of any other book I would more highly recommend today.
The whole text was rich in the exposing of history and deep analysis. I strongly encourage anyone reading it to stick through to the end. The bulk of the book covers quite terrible things in the world, but the last chapter actually made me very hopeful and inspired.
Utterly brilliant!
The whole text was rich in the exposing of history and deep analysis. I strongly encourage anyone reading it to stick through to the end. The bulk of the book covers quite terrible things in the world, but the last chapter actually made me very hopeful and inspired.
Utterly brilliant!
March 20, 2008
I just finished The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism, by Naomi Klein. It came out months ago, and I would鈥檝e read it sooner had it not cost $45 dollars in Canada.
Much of the information meticulously detailed in the book was already available in Harper鈥檚 Magazine and DemocracyNow!, though never put together so throroughly. She begins her book with a discussion of a canadian woman who endured several years of experimental psychiatric work under the authority of David Cameron, working in a Canadian Hospital under contract with both the American CIA and the Canadian Defense Department to discover the ways in which the human mind breaks down under electro-shock, regression, and general mind-fucking (lightless cells, limited outside contact, meals served at odd times--oatmeal for dinner, soup for breakfast, all announced as appropriate to the time of day to disorient the patient). She checked in for anxiety--discharged with memory loss, incontinence, and regression to a toddler-mind-set.
Most of these experiments were part of MKUltra (most well-known for the use of LSD, less well-known as the foundation for all present "interrogation" tactics in the War on/of Terror). The tactics show up again in every country where the US has, in some manner, been involved in training police or military people to combat first communism, than leftism (See: Chile, Argentina, El Salvador, Columbia, Mexico).
She ties this, both metaphorically and literally, to the Chicago School (the group of economists and theorists, taught by Milton Friedman, who believe in the "free-market" as the only scientific/natural system for human trade/relations). Friedman believed that the free-er a market is (no government regulations, no consumer protections, no corporate taxes), the more-free the people in that market will be: Democracy and Self-Rule are synonymous, then, with limitless profit-taking, no minimum wage, no state-services, etc.
But there was a problem, one that he himself admitted. Time after time, people kept demanding from their governments, or forming their own, that there be a minimum wage, there be an 8-hour work-day, that water be cheap or free, that electricity and infrastructure be state- or people-run. Democracy kept tending towards "mixed-economies" (state or community controlled electricity, oil, water, schools, etc., as well as worker-protections and land re-distribution and more numerous small-businesses, rather than corporate conglomerates). So, then, what to do?
Milton found an effective answer: Shock the fuck out of them. Already we knew that pain, applied correctly, will disorient people. Disoriented people don鈥檛 fight back, nor can they even quite understand what鈥檚 happening around them until they regain their footing.
At least 4/5ths of the book are devoted to the history of "shocking" local and national movements into disorientation. Some of the shocks were manufactured (violent coups, international currency manipulation), some were hijacked revolutions (South Africa, Russia, Poland), and some were natural disasters (the Tsunami a few years back, New Orleans), but with always the same result: foreign companies buy up everything in sight, plunging already impoverished and disoriented people into further pain and poverty.
? Chile: Salvador Allende, democratically elected to be President of Chile, was assassinated by a US-supported coup by Augusto Pinochet on Sept 11, 1973. Pinochet鈥檚 economic advisors were all from the Chicago School, and when he came to power, he began selling off national resources (the mines, the banks, the infrastructure) to foreign companies. To take care of the pesky problem of people fighting back, he (with CIA trained soldiers) arrested and tortured thousands of "enemies of the state," stealing children from prisoners and adopting them out to supporters of the coup.
? Argentina and Uruguay: Similar situation. Some highlights included burning universities (and killing professors), destroying copies of books by Marx and Neruda. Ford Motor Company took out adverts in Argentinian newspapers to support the coup, ("Ford commits itself to the struggle to bring about the great destiny of the Fatherland.")--they were quite happy with the end of unions in their factories (many union leaders were actually tortured in the factories themselves).
? Poland: I鈥檓 old enough to remember the strikes in Poland by Solidarity (a workers鈥� union led by Lech Walesa), but it isn鈥檛 surprising I didn鈥檛 actually know what they stood for. I assumed, just as the media suggested, that all those polish workers were striking for democracy and capitalism. Wrong. Their platform was "Socialism--yes; Corruptions of Socialism--no": they wanted worker-control of the state-run factories and businesses, not a free-market economy. But when they won, no government would forgive the former communist state鈥檚 debts, and they had no money. Enter Jeffrey Sachs (Bono calls him "my professor"), who offered a massive infusion of international cash with a slight catch (a do-or-die proposition, actually): take the money and privatise everything, or don鈥檛 take the money and have your new people鈥檚 government topple. Lech Walesa took the first (and faced massive revolt from the supporters of Solidarity, losing the next election to a proto-fascist party who promised to kick out Jeffery Sach鈥檚 and the IMF/World Bank but instead started expelling immigrants, arresting gays, etc.)
? South Africa: The African National Congress (Mandela, etc.) ended Apartheid with promises to re-distribute land, give ownership of the gold mines and other resources to workers. But just as they were negotiating their relatively bloodless coup, the white south-african government negotiated economic policies with the IMF and World Bank ensuring that such a thing would never happen. When the ANC came to power, they suddenly found that there was no money to even turn on the electricity in the black ghettos, because almost all of their budget had to go towards paying down international loans the white government had taken out (and taken with them) when they lost power.
? Sri Lanka: Images of the tsunami that destroyed thousands of shanties on the beaches led millions of people to give money to the relief effort. But much of that money was channeled into the tourism industry. If you gave money, there鈥檚 a damn good possibility you helped re-build a surfer-hotel. Indigenous fishers aren鈥檛 allowed on the beaches anymore ("for safety,") while hotels got a lot more beachfront to build on (they鈥檙e exempt from the 200-meter buffer zone).
? Iraq: Another created shock (it was called Shock and Awe, remember?). Paul Bremer (the viceroy of Iraq鈥檚 "provisional" government) sold off every Saddam-era industry he could find, barring Iraqis from buying them. The "de-baathification" (barring Baath-party members from jobs) didn鈥檛 affect many of the high-level party leaders (former generals were appointed to mayorships by Bremer) but did keep thousands of teachers, doctors, professors, and soldiers from working. The opposition to the oil-law is depicted in the media as an ethnic squabble, though every group agrees--they want no foreign companies owning their oil. That, however, is not an option the US will tolerate. Oh, and remember the purple fingers? Iraq had already held elections (spurred on by Bush鈥檚 declaration that he was bringing democracy to Iraq). Those elections were annuled (sometimes violently) because the US wanted to pick the candidates. Wonder why there wasn鈥檛 sectarian violence until Paul Bremer started passing laws? Look at the laws he passed.
? New Orleans: A natural shock turned into the perfect laboratory for free-market ideals. Schools were privatised, hospitals closed permanently. Neighbourhoods that had already begun rebuilding were bulldozed to make room for private developments. Reconstruction companies (including Bechtel and Halliburton) refused to hire locals, can鈥檛 account for most of the money we gave them, and in many cases brought in immigrants from Mexico and didn鈥檛 pay them after they did the work.
This is all, of course, a very short summary. 466 pages of indictments over one of the most absurd games that has ever been played (and one that we didn鈥檛 get dealt any cards for, and we鈥檙e not even certain why we鈥檙e sitting in the casino)--Capitalism is not a natural system, is not the same thing as Democracy, and doesn鈥檛 make everyone鈥檚 life better. Why the think-tanks and the Freidmanites, why Jeffery Sachs and Bono and Ayn Rand and all their ilk are given prominate discussion places within newpapers, radio and television without once having to answer for the immense suffering their policies have caused while a bunch of black folk watching their jobs and homes destroyed are just being "lazy," why Morales and Chavez and Correa in South America are all dangerous dictators to be overthrown and the people who vote from them, who know intimately the history of the American Alternative (torture, poverty, drug wars) are dangerously misled----all of this is to keep us complicit in Capitalism鈥檚 war against people鈥檚 movements everywhere.
Much of the information meticulously detailed in the book was already available in Harper鈥檚 Magazine and DemocracyNow!, though never put together so throroughly. She begins her book with a discussion of a canadian woman who endured several years of experimental psychiatric work under the authority of David Cameron, working in a Canadian Hospital under contract with both the American CIA and the Canadian Defense Department to discover the ways in which the human mind breaks down under electro-shock, regression, and general mind-fucking (lightless cells, limited outside contact, meals served at odd times--oatmeal for dinner, soup for breakfast, all announced as appropriate to the time of day to disorient the patient). She checked in for anxiety--discharged with memory loss, incontinence, and regression to a toddler-mind-set.
Most of these experiments were part of MKUltra (most well-known for the use of LSD, less well-known as the foundation for all present "interrogation" tactics in the War on/of Terror). The tactics show up again in every country where the US has, in some manner, been involved in training police or military people to combat first communism, than leftism (See: Chile, Argentina, El Salvador, Columbia, Mexico).
She ties this, both metaphorically and literally, to the Chicago School (the group of economists and theorists, taught by Milton Friedman, who believe in the "free-market" as the only scientific/natural system for human trade/relations). Friedman believed that the free-er a market is (no government regulations, no consumer protections, no corporate taxes), the more-free the people in that market will be: Democracy and Self-Rule are synonymous, then, with limitless profit-taking, no minimum wage, no state-services, etc.
But there was a problem, one that he himself admitted. Time after time, people kept demanding from their governments, or forming their own, that there be a minimum wage, there be an 8-hour work-day, that water be cheap or free, that electricity and infrastructure be state- or people-run. Democracy kept tending towards "mixed-economies" (state or community controlled electricity, oil, water, schools, etc., as well as worker-protections and land re-distribution and more numerous small-businesses, rather than corporate conglomerates). So, then, what to do?
Milton found an effective answer: Shock the fuck out of them. Already we knew that pain, applied correctly, will disorient people. Disoriented people don鈥檛 fight back, nor can they even quite understand what鈥檚 happening around them until they regain their footing.
At least 4/5ths of the book are devoted to the history of "shocking" local and national movements into disorientation. Some of the shocks were manufactured (violent coups, international currency manipulation), some were hijacked revolutions (South Africa, Russia, Poland), and some were natural disasters (the Tsunami a few years back, New Orleans), but with always the same result: foreign companies buy up everything in sight, plunging already impoverished and disoriented people into further pain and poverty.
? Chile: Salvador Allende, democratically elected to be President of Chile, was assassinated by a US-supported coup by Augusto Pinochet on Sept 11, 1973. Pinochet鈥檚 economic advisors were all from the Chicago School, and when he came to power, he began selling off national resources (the mines, the banks, the infrastructure) to foreign companies. To take care of the pesky problem of people fighting back, he (with CIA trained soldiers) arrested and tortured thousands of "enemies of the state," stealing children from prisoners and adopting them out to supporters of the coup.
? Argentina and Uruguay: Similar situation. Some highlights included burning universities (and killing professors), destroying copies of books by Marx and Neruda. Ford Motor Company took out adverts in Argentinian newspapers to support the coup, ("Ford commits itself to the struggle to bring about the great destiny of the Fatherland.")--they were quite happy with the end of unions in their factories (many union leaders were actually tortured in the factories themselves).
? Poland: I鈥檓 old enough to remember the strikes in Poland by Solidarity (a workers鈥� union led by Lech Walesa), but it isn鈥檛 surprising I didn鈥檛 actually know what they stood for. I assumed, just as the media suggested, that all those polish workers were striking for democracy and capitalism. Wrong. Their platform was "Socialism--yes; Corruptions of Socialism--no": they wanted worker-control of the state-run factories and businesses, not a free-market economy. But when they won, no government would forgive the former communist state鈥檚 debts, and they had no money. Enter Jeffrey Sachs (Bono calls him "my professor"), who offered a massive infusion of international cash with a slight catch (a do-or-die proposition, actually): take the money and privatise everything, or don鈥檛 take the money and have your new people鈥檚 government topple. Lech Walesa took the first (and faced massive revolt from the supporters of Solidarity, losing the next election to a proto-fascist party who promised to kick out Jeffery Sach鈥檚 and the IMF/World Bank but instead started expelling immigrants, arresting gays, etc.)
? South Africa: The African National Congress (Mandela, etc.) ended Apartheid with promises to re-distribute land, give ownership of the gold mines and other resources to workers. But just as they were negotiating their relatively bloodless coup, the white south-african government negotiated economic policies with the IMF and World Bank ensuring that such a thing would never happen. When the ANC came to power, they suddenly found that there was no money to even turn on the electricity in the black ghettos, because almost all of their budget had to go towards paying down international loans the white government had taken out (and taken with them) when they lost power.
? Sri Lanka: Images of the tsunami that destroyed thousands of shanties on the beaches led millions of people to give money to the relief effort. But much of that money was channeled into the tourism industry. If you gave money, there鈥檚 a damn good possibility you helped re-build a surfer-hotel. Indigenous fishers aren鈥檛 allowed on the beaches anymore ("for safety,") while hotels got a lot more beachfront to build on (they鈥檙e exempt from the 200-meter buffer zone).
? Iraq: Another created shock (it was called Shock and Awe, remember?). Paul Bremer (the viceroy of Iraq鈥檚 "provisional" government) sold off every Saddam-era industry he could find, barring Iraqis from buying them. The "de-baathification" (barring Baath-party members from jobs) didn鈥檛 affect many of the high-level party leaders (former generals were appointed to mayorships by Bremer) but did keep thousands of teachers, doctors, professors, and soldiers from working. The opposition to the oil-law is depicted in the media as an ethnic squabble, though every group agrees--they want no foreign companies owning their oil. That, however, is not an option the US will tolerate. Oh, and remember the purple fingers? Iraq had already held elections (spurred on by Bush鈥檚 declaration that he was bringing democracy to Iraq). Those elections were annuled (sometimes violently) because the US wanted to pick the candidates. Wonder why there wasn鈥檛 sectarian violence until Paul Bremer started passing laws? Look at the laws he passed.
? New Orleans: A natural shock turned into the perfect laboratory for free-market ideals. Schools were privatised, hospitals closed permanently. Neighbourhoods that had already begun rebuilding were bulldozed to make room for private developments. Reconstruction companies (including Bechtel and Halliburton) refused to hire locals, can鈥檛 account for most of the money we gave them, and in many cases brought in immigrants from Mexico and didn鈥檛 pay them after they did the work.
This is all, of course, a very short summary. 466 pages of indictments over one of the most absurd games that has ever been played (and one that we didn鈥檛 get dealt any cards for, and we鈥檙e not even certain why we鈥檙e sitting in the casino)--Capitalism is not a natural system, is not the same thing as Democracy, and doesn鈥檛 make everyone鈥檚 life better. Why the think-tanks and the Freidmanites, why Jeffery Sachs and Bono and Ayn Rand and all their ilk are given prominate discussion places within newpapers, radio and television without once having to answer for the immense suffering their policies have caused while a bunch of black folk watching their jobs and homes destroyed are just being "lazy," why Morales and Chavez and Correa in South America are all dangerous dictators to be overthrown and the people who vote from them, who know intimately the history of the American Alternative (torture, poverty, drug wars) are dangerously misled----all of this is to keep us complicit in Capitalism鈥檚 war against people鈥檚 movements everywhere.
April 21, 2016
"丕賱禺賵賮 賵丕賱賮賵囟賶 賴賲丕 丕賱賲丨賮夭丕賳 賱賰賱賾 賯賮夭丞 噩丿賷丿丞 廿賱賶 丕賱兀賲丕賲"
丕賱毓馗賷賲丕鬲 賴賳賾 丕賱毓馗賷賲丕鬲
賵孬丕卅賯賷 毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞
鬲亘丿兀 丕賱賰丕鬲亘丞 亘賲卮賴丿 賲賳 廿毓氐丕乇 賰丕鬲乇賷賳丕 賮賷 丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 鬲氐賮 賮賷賴 丨丕賱 丕賱賲賳賰賵亘賷賳 賵賯鬲賴丕. .賱鬲卮乇丨 亘毓丿 匕賱賰 丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱 賲賷賱鬲賵賳 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 -丕賱兀賯鬲氐丕丿賷 丕賱丨丕卅夭 毓賱賶 賳賵亘賱 貙 賲丐爻爻 賲丿乇爻丞 卮賷賰丕睾賵- 賱賱丨丕丿孬丞 賮賷 鬲睾賷賷乇 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱鬲毓賱賷賲賷 賮賷 賳賷賵 兀賵乇賱賷賳夭 賲賳 賲丿丕乇爻 丨賰賵賲賷丞 賱賲丿丕乇爻 禺丕氐丞 賲賲賵賱丞 亘賯爻丕卅賲 賳賯丿賷丞.
賵賴賳丕 鬲鬲噩賱賶 乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 = 丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 賱鬲賲乇賷乇 爻賷丕爻丕鬲 丕賱爻賵賯 丕賱丨乇
孬賵乇丞 賲丿乇爻丞 卮賷賰丕噩賵 . .
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賮賷 丕賱爻亘毓賷賳丕鬲 1973 . . 丕賱丿賷賰鬲丕鬲賵乇 丕賱鬲卮賷賱賷 兀賵睾爻鬲賵 亘賷賵賳卮賴 賯丕賲 亘丕賳賯賱丕亘 毓賳賷賮 毓賱賶 丕賱乇卅賷爻 爻賱賮丕丿賵乇 兀賱賱賷賳丿賷 . .亘毓丿 匕賱賰 丕鬲亘毓 爻賷丕爻丕鬲 丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 毓購乇賮鬲 亘賭 "孬賵乇丞 賲丿乇爻丞 卮賷賰丕睾賵" 賵丕賱賱賷 亘鬲毓鬲亘乇 丕賱鬲丨賵賾賱 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷 丕賱兀賰孬乇 噩匕乇賷丞 賮賷 鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱毓丕賱賲.
賳鬲賷噩丞 賱賱鬲囟禺賲 丕賱賱賷 丨氐賱 亘毓丿 丕賱廿賳賯賱丕亘 胤亘賯 兀賵睾爻鬲賵 乇丐賷丞 (賲賷锟斤拷鬲賵賳 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳) 賮禺賮囟 丕賱囟乇丕卅亘 賵禺氐禺氐 丕賱賯胤丕毓丕鬲 丕賱禺丿賲賷丞 賮賷 丕賱亘賱丿 賵賮鬲丨 丕賱爻賵賯 賱賱鬲噩丕乇丞 丕賱丨乇賾丞 賵禺賮囟 丕賱丕賳賮丕賯 丕賱丨賰賵賲賷 毓賱賶 丕賱賯胤丕毓丕鬲 丕賱丕噩鬲賲丕毓賷丞 賵丕賱賳丕爻 氐丨鬲 丕賱氐亘丨 賱賯鬲 丕賱賲丿丕乇爻 丕賱丨賰賵賲賷丞 亘賯鬲 禺丕氐丞!
賲賷賱鬲賵賳 賮乇賷丿賲丕賳 乇丐賷鬲賴 賮賷 丕爻鬲睾賱丕賱 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 賵賴賷 (丕賱毓賱丕噩 亘丕賱氐丿賲丞) 亘毓丿 兀賷 賰丕乇孬丞 賰亘賷乇丞 鬲爻鬲睾賱 丕賱賮乇氐丞 賱鬲賲乇賷乇 乇丐賷鬲賴丕 (丕賱賱亘賷乇丕賱賷丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞) 賵鬲胤亘賷賯 兀賮賰丕乇賴丕 丕賱禺丕氐丞.
賮丕賱鬲噩丕乇 亘賷丨鬲賮馗賵丕 亘丕賱賱亘賳 賵丕賱亘囟丕卅毓 賱賲賵丕噩賴丞 丕賱賰賵丕乇孬 廿賳賲丕 賲丿乇爻丞 卮賷賰丕睾賵 亘鬲丨鬲賮馗 亘兀賮賰丕乇 丕賱爻賵賯 丕賱丨乇.
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丕賱毓賱丕噩 亘丕賱氐丿賲丞
賮賷 1951 賵賰丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲禺亘丕乇丕鬲 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 賯丕亘賱鬲 爻乇丕 毓賱賲丕亍 賲賳 噩丕賲毓丞 賲丕賰噩賷賱 賵丿毓賲鬲 兀亘丨丕孬 毓賳 兀孬乇 丕賱丨乇賲丕賳 賲賳 丕賱丨賵丕爻 . . 兀亘鬲丿兀 丿. 賴賷亘 鬲噩丕乇亘賴 毓賱賶 胤賱亘丞 毓賳丿賴 賵賰丕賳鬲 丕賱鬲噩乇亘丞 亘賲賳毓 丕賱丨乇賰丞 賵鬲睾胤賷丞 丕賱兀噩爻丕賲 賱賮賯丿丕賳 丕賱賯丿乇丞 毓賱賶 丕賱賱賲爻 賵賲丨丕賵賱丞 毓夭賱 丕賱賮乇丿 毓賳 丕賱丨賵丕爻賴 胤亘毓丕 丕賱賳鬲丕卅噩 賮賯丿丕賳 丕賱鬲乇賰賷夭 賵丕賱賯丿乇丞 毓賱賶 丕賱鬲禺賷賱 賵鬲乇丕噩毓 賮賷 丕賱卮禺氐賷丞!
丕賱丿賰鬲賵乇 賴賷亘 賵賯賮 丕賱丕亘丨丕孬 賱兀賳賴丕 毓賱賶 胤賱亘丞 賵賳鬲丕卅噩賴丕 賴鬲亘賯賶 賰丕乇孬賷丞 丕夭丕賷 賴鬲丨乇賲 丨丿 賲賳 丨賵丕爻賴 60 賷賵賲 賵賰丕賳 賮丕賰乇 廿賳 丿賴 卮賷亍 賲爻鬲丨賷賱.
丕賱丕亘丨丕孬 賰賲賱賴丕 丿. 丕賷賵賷賳 賰丕賲賷乇賵賳 . . 賲丕 乇丨賲卮 丕賱賲乇囟賶 丕賱賱賷 毓賳丿賴 . . 鬲丨賵賱鬲 賲氐丨丞 丌賱丕賳 賲賷賲賵乇賷丕賱 賱賲毓鬲賯賱 賱鬲毓匕賷亘 丕賱賲乇囟賶 . . 賰丕賲賷乇賵賳 丨丕賵賱 賷賲爻丨 卮禺氐賷丞 賲乇囟丕賴 賳賴丕卅賷丕 賷丨賵賱賴丕 賱氐賮丨丞 亘賷囟丕亍 賷賯丿乇 賷賳賯卮 毓賱賷賴丕 丕賱賱賷 賴賵 毓丕賵夭賴 毓賳 胤乇賯 氐丿賲丕鬲 賰賴乇亘丕卅賷丞 毓丕賱賷丞 賵賲賳毓 丕賱賲乇賷囟 賲賳 丕賱丨乇賰丞 賱賲丿丞 賰亘賷乇丞 賵丨乇賲丕賳賴 賲賳 賰賱 丨賵丕爻賴 亘胤乇賯 賲禺鬲賱賮丞 賵丨亘賵亘 賲賴賱賵爻丞 賵賰丕賳 亘賷毓乇囟 毓賱賷賴賲 乇爻丕卅賱 賲爻噩賱丞 亘睾乇囟 亘乇賲噩鬲賴賲!
丕賱丕爻鬲禺亘丕乇丕鬲 丕賱丕賲乇賷賰賷丞 丕爻鬲睾賱鬲 鬲噩丕乇亘 賰丕賲賷乇賵賳 賮賷 丕賱丕爻鬲噩賵丕亘丕鬲 亘廿囟丕賮丞 兀賳賵丕毓 鬲丕賳賷丞 賲賳 丕賱鬲毓匕賷亘 賵丕氐丿乇鬲 賰鬲賷亘 賲卮賮乇 賷丿毓賶 (賰賵亘丕乇賰) 賵賰丕賳 亘賲孬丕亘丞 丕賱丿爻鬲賵乇 賱賱賲爻鬲噩賵亘賷賷賳 賯丕卅賲 毓賱賶 兀亘丨丕孬 賰丕賲賷乇賵賳.
睾丕賷賱 賰丕爻鬲賳乇 廿丨丿賶 囟丨丕賷丕 賰丕賲賷乇賵賳 賯丕亘賱鬲賴丕 賳丕毓賵賲賷 賰賱丕賷賳 賵兀噩乇鬲 賲毓丕賴丕 丨賵丕乇 賳賯賱鬲賴 賮賷 亘丿亍 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱賷賵囟丨 丨噩賲 丕賱賲兀爻丕丞 賱賴匕賴 丕賱兀亘丨丕孬.
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鬲爻鬲毓乇囟 丕賱賰丕鬲亘丞 賰賷賮 鬲賲 鬲胤亘賯 毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞 賵丕爻鬲禺丿丕賲 丕賱毓賳賮 丕賱賲乇鬲亘胤賷賳 亘兀賮賰丕乇 賲丿乇爻丞 卮賷賰丕睾賵 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 賵鬲賳賮賷匕 賴匕賴 丕賱丕賮賰丕乇 賮賷 兀賲乇賷賰丕 丕賱噩丕賳賵亘賷丞 (鬲卮賷賱賷 - 亘乇丕夭賷賱 - 兀乇噩賳鬲賷賳 -亘賵賱賷賮賷丕) 毓賳 胤乇賷賯 丿毓賲 丕賱賳馗賲 丕賱丕爻鬲亘丿丕丿賷丞 賱禺氐禺氐丞 丕賱賯胤丕毓 丕賱毓丕賲 賵賮鬲丨 丕賱爻賵賯 賱丿禺賵賱 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱毓丕亘乇丞 賱賱賯丕乇丕鬲.
鬲賲 鬲賳賮賷匕 賳賮爻 丕賱氐賵乇丞 丕賱毓丕賲丞 賮賷 噩賳賵亘 兀賮乇賷賯賷丕 賵丌爻賷丕 丕賱鬲賷 鬲毓乇囟鬲 賱兀賳賴賷丕乇 兀賯鬲氐丕丿賷 卮丿賷丿 毓乇賮 亘賭 (兀賳賴賷丕乇 噩丿丕乇 亘乇賱賷賳 丕賱孬丕賳賷) 賵賰賷賮 鬲賲 鬲賴噩賷乇 丕賱賲賵丕胤賳賷賳 賲賳 兀乇丕囟賷賴賲 亘毓丿 廿毓氐丕乇 鬲爻賵賳丕賲賷 賵亘賳丕亍 丕賱賮賳丕丿賯 丕賱囟禺賲丞 賵丕賱賲賳鬲噩毓丕鬲 丕賱爻賷丕丨賷丞.
鬲賲 鬲賳賮賷匕 毓賯賷丿丞 丕賱氐丿賲丞 賮賷 乇賵爻賷丕 毓賱賶 賷丿 賷賱爻鬲賳 . . 賵丕賱匕賷 禺賱賮賴 亘賵鬲賷賳 貙 賵鬲亘毓 匕賱賰 賴噩乇丞 丕賱丌賱丕賮 賲賳 丕賱乇賵爻賷賷賳 賱廿爻乇丕卅賷賱 亘丕賱廿囟丕賮丞 賱馗乇賵賮 丕賱鬲賷 賲乇鬲 亘賴丕 乇賵爻賷丕 賵丕賱賲賲丕乇爻丕鬲 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賲 鬲賳賮賷匕賴丕 亘賰賱 賵丨卮賷丞 毓賱賶 丕賱卮毓亘 丕賱乇賵爻賷 賮賷 丕賱鬲爻毓賷賳丕鬲 賵賴賵 賲丕 鬲賲 賮賷 亘賵賱賳丿丕 亘毓丿 鬲禺賱賷 賲賳馗賲丞 鬲丿毓賶 丕賱鬲囟丕賲賳 毓賳 賲亘丕丿卅賴丕 賱氐丕賱丨 氐亘賷丞 卮賷賰丕睾賵.
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丕賱毓乇丕賯
賯亘賱 丕丨鬲賱丕賱 丕賱毓乇丕賯 卮賰賾賱 氐丿賾丕賲 禺胤乇丕 賰亘賷乇丕 毓賱賶 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷 亘鬲毓丕賯丿賴 賲毓 卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱賳賮胤 丕賱乇賵爻賷丞 賵丕禺乇賶 賮乇賳爻賷丞 . . 馗賴乇 丕爻賱賵亘 丕賱氐丿賲 賵丕賱鬲乇賴賷亘 賮賷 丕丨鬲賱丕賱 丕賱毓乇丕賯 貙 賮賷 丕賱亘丿亍 賲賳 丕賱丕毓賱丕賲 毓賳 胤乇賷賯 丕賱鬲乇賵賷噩 賱賱丕爻賱丨丞 賵丕賱賯賳丕亘賱 丕賱鬲賷 賷賲賰賳 兀賳 鬲爻鬲禺丿賲 賮賷 丕賱丨乇亘 囟丿 丕賱毓乇丕賯 廿賱賶 丕睾乇丕賯 丕賱毓乇丕賯 亘丕賱賰丕賲賱 賮賷 丕賱馗賱丕賲 . .
賳鬲噩鬲 毓賳 丕賱丨乇亘 禺氐禺氐丞 賰丕賲賱丞 賱丿賵賱丞 亘兀賰賲賱賴丕 賵毓賯賵丿 亘賲卅丕鬲 丕賱賲賱賷丕乇丕鬲 匕賴亘鬲 賱卮乇賰丕鬲 兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 賲孬賾賱鬲 丿賵乇 丕賱丨賰賵賲丞 賮賷 丕賱毓乇丕賯.
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丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲乇賴賯 賵卮丕賯 賵賲賳 兀賴賲 兀噩夭丕亍賴 賰賷賮賷丞 馗賴賵乇 氐賳丕毓丞 丕賱丕賲賳 丕賱賯賵賲賷 賵丕賱賮爻丕丿 賵丕賱氐賮賯丕鬲 丕賱禺丕氐丞 亘丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 賱毓亘鬲 賮賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賲噩丕賱 . . 丕爻鬲睾乇賯 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賳 氐丕丨亘鬲賴 兀乇亘毓 爻賳賵丕鬲 . . 賵丌賱丕賮 丕賱兀賵乇丕賯 賵丕賱賵孬丕卅賯 賵毓卮乇丕鬲 丕賱賲賯丕亘賱丕鬲
賰鬲丕亘 毓馗賷賲 亘賰賱 賲毓賳賶 丕賱賰賱賲丞
丕賱賲賵賯毓 丕賱乇爻賲賷 賱賱賰鬲丕亘 亘賴 毓卮乇丕鬲 丕賱賵孬丕卅賯 丕賱兀氐賱賷丞
June 4, 2020
讴丕乇賱 倬賵賱丕賳蹖 賳馗丕賲 爻乇賲丕蹖賴鈥屫ж臂� 乇丕 蹖讴 賳馗丕賲 丌乇賲丕賳鈥屫促囏壁必� 賲蹖鈥屫з嗀� 讴賴 賴乇诏夭 亘賴 丌乇賲丕賳鈥屫促囏� 禺賵丿 賳禺賵丕賴丿 乇爻蹖丿. 賳馗丕賲 爻乇賲丕蹖賴鈥屫ж臂� 丿乇 丨丕賱鬲 賳丕亘 禺賵丿貙 趩賳丕賳 亘賴 夭蹖爻鬲 噩賴丕賳 丕賳爻丕賳鈥屬囏� 賴噩賵賲 賲蹖鈥屫ㄘ必� 賵 丨蹖丕鬲 丕噩鬲賲丕毓蹖 丕賳爻丕賳鈥屬囏� 乇丕 丿爻鬲禺賵卮 亘丨乇丕賳 賲蹖鈥屭┵嗀� 讴賴 亘丕 賲賯丕賵賲鬲 賲乇丿賲蹖 賲賵丕噩賴 禺賵丕賴丿 卮丿貙 賲賯丕賵賲鬲蹖 亘乇丕蹖 鬲毓丿蹖賱 丿爻鬲鈥屫з嗀ж槽屸€屬囏й� 丕賮爻丕乇诏爻蹖禺鬲賴鈥� 賳馗丕賲 爻乇賲丕蹖賴鈥屫ж臂� 亘賴 丨蹖丕鬲 丕賳爻丕賳鈥屬囏�.
爻丕賱鈥屬囏� 亘毓丿貙 賳丕卅賵賲蹖 讴賱丕蹖賳 丿乇 讴鬲丕亘 丿讴鬲乇蹖賳 卮賵讴貙 亘丕 亘乇乇爻蹖 讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖蹖 讴賴 丕氐賵賱 丕賯鬲氐丕丿蹖 賲賵乇丿 賳馗乇 賲蹖賱鬲賵賳 賮乇蹖丿賲賳 賵 賲讴鬲亘 卮蹖讴丕诏賵 丿乇 丌賳鈥屬囏� 亘賴 丕噩乇丕 丿乇丌賲丿貙 亘賴 禺賵亘蹖 賳卮丕賳 賲蹖鈥屫囏� 讴賴 丕丿毓丕賴丕蹖 賮乇蹖丿賲賳貙 丌乇賲丕賳鈥屫促囏� 禺蹖丕賱倬乇丿丕夭丕賳賴鈥屫й� 丕爻鬲 讴賴 賴乇诏夭 賲丨賯賯 賳禺賵丕賴丿 卮丿. 丿乇 亘爻蹖丕乇蹖 丕夭 讴卮賵乇賴丕 鬲丕 丨鬲蹖 丿賴 爻丕賱 倬爻 丕夭 丕噩乇丕蹖 鬲賵氐蹖賴鈥屬囏й� 賮乇蹖丿賲賳 禺亘乇蹖 丕夭 亘賴卮鬲 賵毓丿賴 丿丕丿賴 卮丿賴 丕賵 賳亘賵丿. 丕噩乇丕蹖 爻蹖丕爻鬲鈥屬囏й� 賳賵賱蹖亘乇丕賱蹖 丕夭 丿賴賴 賴卮鬲丕丿 亘賴 亘毓丿 丿乇 讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖 賲禺鬲賱賮 賴賲丕賳鈥屫焚堌� 讴賴 倬賵賱丕賳蹖 賴賲 倬蹖卮鈥屫ㄛ屬嗃� 讴乇丿賴 亘賵丿貙 賵 賴賲丕賳鈥屫焚堌� 讴賴 賴賲賴 鬲卅賵乇蹖鈥屬矩必ж藏з� 賲讴鬲亘 卮蹖讴丕诏賵 賴賲 賲蹖鈥屫з嗀池嗀� 亘丕 賲賯丕賵賲鬲鈥屬囏й� 卮丿蹖丿 賲乇丿賲蹖 賲賵丕噩賴 卮丿. 賲賯丕賵賲鬲鈥屬囏й屰� 讴賴 亘丕 卮丿鬲 賴乇趩賴 鬲賲丕賲鈥屫� 鬲賵爻胤 丿蹖讴鬲丕鬲賵乇賴丕蹖 丿爻鬲鈥屬嗀簇з嗀� 丌賲乇蹖讴丕 賵 爻丕夭賲丕賳 爻蹖丕貙 爻乇讴賵亘 卮丿. 丿蹖讴鬲丕鬲賵乇賴丕蹖蹖 讴賴 丕爻丕爻丕 亘賴 賲賳馗賵乇 爻乇讴賵亘 賴賲蹖賳 賲賯丕賵賲鬲鈥屬囏� 亘賴 賯丿乇鬲 乇爻蹖丿賴 亘賵丿賳丿.
讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖蹖 讴賴 丿乇 乇賵賳丿 丿爻鬲蹖丕亘蹖 亘賴 丿賲賵讴乇丕爻蹖 亘賵丿賳丿貙 鬲賴丿蹖丿蹖 亘乇丕蹖 卮乇讴鬲鈥屬囏й� 趩賳丿賲賱蹖鬲蹖 亘賴 丨爻丕亘 賲蹖鈥屫①呚嗀�. 丿賵賱鬲鈥屬囏й� 賲乇丿賲蹖 賵 丿賲賵讴乇丕鬲蹖 讴賴 賲賱蹖鈥屫池ж槽� 孬乇賵鬲鈥屬囏й� 毓賲賵賲蹖 賲孬賱 氐賳丕蹖毓 賵 賲毓丕丿賳 乇丕 丿乇 丿爻鬲賵乇 讴丕乇 賯乇丕乇 賲蹖鈥屫ж嗀� 賲孬賱 丿賵賱鬲 賲氐丿賯貙 亘丕亘 鬲亘毓 丕蹖丕賱丕鬲 賲鬲丨丿賴 賳亘賵丿賳丿. 噩丕賱亘 丕蹖賳 丕爻鬲 讴賴 賮乇蹖丿賲賳 賵 爻丕蹖乇 賲丿丕賮毓丕賳 亘丕夭丕乇 丌夭丕丿 賵 丨鬲蹖 賲丿丕賮毓丕賳 丨賯賵賯 亘卮乇 丿乇 丌賳 爻丕賱鈥屬囏� 丕乇鬲亘丕胤 鬲賳诏丕鬲賳诏 爻蹖丕爻鬲鈥屬囏й� 亘丕夭丕乇 丌夭丕丿 賵 賮噩丕蹖毓 丨賯賵賯 亘卮乇蹖 乇丕 賳丕丿蹖丿賴 賲蹖鈥屭辟佖嗀�. 賮乇蹖丿賲賳 丕乇鬲亘丕胤蹖 賳賲蹖鈥屫屫� 賲蹖丕賳 鬲賵氐蹖賴鈥屬囏й� 丕賯鬲氐丕丿蹖鈥屫ж� 亘賴 爻乇讴賵亘鈥屭� 丕毓馗賲 卮蹖賱蹖貙 倬蹖賳賵卮賴 賵 噩賳丕蹖鬲鈥屬囏й屰� 讴賴 倬蹖賳賵卮賴 賲噩亘賵乇 亘賵丿 亘乇丕蹖 倬蹖卮亘乇丿 鬲賵氐蹖賴鈥屬囏й� 丕賯鬲氐丕丿蹖 賮乇蹖丿賲賳 賲乇鬲讴亘 卮賵丿.
丕賮夭丕蹖卮 丌賲丕乇 禺賵丿讴卮蹖貙 乇賵爻倬蹖鈥屭臂� 讴賵丿讴丕賳貙 賮乇賵卮 丿禺鬲乇丕賳 亘賴 亘丕賳丿賴丕蹖 賯丕趩丕賯 丕賳爻丕賳貙 乇卮丿 賳跇丕丿倬乇爻鬲蹖 賵 乇卮丿 亘賳蹖丕丿诏乇丕蹖蹖 賲匕賴亘蹖 鬲賳賴丕 亘禺卮蹖 丕夭 賳鬲丕蹖噩 賲氐蹖亘鬲鈥屫ㄘж� 丕噩乇丕蹖 爻蹖丕爻鬲鈥屬囏й� 賳賵賱蹖亘乇丕賱蹖 丿乇 讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖 丌爻蹖丕蹖蹖 亘賵丿 讴賴 亘丕 丕噩亘丕乇 氐賳丿賵賯 亘蹖賳鈥屫з勝呝勝勠� 倬賵賱 亘丕 賴賲讴丕乇蹖 丌賲乇蹖讴丕 亘賴 讴卮賵乇賴丕 鬲丨賲蹖賱 賲蹖鈥屫簇�. 賳丕卅賵賲蹖 讴賱丕蹖賳 亘賴 賲丕 賳卮丕賳 賲蹖鈥屫囏� 讴賴 趩胤賵乇 氐賳丿賵賯 亘蹖賳鈥屫з勝呝勝勠� 倬賵賱 亘丕 丌賲丕乇爻丕夭蹖 賵 丿爻鬲讴丕乇蹖 丕毓丿丕丿 賵 丕乇賯丕賲貙 丕賯鬲氐丕丿 丕蹖賳 讴卮賵乇賴丕 乇丕 丿爻鬲禺賵卮 亘丨乇丕賳 賳卮丕賳 賲蹖鈥屫ж� 鬲丕 丿乇 丕孬乇 賵丕讴賳卮 亘丕夭丕乇賴丕蹖 賲丕賱蹖貙 丕蹖賳 讴卮賵乇賴丕 亘賴 卮讴賱 賵丕賯毓蹖 丿爻鬲禺賵卮 亘丨乇丕賳 卮丿賴 賵 賲丨鬲丕噩 丿乇蹖丕賮鬲 賵丕賲 丕夭 氐賳丿賵賯 亘蹖賳鈥屫з勝呝勝勠� 倬賵賱 亘丕卮賳丿. 丿乇 趩賳蹖賳 卮乇丕蹖胤蹖 丕爻鬲 讴賴 氐賳丿賵賯貙 丕毓胤丕蹖 賵丕賲 乇丕 賲賳賵胤 亘賴 丕噩乇丕蹖 爻蹖丕爻鬲鈥屬囏й� 賳賵賱蹖亘乇丕賱蹖 賲蹖鈥屭┴必�.
亘爻蹖丕乇蹖 丕夭 讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖蹖 讴賴 倬蹖乇賵丕賳 賲讴鬲亘 卮蹖讴丕诏賵 丕夭 丌賳鈥屬囏� 亘賴 毓賳賵丕賳 賳賲賵賳賴鈥屬囏й� 賲賵賮賯 丕噩乇丕蹖 丕氐賵賱 丕賯鬲氐丕丿蹖 賳賵賱蹖亘乇丕賱 蹖丕丿 賲蹖鈥屭┵嗁嗀� 丕夭 噩賲賱賴 賱賴爻鬲丕賳貙 丿乇 丨賯蹖賯鬲 讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖蹖 賴爻鬲賳丿 讴賴 鬲賳賴丕 倬爻 丕夭 爻乇亘丕夭 夭丿賳 丕夭 丕噩乇丕蹖 丕蹖賳 丕氐賵賱 賵 賲賱蹖 讴乇丿賳 賲噩丿丿 亘禺卮蹖 丕夭 賲賳丕亘毓 賲賱蹖貙 鬲賵丕賳爻鬲賳丿 丕賯鬲氐丕丿 禺賵丿 乇丕 丕夭 賮乇賵倬丕卮蹖 賳噩丕鬲 丿賴賳丿.
讴鬲丕亘 賮乇賲 丿丕爻鬲丕賳鈥屭堎嗁団€屫й� 丿丕乇丿 賵 亘爻蹖丕乇 禺賵亘 鬲乇噩賲賴 卮丿賴 丕爻鬲. 亘氐賵乇鬲 賲爻鬲賳丿 丿丕爻鬲丕賳 倬蹖丕丿賴鈥屫池ж槽� 丕氐賵賱 丕賯鬲氐丕丿蹖 賲讴鬲亘 卮蹖讴丕诏賵 乇丕 丿乇 讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖 賲禺鬲賱賮貙 丕夭 卮蹖賱蹖 賵 丌乇跇丕賳鬲蹖賳 诏乇賮鬲賴 鬲丕 賱賴爻鬲丕賳 賵 趩蹖賳 賵 乇賵爻蹖賴 賵 丨鬲蹖 毓乇丕賯 亘毓丿 丕夭 丨賲賱賴 丌賲乇蹖讴丕 乇丕 乇賵丕蹖鬲 賲蹖鈥屭┵嗀�. 賲胤丕賱毓賴 丌賳 賮丕乇睾 丕夭 丕卮讴鈥屬囏й屰� 讴賴 亘乇 賲氐蹖亘鬲 賵丕乇丿賴 亘乇 賲賱鬲鈥屬囏� 禺賵丕賴蹖丿 乇蹖禺鬲貙 賮乇丌蹖賳丿 倬乇讴卮卮蹖 禺賵丕賴丿 亘賵丿. 賲胤丕賱毓賴 丕蹖賳 讴鬲丕亘 丕夭 賳丕賳 卮亘 賴賲 賵丕噩亘鈥屫� 丕爻鬲貙 亘乇丕蹖 丕蹖賳讴賴 亘丿丕賳蹖賲 丿乇 趩賴 乇賵夭诏丕乇蹖 賵 亘丕 趩賴 賲禺鬲氐丕鬲蹖 夭賳丿诏蹖 賲蹖鈥屭┵嗃屬� 賵 賲胤丕賱亘丕鬲 禺賵丿 乇丕 丿乇 丿賳蹖丕蹖 爻蹖丕爻鬲 亘賴 趩賴 爻賲鬲 亘丕蹖丿 爻賵賯 丿賴蹖賲.
爻丕賱鈥屬囏� 亘毓丿貙 賳丕卅賵賲蹖 讴賱丕蹖賳 丿乇 讴鬲丕亘 丿讴鬲乇蹖賳 卮賵讴貙 亘丕 亘乇乇爻蹖 讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖蹖 讴賴 丕氐賵賱 丕賯鬲氐丕丿蹖 賲賵乇丿 賳馗乇 賲蹖賱鬲賵賳 賮乇蹖丿賲賳 賵 賲讴鬲亘 卮蹖讴丕诏賵 丿乇 丌賳鈥屬囏� 亘賴 丕噩乇丕 丿乇丌賲丿貙 亘賴 禺賵亘蹖 賳卮丕賳 賲蹖鈥屫囏� 讴賴 丕丿毓丕賴丕蹖 賮乇蹖丿賲賳貙 丌乇賲丕賳鈥屫促囏� 禺蹖丕賱倬乇丿丕夭丕賳賴鈥屫й� 丕爻鬲 讴賴 賴乇诏夭 賲丨賯賯 賳禺賵丕賴丿 卮丿. 丿乇 亘爻蹖丕乇蹖 丕夭 讴卮賵乇賴丕 鬲丕 丨鬲蹖 丿賴 爻丕賱 倬爻 丕夭 丕噩乇丕蹖 鬲賵氐蹖賴鈥屬囏й� 賮乇蹖丿賲賳 禺亘乇蹖 丕夭 亘賴卮鬲 賵毓丿賴 丿丕丿賴 卮丿賴 丕賵 賳亘賵丿. 丕噩乇丕蹖 爻蹖丕爻鬲鈥屬囏й� 賳賵賱蹖亘乇丕賱蹖 丕夭 丿賴賴 賴卮鬲丕丿 亘賴 亘毓丿 丿乇 讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖 賲禺鬲賱賮 賴賲丕賳鈥屫焚堌� 讴賴 倬賵賱丕賳蹖 賴賲 倬蹖卮鈥屫ㄛ屬嗃� 讴乇丿賴 亘賵丿貙 賵 賴賲丕賳鈥屫焚堌� 讴賴 賴賲賴 鬲卅賵乇蹖鈥屬矩必ж藏з� 賲讴鬲亘 卮蹖讴丕诏賵 賴賲 賲蹖鈥屫з嗀池嗀� 亘丕 賲賯丕賵賲鬲鈥屬囏й� 卮丿蹖丿 賲乇丿賲蹖 賲賵丕噩賴 卮丿. 賲賯丕賵賲鬲鈥屬囏й屰� 讴賴 亘丕 卮丿鬲 賴乇趩賴 鬲賲丕賲鈥屫� 鬲賵爻胤 丿蹖讴鬲丕鬲賵乇賴丕蹖 丿爻鬲鈥屬嗀簇з嗀� 丌賲乇蹖讴丕 賵 爻丕夭賲丕賳 爻蹖丕貙 爻乇讴賵亘 卮丿. 丿蹖讴鬲丕鬲賵乇賴丕蹖蹖 讴賴 丕爻丕爻丕 亘賴 賲賳馗賵乇 爻乇讴賵亘 賴賲蹖賳 賲賯丕賵賲鬲鈥屬囏� 亘賴 賯丿乇鬲 乇爻蹖丿賴 亘賵丿賳丿.
讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖蹖 讴賴 丿乇 乇賵賳丿 丿爻鬲蹖丕亘蹖 亘賴 丿賲賵讴乇丕爻蹖 亘賵丿賳丿貙 鬲賴丿蹖丿蹖 亘乇丕蹖 卮乇讴鬲鈥屬囏й� 趩賳丿賲賱蹖鬲蹖 亘賴 丨爻丕亘 賲蹖鈥屫①呚嗀�. 丿賵賱鬲鈥屬囏й� 賲乇丿賲蹖 賵 丿賲賵讴乇丕鬲蹖 讴賴 賲賱蹖鈥屫池ж槽� 孬乇賵鬲鈥屬囏й� 毓賲賵賲蹖 賲孬賱 氐賳丕蹖毓 賵 賲毓丕丿賳 乇丕 丿乇 丿爻鬲賵乇 讴丕乇 賯乇丕乇 賲蹖鈥屫ж嗀� 賲孬賱 丿賵賱鬲 賲氐丿賯貙 亘丕亘 鬲亘毓 丕蹖丕賱丕鬲 賲鬲丨丿賴 賳亘賵丿賳丿. 噩丕賱亘 丕蹖賳 丕爻鬲 讴賴 賮乇蹖丿賲賳 賵 爻丕蹖乇 賲丿丕賮毓丕賳 亘丕夭丕乇 丌夭丕丿 賵 丨鬲蹖 賲丿丕賮毓丕賳 丨賯賵賯 亘卮乇 丿乇 丌賳 爻丕賱鈥屬囏� 丕乇鬲亘丕胤 鬲賳诏丕鬲賳诏 爻蹖丕爻鬲鈥屬囏й� 亘丕夭丕乇 丌夭丕丿 賵 賮噩丕蹖毓 丨賯賵賯 亘卮乇蹖 乇丕 賳丕丿蹖丿賴 賲蹖鈥屭辟佖嗀�. 賮乇蹖丿賲賳 丕乇鬲亘丕胤蹖 賳賲蹖鈥屫屫� 賲蹖丕賳 鬲賵氐蹖賴鈥屬囏й� 丕賯鬲氐丕丿蹖鈥屫ж� 亘賴 爻乇讴賵亘鈥屭� 丕毓馗賲 卮蹖賱蹖貙 倬蹖賳賵卮賴 賵 噩賳丕蹖鬲鈥屬囏й屰� 讴賴 倬蹖賳賵卮賴 賲噩亘賵乇 亘賵丿 亘乇丕蹖 倬蹖卮亘乇丿 鬲賵氐蹖賴鈥屬囏й� 丕賯鬲氐丕丿蹖 賮乇蹖丿賲賳 賲乇鬲讴亘 卮賵丿.
丕賮夭丕蹖卮 丌賲丕乇 禺賵丿讴卮蹖貙 乇賵爻倬蹖鈥屭臂� 讴賵丿讴丕賳貙 賮乇賵卮 丿禺鬲乇丕賳 亘賴 亘丕賳丿賴丕蹖 賯丕趩丕賯 丕賳爻丕賳貙 乇卮丿 賳跇丕丿倬乇爻鬲蹖 賵 乇卮丿 亘賳蹖丕丿诏乇丕蹖蹖 賲匕賴亘蹖 鬲賳賴丕 亘禺卮蹖 丕夭 賳鬲丕蹖噩 賲氐蹖亘鬲鈥屫ㄘж� 丕噩乇丕蹖 爻蹖丕爻鬲鈥屬囏й� 賳賵賱蹖亘乇丕賱蹖 丿乇 讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖 丌爻蹖丕蹖蹖 亘賵丿 讴賴 亘丕 丕噩亘丕乇 氐賳丿賵賯 亘蹖賳鈥屫з勝呝勝勠� 倬賵賱 亘丕 賴賲讴丕乇蹖 丌賲乇蹖讴丕 亘賴 讴卮賵乇賴丕 鬲丨賲蹖賱 賲蹖鈥屫簇�. 賳丕卅賵賲蹖 讴賱丕蹖賳 亘賴 賲丕 賳卮丕賳 賲蹖鈥屫囏� 讴賴 趩胤賵乇 氐賳丿賵賯 亘蹖賳鈥屫з勝呝勝勠� 倬賵賱 亘丕 丌賲丕乇爻丕夭蹖 賵 丿爻鬲讴丕乇蹖 丕毓丿丕丿 賵 丕乇賯丕賲貙 丕賯鬲氐丕丿 丕蹖賳 讴卮賵乇賴丕 乇丕 丿爻鬲禺賵卮 亘丨乇丕賳 賳卮丕賳 賲蹖鈥屫ж� 鬲丕 丿乇 丕孬乇 賵丕讴賳卮 亘丕夭丕乇賴丕蹖 賲丕賱蹖貙 丕蹖賳 讴卮賵乇賴丕 亘賴 卮讴賱 賵丕賯毓蹖 丿爻鬲禺賵卮 亘丨乇丕賳 卮丿賴 賵 賲丨鬲丕噩 丿乇蹖丕賮鬲 賵丕賲 丕夭 氐賳丿賵賯 亘蹖賳鈥屫з勝呝勝勠� 倬賵賱 亘丕卮賳丿. 丿乇 趩賳蹖賳 卮乇丕蹖胤蹖 丕爻鬲 讴賴 氐賳丿賵賯貙 丕毓胤丕蹖 賵丕賲 乇丕 賲賳賵胤 亘賴 丕噩乇丕蹖 爻蹖丕爻鬲鈥屬囏й� 賳賵賱蹖亘乇丕賱蹖 賲蹖鈥屭┴必�.
亘爻蹖丕乇蹖 丕夭 讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖蹖 讴賴 倬蹖乇賵丕賳 賲讴鬲亘 卮蹖讴丕诏賵 丕夭 丌賳鈥屬囏� 亘賴 毓賳賵丕賳 賳賲賵賳賴鈥屬囏й� 賲賵賮賯 丕噩乇丕蹖 丕氐賵賱 丕賯鬲氐丕丿蹖 賳賵賱蹖亘乇丕賱 蹖丕丿 賲蹖鈥屭┵嗁嗀� 丕夭 噩賲賱賴 賱賴爻鬲丕賳貙 丿乇 丨賯蹖賯鬲 讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖蹖 賴爻鬲賳丿 讴賴 鬲賳賴丕 倬爻 丕夭 爻乇亘丕夭 夭丿賳 丕夭 丕噩乇丕蹖 丕蹖賳 丕氐賵賱 賵 賲賱蹖 讴乇丿賳 賲噩丿丿 亘禺卮蹖 丕夭 賲賳丕亘毓 賲賱蹖貙 鬲賵丕賳爻鬲賳丿 丕賯鬲氐丕丿 禺賵丿 乇丕 丕夭 賮乇賵倬丕卮蹖 賳噩丕鬲 丿賴賳丿.
讴鬲丕亘 賮乇賲 丿丕爻鬲丕賳鈥屭堎嗁団€屫й� 丿丕乇丿 賵 亘爻蹖丕乇 禺賵亘 鬲乇噩賲賴 卮丿賴 丕爻鬲. 亘氐賵乇鬲 賲爻鬲賳丿 丿丕爻鬲丕賳 倬蹖丕丿賴鈥屫池ж槽� 丕氐賵賱 丕賯鬲氐丕丿蹖 賲讴鬲亘 卮蹖讴丕诏賵 乇丕 丿乇 讴卮賵乇賴丕蹖 賲禺鬲賱賮貙 丕夭 卮蹖賱蹖 賵 丌乇跇丕賳鬲蹖賳 诏乇賮鬲賴 鬲丕 賱賴爻鬲丕賳 賵 趩蹖賳 賵 乇賵爻蹖賴 賵 丨鬲蹖 毓乇丕賯 亘毓丿 丕夭 丨賲賱賴 丌賲乇蹖讴丕 乇丕 乇賵丕蹖鬲 賲蹖鈥屭┵嗀�. 賲胤丕賱毓賴 丌賳 賮丕乇睾 丕夭 丕卮讴鈥屬囏й屰� 讴賴 亘乇 賲氐蹖亘鬲 賵丕乇丿賴 亘乇 賲賱鬲鈥屬囏� 禺賵丕賴蹖丿 乇蹖禺鬲貙 賮乇丌蹖賳丿 倬乇讴卮卮蹖 禺賵丕賴丿 亘賵丿. 賲胤丕賱毓賴 丕蹖賳 讴鬲丕亘 丕夭 賳丕賳 卮亘 賴賲 賵丕噩亘鈥屫� 丕爻鬲貙 亘乇丕蹖 丕蹖賳讴賴 亘丿丕賳蹖賲 丿乇 趩賴 乇賵夭诏丕乇蹖 賵 亘丕 趩賴 賲禺鬲氐丕鬲蹖 夭賳丿诏蹖 賲蹖鈥屭┵嗃屬� 賵 賲胤丕賱亘丕鬲 禺賵丿 乇丕 丿乇 丿賳蹖丕蹖 爻蹖丕爻鬲 亘賴 趩賴 爻賲鬲 亘丕蹖丿 爻賵賯 丿賴蹖賲.
January 28, 2010
Because I'm about 3 pages away from returning it to the library, I've all but stopped reading this (and a buddy has told me that there are only specific passages that are worth reading, so I'll go find them, instead). It is so full of ad hominem, straw man, "just-because-it-was-done-by-the-GOP,-free-marketists,-or-people-who-liked-Milton-Friedman,-so-it-MUST-be-bad" arguments that I am wondering what it I am supposed to get out of what feels a lot like a left-wing rant? Klien hasn't actually argued anything that has any basis in reality. It's kind of feels like I'm listening to Sean Hannity or Ann Coulter, but instead it's a liberal who hates free markets and Republicans. It's just one liberal talking point after another, sans documenation, lots of anecdotes followed by the summary dismissal of "all because of Milton Friedman and the Chicago school of economics" or "all because of shock free markets." But I'm still waiting to hear that she's even talking about the results of free markets. Her entire argument seems to be "free markets equal evil" but she neglects any type of logical connection between the two.
Example: she jumps all over charter schools, but never really says whats wrong with them or that they aren't working. The only problem she sites is that the school unions are gone and that teachers don't like them. She implies that they are keeping the poor out of schools, but does not say it, because under a voucher system, students are funded to exactly the same level as under a non-charter system; they just get to choose what school they attend. IN otherwords, the public is still paying for a free education, but now students and their parents get to choose what school....but what's wrong with that? She doesn't say. Just says "it's bad for unions and teachers who worked in public schools before hate it" (though she doesn't actually site any teachers).
Example: she jumps all over Chile because "Pinochet was there" but never really makes a connection between Pinochet and the free market, other than to say "because they both happened at the same time, it must have been the free market that lead to all those people being tortured." What she doesn't mention is that Chile is the 8th most free economy in the world today and is ranked 3rd in the Americas (behind Canada and the US) and has experience 5% growth over the years from 2004-2009...but she doesn't ever talk about that or that today, after getting rid of Pinochet, Chile is one of the strongest, free-est, and fastest growing countries in South America, to say nothing of the world. Oh, she also forgets to mention that Pinochet is not in power any more but was ousted a long time ago.
Example: she attacks free market implimentation in Iraq, but fails to mention that most countries don't have ANY economy after a war, and that implimentation of an economy in Germany and Japan after WWII and in Korea after the Korea War didn't do too bad for them...in fact, it made them three of the strongest economies in the world. Implimentation of a non-free market economy in the countries of Poland, Romania, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Lithuania, Estonia, and Belarus didn't exactly work out for them...just ask the millions of people who had to live through it, then go ask the millions in West Germany, France, Italy and Japan that did benefit from the free market after WWII (as well as Korea and Singapore)
Example: she lays blame for the Asian crisis at the doorstep of the free market, but what she doesn't say is that these countries were already free markets before, and that after they have rebounded faster than those that were affected by the crisis but were not free economies.
Example: she attacks the free market for Russia's woes, but the free market was never implemented there. The Kremlin has taken over control of the media and oil companies, as well as several other large conglomerates. A list of the fifty richest people in Russia is also a list of the KGB class of 1999 and the "friends of Putin."
Example: Tienanmen Square a precursor to the free market? This is a clear case of the tail wagging the dog. It is widely credited as being the crisis that took down the then current party leadership in favor of leadership willing to open up China to allow more economic freedom, not the other way around, as she proposes (that it was the suppression of all those masses who wanted democracy, not economic freedom, silly...why would they want that?).
So, I am eager to know what redemptive qualities are in the book. It reads like liberal drivel that one only believes if it provides supporting evidence for what one already believes.
Look for it on the discount rack of second hand book stores near you soon...
Example: she jumps all over charter schools, but never really says whats wrong with them or that they aren't working. The only problem she sites is that the school unions are gone and that teachers don't like them. She implies that they are keeping the poor out of schools, but does not say it, because under a voucher system, students are funded to exactly the same level as under a non-charter system; they just get to choose what school they attend. IN otherwords, the public is still paying for a free education, but now students and their parents get to choose what school....but what's wrong with that? She doesn't say. Just says "it's bad for unions and teachers who worked in public schools before hate it" (though she doesn't actually site any teachers).
Example: she jumps all over Chile because "Pinochet was there" but never really makes a connection between Pinochet and the free market, other than to say "because they both happened at the same time, it must have been the free market that lead to all those people being tortured." What she doesn't mention is that Chile is the 8th most free economy in the world today and is ranked 3rd in the Americas (behind Canada and the US) and has experience 5% growth over the years from 2004-2009...but she doesn't ever talk about that or that today, after getting rid of Pinochet, Chile is one of the strongest, free-est, and fastest growing countries in South America, to say nothing of the world. Oh, she also forgets to mention that Pinochet is not in power any more but was ousted a long time ago.
Example: she attacks free market implimentation in Iraq, but fails to mention that most countries don't have ANY economy after a war, and that implimentation of an economy in Germany and Japan after WWII and in Korea after the Korea War didn't do too bad for them...in fact, it made them three of the strongest economies in the world. Implimentation of a non-free market economy in the countries of Poland, Romania, East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Lithuania, Estonia, and Belarus didn't exactly work out for them...just ask the millions of people who had to live through it, then go ask the millions in West Germany, France, Italy and Japan that did benefit from the free market after WWII (as well as Korea and Singapore)
Example: she lays blame for the Asian crisis at the doorstep of the free market, but what she doesn't say is that these countries were already free markets before, and that after they have rebounded faster than those that were affected by the crisis but were not free economies.
Example: she attacks the free market for Russia's woes, but the free market was never implemented there. The Kremlin has taken over control of the media and oil companies, as well as several other large conglomerates. A list of the fifty richest people in Russia is also a list of the KGB class of 1999 and the "friends of Putin."
Example: Tienanmen Square a precursor to the free market? This is a clear case of the tail wagging the dog. It is widely credited as being the crisis that took down the then current party leadership in favor of leadership willing to open up China to allow more economic freedom, not the other way around, as she proposes (that it was the suppression of all those masses who wanted democracy, not economic freedom, silly...why would they want that?).
So, I am eager to know what redemptive qualities are in the book. It reads like liberal drivel that one only believes if it provides supporting evidence for what one already believes.
Look for it on the discount rack of second hand book stores near you soon...
July 27, 2016
One of the problems with Klein's bestselling jeremiad against the progressive global implementation of so-called free market policies over the past four decades is her attempts to link them, as a calculated stratagem, to the unsavory experimentation conducted in the fifties and sixties, by the CIA and their associated medical personnel, with personality modification and torture techniques designed to harvest information from subjects after rendering them vulnerable through administering disorienting and disabling shocks. The evidence she presents is, at best, circumstantial and correlational, and it attempts to graft a veneer of evil onto the otherwise inflectionless economic policies conceived and implemented by the Chicago School under the formulative tutelage of Milton Friedman and his free market disciples.
It's unfortunate, because the case she presents鈥攐ne drawing evidence from real world implementations across South America, Southeast Asia, Africa and Eastern Europe鈥攊s sufficiently strong without such a gimmick, making illuminative associations between the onset of financial crisis within Second or Third World polities and the usage of that crisis, primarily by the IMF and World Bank, the twin arms of the market-imposing Washington Consensus, to apply the shock of harsh economic re-orderings. Such shock tactics run roughshod over democratic principles, ignoring the wishes of the afflicted populace and their elected representatives in order to enforce debt repayment and impose free trade, with a focus upon building an export economy, the doing of which entails the crushing of unions, scaling-back of wages and welfare provisions, privatizing of industry, healthcare, and pensions, and propping up/creating central banks that an ordered honoring of foreign debt might be effected. It allows her a greater leeway with stamping her Shock classification for the various state unraveling and IMF patching together in a manner conducive to transferring wealth to the banks and corporations of the already mighty West at the expense of the well-being, financial prospects, and civil rights of the struggling nations being commanded to so arrange their economic affairs.
However, painting Milton Friedman as an evil man is simply pure polemic鈥攁nd for some of her case studies Klein also fails to make clear to the reader important factors such as the parlous state of affairs prior to the stepping in of moneyed interests; the agendas of incumbent or freshly installed governing parties in the afflicted nations; political, cultural, and/or ethnical strains between the demographic constituencies of that polity, etc. In other words, there were myriad currents at play during several of these crises, and such complicating elements as nuance, subtlety, and interconnectedness can be given short shrift by the author when they do not fit themselves into her more simplified, more black and white determination of causality and purpose. In consulting sources of a differing interpretation than Klein's鈥攁nd particularly relevant in the South American polities, where the postwar practice of Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) had produced domestic industries rife with inefficiencies, corruption, and foreign debt鈥攊t becomes apparent that, in some instances, and in one form or another, things were plenty grim beforehand; and if there was money sufficient for a reasonable system of safety nets, it came via the liberal supply of foreign cash sent in to governments riddled with corruption and economic stagnation. Such is not a sustainable way of life鈥攐r, at least, not in the modern globalized evolution of it; and while Klein does point out how, with changes administered through governmental fiat via democratic pressure further down the line, when a measure of stability and economic strength had been maintained, several of the countries put under her microscope managed to achieve a better standard of living, she does not deem to allow that those early systemic shocks, in clearing out much deadwood and forcibly requiring governments and privatized industries to make gains in productivity and competitive prowess and adherence to accountability and the rule of law, were instrumental in setting the stage, however austerely and painfully, for those later ameliorations to be grafted onto a sturdier and more potentially enduring structure.
Some of the cases, as I noted. For others, like the Apartheid-turning of South Africa and the liberalization of Russia, Klein's critique is witheringly close to the mark. The fire sale conducted under the auspices of Western governments, with a huge proportion of former state-owned industries being transferred, for absurdly low prices, into the hands of a rapacious private industry, is simply inexcusable. And in the Iraq invasion and Hurricane Katrina, Klein presents a solid argument regarding the manner in which free market enthusiasts used such breakdowns in order to carry out a coup against one country's economy and another city's public services. Klein also raises very relevant questions about the iron-bound requirements placed upon newly liberated countries to make good for the grotesque debts run-up by previous dictators and despots: we are long overdue for a serious reworking of debt-forgiveness in such cases. It's not a simple thing to iron-out, for significant portions of that debt鈥攁t some level of the tiered flow鈥攔epresents the savings of lower- and middle-class families who had no part in either the pre- or post-shock ordering of things鈥攁nd it is for such reasons that I look forward to eventually tackling books like David Graeber's Debt which confront this problem head-on and with touted creativity. The Shock Doctrine is a valuable contribution to modern political and fiscal discussion鈥攚ith its encompassing thematic detail, mustering of evidence (however selective in certain cases), and, most enjoyable of all, the author's superb writing. What's more, there are plenty of volumes out there proclaiming the wonders of our recently erected globalized market system; those such as Klein's are a welcome tonic, sobering in their presentation, righteous in their outrage, and compelling in their urge for readers to question exactly how manipulable these recurrent financial crises are, both in the way they are brought-about and settled afterwards.
It's unfortunate, because the case she presents鈥攐ne drawing evidence from real world implementations across South America, Southeast Asia, Africa and Eastern Europe鈥攊s sufficiently strong without such a gimmick, making illuminative associations between the onset of financial crisis within Second or Third World polities and the usage of that crisis, primarily by the IMF and World Bank, the twin arms of the market-imposing Washington Consensus, to apply the shock of harsh economic re-orderings. Such shock tactics run roughshod over democratic principles, ignoring the wishes of the afflicted populace and their elected representatives in order to enforce debt repayment and impose free trade, with a focus upon building an export economy, the doing of which entails the crushing of unions, scaling-back of wages and welfare provisions, privatizing of industry, healthcare, and pensions, and propping up/creating central banks that an ordered honoring of foreign debt might be effected. It allows her a greater leeway with stamping her Shock classification for the various state unraveling and IMF patching together in a manner conducive to transferring wealth to the banks and corporations of the already mighty West at the expense of the well-being, financial prospects, and civil rights of the struggling nations being commanded to so arrange their economic affairs.
However, painting Milton Friedman as an evil man is simply pure polemic鈥攁nd for some of her case studies Klein also fails to make clear to the reader important factors such as the parlous state of affairs prior to the stepping in of moneyed interests; the agendas of incumbent or freshly installed governing parties in the afflicted nations; political, cultural, and/or ethnical strains between the demographic constituencies of that polity, etc. In other words, there were myriad currents at play during several of these crises, and such complicating elements as nuance, subtlety, and interconnectedness can be given short shrift by the author when they do not fit themselves into her more simplified, more black and white determination of causality and purpose. In consulting sources of a differing interpretation than Klein's鈥攁nd particularly relevant in the South American polities, where the postwar practice of Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) had produced domestic industries rife with inefficiencies, corruption, and foreign debt鈥攊t becomes apparent that, in some instances, and in one form or another, things were plenty grim beforehand; and if there was money sufficient for a reasonable system of safety nets, it came via the liberal supply of foreign cash sent in to governments riddled with corruption and economic stagnation. Such is not a sustainable way of life鈥攐r, at least, not in the modern globalized evolution of it; and while Klein does point out how, with changes administered through governmental fiat via democratic pressure further down the line, when a measure of stability and economic strength had been maintained, several of the countries put under her microscope managed to achieve a better standard of living, she does not deem to allow that those early systemic shocks, in clearing out much deadwood and forcibly requiring governments and privatized industries to make gains in productivity and competitive prowess and adherence to accountability and the rule of law, were instrumental in setting the stage, however austerely and painfully, for those later ameliorations to be grafted onto a sturdier and more potentially enduring structure.
Some of the cases, as I noted. For others, like the Apartheid-turning of South Africa and the liberalization of Russia, Klein's critique is witheringly close to the mark. The fire sale conducted under the auspices of Western governments, with a huge proportion of former state-owned industries being transferred, for absurdly low prices, into the hands of a rapacious private industry, is simply inexcusable. And in the Iraq invasion and Hurricane Katrina, Klein presents a solid argument regarding the manner in which free market enthusiasts used such breakdowns in order to carry out a coup against one country's economy and another city's public services. Klein also raises very relevant questions about the iron-bound requirements placed upon newly liberated countries to make good for the grotesque debts run-up by previous dictators and despots: we are long overdue for a serious reworking of debt-forgiveness in such cases. It's not a simple thing to iron-out, for significant portions of that debt鈥攁t some level of the tiered flow鈥攔epresents the savings of lower- and middle-class families who had no part in either the pre- or post-shock ordering of things鈥攁nd it is for such reasons that I look forward to eventually tackling books like David Graeber's Debt which confront this problem head-on and with touted creativity. The Shock Doctrine is a valuable contribution to modern political and fiscal discussion鈥攚ith its encompassing thematic detail, mustering of evidence (however selective in certain cases), and, most enjoyable of all, the author's superb writing. What's more, there are plenty of volumes out there proclaiming the wonders of our recently erected globalized market system; those such as Klein's are a welcome tonic, sobering in their presentation, righteous in their outrage, and compelling in their urge for readers to question exactly how manipulable these recurrent financial crises are, both in the way they are brought-about and settled afterwards.
June 30, 2019
匕賰乇 亘毓囟 丕賱兀氐丿賯丕亍 賴賳丕 兀賳 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賴賵 兀丨丿 兀賴賲 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱鬲賷 賯乇兀賵賴丕 賮賷 丨賷丕鬲賴賲貙 賵兀賳丕 賱丕 兀禺鬲賱賮 賲毓賴賲 丕賱亘鬲丞貙 亘賱 兀囟賲 氐賵鬲賷 廿賱賶 氐賵鬲賴賲. 賮賱丕 鬲賰賲賳 兀賴賲賷丞 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘兀賳賴 賷賮鬲丨 匕賴賳 丕賱賯丕乇卅 毓賱賶 噩賵丕賳亘 賲賴賲丞 賲賳 丕賱氐乇丕毓丕鬲 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 賵丕賱毓爻賰乇賷丞 丕賱賲毓丕氐乇丞 賮丨爻亘貙 亘賱 賱兀賳賴 賷丨賲賱 胤賳丕賸 賲賳 丕賱賲毓賱賵賲丕鬲 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷丞 賵丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 賵睾賷乇賴丕. 賵賰賱 鬲賱賰 丕賱賲毓賱賵賲丕鬲 賲丐孬乇丞 賵匕丕鬲 毓賱丕賯丞 亘賵囟毓 毓丕賱賲賳丕 丕賱賷賵賲貙 賵賱賷爻鬲 毓賳 賯賵賲 毓丕丿賺 賵孬賲賵丿.
賷鬲丨丿孬 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 毓賳 廿丨丿賶 氐賵乇 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕乇 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷 賱賱丿賵賱貙 賵匕賱賰 毓賳 胤乇賷賯 丕賱毓賱丕噩 亘丕賱氐丿賲丞. 賷鬲賲孬賱 匕丕亍 丕賱丿丕亍/丕賱丿賵丕亍 亘丨夭賲丞 賲賳 丕賱賯乇丕乇丕鬲 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲夭賷丿 丕賱兀睾賳賷丕亍 孬乇丕亍 賵鬲夭賷丿 丕賱賮賯乇丕亍 亘丐爻丕賸貙 賵鬲爻賱賲 乇噩丕賱 丕賱兀毓賲丕賱 夭賲丕賲 丕賱亘賱丿. 兀賴賲 鬲賱賰 丕賱賯乇丕乇丕鬲 賴賷 丕賱禺氐禺氐丞 賵廿賷賯丕賮 丕賱丿毓賲 丕賱丨賰賵賲賷 賵賮鬲丨 丕賱爻賵賯 毓賱賶 賲氐乇丕毓賷賴 賱賱鬲噩丕乇 賵丕賱丕爻鬲孬賲丕乇丕鬲 丕賱兀噩賳亘賷丞. 丨爻亘 乇兀賷 丕賱賰丕鬲亘丞貙 鬲賱賰 賴賷 賲賱丕賲丨 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 毓賳丿賲丕 鬲鬲賵丨卮 賵鬲賰卮乇 毓賳 兀賳賷丕亘賴丕.
乇丨賱鬲賷 賲毓 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賰丕賳鬲 胤賵賷賱丞 賵卮丕賯丞貙 廿賱丕 兀賳賴 丕爻鬲丨賯 賰賱 丿賯賷賯丞 賵賰賱 孬丕賳賷丞 丕爻鬲孬賲乇鬲賴丕 賮賷賴. 鬲鬲卮丕亘賴 丕賱賯氐氐 賵鬲禺鬲賱賮 賲賳 丿賵賱丞 廿賱賶 兀禺乇賶 賵賲賳 丨賯亘丞 廿賱賶 丨賯亘丞貙 賱賰賳賰 賮賷 丕賱賳賴丕賷丞 鬲噩丿 賳賮爻賰 兀賲丕賲 禺胤 爻賷乇 賵丕囟丨 賷噩毓賱賰 鬲賮賴賲 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賲丕 丨氐賱 賵賷丨氐賱 賮賷 毓丕賱賲 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱賯亘賷丨. 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賵噩賴 囟丿 爻賷丕爻丕鬲 丕賱爻賵賯 丕賱丨乇丞 賵孬賯丕賮丞 丕賱丕爻鬲賴賱丕賰貙 賱匕丕 賱丕 鬲鬲賵賯毓 賲賳賴 兀賳 賷匕賰乇 卮賷卅丕賸 賲賳 廿賷噩丕亘賷丕鬲賴丕. 爻鬲鬲賰賵賳 賱丿賷賰 亘毓囟 丕賱兀爻卅賱丞 賲賲丕 賷丿賮毓賰 賱賱賲夭賷丿 賲賳 丕賱亘丨孬貙 睾賷乇 兀賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷馗賱 爻賴賱丕賸 賲賳 丨賷孬 丕賱賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 賵丕賱兀賮賰丕乇 丕賱賲胤乇賵丨丞.
賴賳丕 丕賳鬲賴鬲 丕賱賲乇丕噩毓丞貙 鬲爻鬲胤賷毓 丕賱鬲賵賯賮 賴賳丕. 賮賷賲丕 賷賱賷 亘毓囟 丕賱兀賮賰丕乇 丕賱賲爻鬲賳亘胤丞 賲賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲毓 亘毓囟 丕賱丕爻賯丕胤丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲毓賱賯丞 亘賲卮丕賴丿丕鬲賷 丕賱禺丕氐丞. 賯丿 賷噩丿賴丕 丕賱亘毓囟 兀賵囟丨 賲賳 兀賳 鬲賯丕賱貙 賵賯丿 賷禺鬲賱賮 賲毓 亘毓囟賴丕. 匕賱賰 亘丕賱鬲兀賰賷丿 兀賲乇 胤亘賷毓賷 賵賲丨賲賵丿.
1. 毓賳丿賲丕 鬲兀鬲賷 丿賵賱丞 賲丕 鈥撠迟堌ж� 兀丨亘亘鬲賴丕 兀賵 賰乇賴鬲賴丕- 賱鬲卮丕乇賰 亘賱丿賰 亘丕賯鬲乇丕丨丕鬲 兀賵 爻賷丕爻賷丕鬲 兀賵 丿毓賲 賲丕丿賷 兀賵 毓爻賰乇賷貙 兀亘丨孬 毓賳 丕賱丿丕賮毓 賮賱賳 賷賰賵賳 匕賱賰 丨亘丕賸 賵賱丕 廿賳爻丕賳賷丞. 鬲賱賰 丕賱賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 賱丕 賵噩賵丿 賱賴丕 賮賷 賲毓噩賲 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞.
2. 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱賰亘乇賶 鬲鬲丨賰賲 亘丕賱毓丕賱賲 毓亘乇 鬲丨賰賲賴丕 賮賷 爻賷丕爻賷丕鬲 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱賰亘乇賶. 賮賷 賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱兀丨賷丕賳貙 賴賷 賲賳 鬲卮毓賱 賵賯賵丿 丕賱丨乇亘 賵賴賷 賲賳 鬲賳卮乇 賳丿丕亍丕鬲 丕賱爻賱丕賲.
3. 丕賱賳禺亘 賮賷 亘賱丿丕賳賳丕 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 賲賳 丨賰賵賲丕鬲 賵賲毓丕乇囟丞貙 賱丕 賷賯乇兀賵賳 兀賵 兀賳賴賲 賷賯乇兀賵賳 賵賷賳爻賵賳. 廿匕 賰賷賮 賷賲賰賳 兀賳 賳賮賴賲 亘兀賳 賲丕 賷丨丿孬 賱賴賲 賯丿 丨丿孬 賲爻亘賯丕賸 賵鬲賲 鬲丨賱賷賱賴 賵鬲賵孬賷賯賴 賮賷 賰鬲亘 賷賲賰賳 丕賱丨氐賵賱 毓賱賷賴丕 亘賲賱丕賱賷賲責 賱賲丕匕丕 廿匕賳 賷賯毓賵賳 賮賷 賳賮爻 丕賱丨賮乇 丕賱鬲賷 賵賯毓 賮賷賴丕 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 賯亘賱賴賲.
4. 賷賲賰賳 賱賲賳丕囟賱 賵胤賳賷 兀賳 賷氐亘丨 禺丕卅賳丕賸貙 賵賯丿 賷鬲睾賷乇 丨丕賱 丕賱丨乇賷氐 毓賱賶 賲氐賱丨丞 丕賱亘賱丿 廿賱賶 亘丕卅毓 賷毓乇囟 丕賱亘賱丿 賮賷 賲夭丕丿 賲乇賷亘. 兀丨賷丕賳丕賸 賷賰賵賳 丕賱爻亘亘 亘乇賷賯 丕賱爻賱胤丞 兀賵 丕賱賲丕賱 賵兀丨賷丕賳丕賸 兀禺乇賶 毓丿賲 丕賱賰賮丕亍丞. 賴匕賴 丕賱鬲睾賷乇丕鬲 賱賷爻鬲 賳丕丿乇丞 賮賷 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺.
5. 丕丨鬲噩丕噩 丕賱卮毓賵亘 賯丿 賷丐丿賷 廿賱賶 賳鬲丕卅噩 賵賯丿 賷賮卮賱 賮賷 賲爻丕毓賷賴貙 睾賷乇 兀賳 氐賲鬲賴丕 賱丕 賷丐丿賷 爻賵賶 廿賱賶 鬲丿賴賵乇 丕賱兀丨賵丕賱. 賴賳丕賰 胤乇賯 毓丿賷丿丞 賱賱丕丨鬲噩丕噩 賵賱賷爻 丕賱毓賳賮 兀丨丿賴丕.
6. 賷賯賵賱 丕賱鬲睾乇賷亘賷賵賳 亘兀賳賳丕 爻亘亘 賰賱 賮卮賱 賳噩丿 兀賳賮爻賳丕 賮賷賴貙 賵賷賯賵賱 丕賱賯賵賲賷賵賳 亘兀賳 丕賱廿賲亘乇賷丕賱賷丞 賴賷 爻亘亘 賰賱 丌賮丞. 賵丕賱氐丨賷丨 賴賵 禺賱賷胤 賲賳 賴匕丕 賵匕丕賰. 賷匕賰乇 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 亘兀賳 丿賵賱丕賸 睾乇亘賷丞 賳噩丨鬲 賮賷 賵兀丿 賲丨丕賵賱丕鬲 噩丕丿丞 賱賱賳賴賵囟 賮賷 丕賱卮乇賯貙 賰賲丕 賷匕賰乇 兀賷囟丕賸 亘兀賳 賴賳丕賰 丿賵賱丕賸 鬲賲賰賳鬲 賲賳 丕賱賳賴賵囟 乇睾賲 丕賱鬲乇亘氐 賵丕賱丿爻丕卅爻.
賴匕丕 睾賷囟 賲賳 賮賷囟貙 兀賲丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賮賴賵 孬乇賷 亘賯丿乇 賲丕賴賵 賲丐賱賲. 賰賳鬲 兀卮毓乇 亘丕賱睾囟亘 賵丕賱丨夭賳 賱爻丕毓丕鬲 亘毓丿 賯乇丕亍丞 亘毓囟 丕賱賮氐賵賱. 丨丿孬 丨鬲賶 兀賳賳賷 賰賳鬲 兀乇賲賯 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘亘睾囟 噩乇丕亍 賰賲賷丞 丕賱丨賯丕卅賯 丕賱賲賵噩毓丞 丕賱鬲賷 賷匕賰乇賴丕. 賴賰匕丕 賴賵 丕賱兀賲乇: 賲賳 賷胤賱亘 丕賱丨賯賷賯丞 賷噩亘 兀賳 賷氐亘乇 毓賱賶 兀賱賲賴丕貙 賵賰賲丕 鬲賯賵賱 兀睾賳賷丞 噩賵乇噩 賲丕賷賰賱 丕賱乇丕卅賯丞 丕賱鬲賷 賱丕 毓賱丕賯丞 賱賴丕 亘賰賱 賲丕 匕購賰乇:
To the heart in mind,
Ignorance is kind,
There is no comfort in the truth,
Pain is that all you鈥檒l find.
賷鬲丨丿孬 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 毓賳 廿丨丿賶 氐賵乇 丕賱丕爻鬲毓賲丕乇 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷 賱賱丿賵賱貙 賵匕賱賰 毓賳 胤乇賷賯 丕賱毓賱丕噩 亘丕賱氐丿賲丞. 賷鬲賲孬賱 匕丕亍 丕賱丿丕亍/丕賱丿賵丕亍 亘丨夭賲丞 賲賳 丕賱賯乇丕乇丕鬲 丕賱丕賯鬲氐丕丿賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲夭賷丿 丕賱兀睾賳賷丕亍 孬乇丕亍 賵鬲夭賷丿 丕賱賮賯乇丕亍 亘丐爻丕賸貙 賵鬲爻賱賲 乇噩丕賱 丕賱兀毓賲丕賱 夭賲丕賲 丕賱亘賱丿. 兀賴賲 鬲賱賰 丕賱賯乇丕乇丕鬲 賴賷 丕賱禺氐禺氐丞 賵廿賷賯丕賮 丕賱丿毓賲 丕賱丨賰賵賲賷 賵賮鬲丨 丕賱爻賵賯 毓賱賶 賲氐乇丕毓賷賴 賱賱鬲噩丕乇 賵丕賱丕爻鬲孬賲丕乇丕鬲 丕賱兀噩賳亘賷丞. 丨爻亘 乇兀賷 丕賱賰丕鬲亘丞貙 鬲賱賰 賴賷 賲賱丕賲丨 丕賱乇兀爻賲丕賱賷丞 毓賳丿賲丕 鬲鬲賵丨卮 賵鬲賰卮乇 毓賳 兀賳賷丕亘賴丕.
乇丨賱鬲賷 賲毓 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賰丕賳鬲 胤賵賷賱丞 賵卮丕賯丞貙 廿賱丕 兀賳賴 丕爻鬲丨賯 賰賱 丿賯賷賯丞 賵賰賱 孬丕賳賷丞 丕爻鬲孬賲乇鬲賴丕 賮賷賴. 鬲鬲卮丕亘賴 丕賱賯氐氐 賵鬲禺鬲賱賮 賲賳 丿賵賱丞 廿賱賶 兀禺乇賶 賵賲賳 丨賯亘丞 廿賱賶 丨賯亘丞貙 賱賰賳賰 賮賷 丕賱賳賴丕賷丞 鬲噩丿 賳賮爻賰 兀賲丕賲 禺胤 爻賷乇 賵丕囟丨 賷噩毓賱賰 鬲賮賴賲 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賲丕 丨氐賱 賵賷丨氐賱 賮賷 毓丕賱賲 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱賯亘賷丨. 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賵噩賴 囟丿 爻賷丕爻丕鬲 丕賱爻賵賯 丕賱丨乇丞 賵孬賯丕賮丞 丕賱丕爻鬲賴賱丕賰貙 賱匕丕 賱丕 鬲鬲賵賯毓 賲賳賴 兀賳 賷匕賰乇 卮賷卅丕賸 賲賳 廿賷噩丕亘賷丕鬲賴丕. 爻鬲鬲賰賵賳 賱丿賷賰 亘毓囟 丕賱兀爻卅賱丞 賲賲丕 賷丿賮毓賰 賱賱賲夭賷丿 賲賳 丕賱亘丨孬貙 睾賷乇 兀賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷馗賱 爻賴賱丕賸 賲賳 丨賷孬 丕賱賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 賵丕賱兀賮賰丕乇 丕賱賲胤乇賵丨丞.
賴賳丕 丕賳鬲賴鬲 丕賱賲乇丕噩毓丞貙 鬲爻鬲胤賷毓 丕賱鬲賵賯賮 賴賳丕. 賮賷賲丕 賷賱賷 亘毓囟 丕賱兀賮賰丕乇 丕賱賲爻鬲賳亘胤丞 賲賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲毓 亘毓囟 丕賱丕爻賯丕胤丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲毓賱賯丞 亘賲卮丕賴丿丕鬲賷 丕賱禺丕氐丞. 賯丿 賷噩丿賴丕 丕賱亘毓囟 兀賵囟丨 賲賳 兀賳 鬲賯丕賱貙 賵賯丿 賷禺鬲賱賮 賲毓 亘毓囟賴丕. 匕賱賰 亘丕賱鬲兀賰賷丿 兀賲乇 胤亘賷毓賷 賵賲丨賲賵丿.
1. 毓賳丿賲丕 鬲兀鬲賷 丿賵賱丞 賲丕 鈥撠迟堌ж� 兀丨亘亘鬲賴丕 兀賵 賰乇賴鬲賴丕- 賱鬲卮丕乇賰 亘賱丿賰 亘丕賯鬲乇丕丨丕鬲 兀賵 爻賷丕爻賷丕鬲 兀賵 丿毓賲 賲丕丿賷 兀賵 毓爻賰乇賷貙 兀亘丨孬 毓賳 丕賱丿丕賮毓 賮賱賳 賷賰賵賳 匕賱賰 丨亘丕賸 賵賱丕 廿賳爻丕賳賷丞. 鬲賱賰 丕賱賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 賱丕 賵噩賵丿 賱賴丕 賮賷 賲毓噩賲 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞.
2. 丕賱卮乇賰丕鬲 丕賱賰亘乇賶 鬲鬲丨賰賲 亘丕賱毓丕賱賲 毓亘乇 鬲丨賰賲賴丕 賮賷 爻賷丕爻賷丕鬲 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱賰亘乇賶. 賮賷 賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱兀丨賷丕賳貙 賴賷 賲賳 鬲卮毓賱 賵賯賵丿 丕賱丨乇亘 賵賴賷 賲賳 鬲賳卮乇 賳丿丕亍丕鬲 丕賱爻賱丕賲.
3. 丕賱賳禺亘 賮賷 亘賱丿丕賳賳丕 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 賲賳 丨賰賵賲丕鬲 賵賲毓丕乇囟丞貙 賱丕 賷賯乇兀賵賳 兀賵 兀賳賴賲 賷賯乇兀賵賳 賵賷賳爻賵賳. 廿匕 賰賷賮 賷賲賰賳 兀賳 賳賮賴賲 亘兀賳 賲丕 賷丨丿孬 賱賴賲 賯丿 丨丿孬 賲爻亘賯丕賸 賵鬲賲 鬲丨賱賷賱賴 賵鬲賵孬賷賯賴 賮賷 賰鬲亘 賷賲賰賳 丕賱丨氐賵賱 毓賱賷賴丕 亘賲賱丕賱賷賲責 賱賲丕匕丕 廿匕賳 賷賯毓賵賳 賮賷 賳賮爻 丕賱丨賮乇 丕賱鬲賷 賵賯毓 賮賷賴丕 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 賯亘賱賴賲.
4. 賷賲賰賳 賱賲賳丕囟賱 賵胤賳賷 兀賳 賷氐亘丨 禺丕卅賳丕賸貙 賵賯丿 賷鬲睾賷乇 丨丕賱 丕賱丨乇賷氐 毓賱賶 賲氐賱丨丞 丕賱亘賱丿 廿賱賶 亘丕卅毓 賷毓乇囟 丕賱亘賱丿 賮賷 賲夭丕丿 賲乇賷亘. 兀丨賷丕賳丕賸 賷賰賵賳 丕賱爻亘亘 亘乇賷賯 丕賱爻賱胤丞 兀賵 丕賱賲丕賱 賵兀丨賷丕賳丕賸 兀禺乇賶 毓丿賲 丕賱賰賮丕亍丞. 賴匕賴 丕賱鬲睾賷乇丕鬲 賱賷爻鬲 賳丕丿乇丞 賮賷 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺.
5. 丕丨鬲噩丕噩 丕賱卮毓賵亘 賯丿 賷丐丿賷 廿賱賶 賳鬲丕卅噩 賵賯丿 賷賮卮賱 賮賷 賲爻丕毓賷賴貙 睾賷乇 兀賳 氐賲鬲賴丕 賱丕 賷丐丿賷 爻賵賶 廿賱賶 鬲丿賴賵乇 丕賱兀丨賵丕賱. 賴賳丕賰 胤乇賯 毓丿賷丿丞 賱賱丕丨鬲噩丕噩 賵賱賷爻 丕賱毓賳賮 兀丨丿賴丕.
6. 賷賯賵賱 丕賱鬲睾乇賷亘賷賵賳 亘兀賳賳丕 爻亘亘 賰賱 賮卮賱 賳噩丿 兀賳賮爻賳丕 賮賷賴貙 賵賷賯賵賱 丕賱賯賵賲賷賵賳 亘兀賳 丕賱廿賲亘乇賷丕賱賷丞 賴賷 爻亘亘 賰賱 丌賮丞. 賵丕賱氐丨賷丨 賴賵 禺賱賷胤 賲賳 賴匕丕 賵匕丕賰. 賷匕賰乇 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 亘兀賳 丿賵賱丕賸 睾乇亘賷丞 賳噩丨鬲 賮賷 賵兀丿 賲丨丕賵賱丕鬲 噩丕丿丞 賱賱賳賴賵囟 賮賷 丕賱卮乇賯貙 賰賲丕 賷匕賰乇 兀賷囟丕賸 亘兀賳 賴賳丕賰 丿賵賱丕賸 鬲賲賰賳鬲 賲賳 丕賱賳賴賵囟 乇睾賲 丕賱鬲乇亘氐 賵丕賱丿爻丕卅爻.
賴匕丕 睾賷囟 賲賳 賮賷囟貙 兀賲丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賮賴賵 孬乇賷 亘賯丿乇 賲丕賴賵 賲丐賱賲. 賰賳鬲 兀卮毓乇 亘丕賱睾囟亘 賵丕賱丨夭賳 賱爻丕毓丕鬲 亘毓丿 賯乇丕亍丞 亘毓囟 丕賱賮氐賵賱. 丨丿孬 丨鬲賶 兀賳賳賷 賰賳鬲 兀乇賲賯 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘亘睾囟 噩乇丕亍 賰賲賷丞 丕賱丨賯丕卅賯 丕賱賲賵噩毓丞 丕賱鬲賷 賷匕賰乇賴丕. 賴賰匕丕 賴賵 丕賱兀賲乇: 賲賳 賷胤賱亘 丕賱丨賯賷賯丞 賷噩亘 兀賳 賷氐亘乇 毓賱賶 兀賱賲賴丕貙 賵賰賲丕 鬲賯賵賱 兀睾賳賷丞 噩賵乇噩 賲丕賷賰賱 丕賱乇丕卅賯丞 丕賱鬲賷 賱丕 毓賱丕賯丞 賱賴丕 亘賰賱 賲丕 匕購賰乇:
To the heart in mind,
Ignorance is kind,
There is no comfort in the truth,
Pain is that all you鈥檒l find.
March 1, 2009
As someone who used to consume nonfiction with the voracious appetite of a trucker at an Old Country Buffet, I find it odd and not a little unsettling that, since joining 欧宝娱乐, a solid 95% of my reading material has come from the fiction side of the bookstore. While this has definitely helped fill some dramatic gaps in my knowledge, it was with much relief that I tucked myself into Klein's The Shock Doctrine earlier this week. I'd attempted reading this in the heady afterglow of the election this past November but I was not in the mood to be depressed so soon and replaced it on my shelf.
Two months into Obama's presidency, as the economy crumbles into so many pieces which are then greedily consumed by the jackals that make up the banking industry, Klein's definitive history of Friedman economics and their entwined history with brutality, terror and disparity seems especially apt. Granted, Friedman didn't do this all on his own. Rather, as Klein's thesis bears out, this occurs through a system of shocks to the nervous system of the target country, much as electro-convulsive therapy was developed as a means to wipe its subjects mind so that it could be reformatted into a socially acceptable form.
The first shock is generally political upheaval- a coup, terror attack, or governmental collapse, though Klein points out that natural disasters such as the 2004 tsunami and Hurricane Katrina work just as well, that so upsets the regular routine of life that citizens are willing to invest extraordinary powers in the government and silence any dissent for the duration of the emergency. Sound familiar?
Next comes the economic shock, during which the social safety nets so despised by free-market zealots are taken away and former nationally-owned industries (oil, mineral, postal services, arms contracts, education, healthcare, pretty much everything) are "privatized," or sold at cut-rate prices to foreign investors who, through some never-explained sleight of hand will then lead the country into its bright capitalist utopia. Of course, as profit-driven enterprises are wont to do, this generally leads to corruption at unprecedented levels, currency inflation and record-bursting unemployment levels. "Relax," the economic advisers say (these well-trained theorists from Friedman's Chicago School of Economics), "these are just the birth pangs of a new economic era. Everything is under control."
Which is very true. Everything is very much under control. For, as social unrest grows, the next shock is coming. These are the state-sanctioned terror squads that quell social unrest by creating an atmosphere of unwavering brutality and terror. These are the Disappeared leftists of South America, herded into football stadiums and machine-gunned, the distraught funeral gatherings broken up with water cannons and riot police. These are electrodes under the nails, omni-present surveillance, bodies dropped from helicopters into farmer's fields, couples black-bagged during their own wedding ceremony and carted into torture facilities, in front of hundreds of witnesses who are all so very afraid to be next that they refuse to even acknowledge that the event occurred.
Klein charts the evolution of the titular Shock Doctrine from it's intellectual beginnings at the University of Chicago in the 1950s in horrified reaction to the New Deal and the Keynesian philosophy that holds that a country's economy should work to best serve the working classes that are it's lifeblood. Milton Friedman, godfather of this Doctrine, develops his economic theory of free-market systems using oh-so-precise calculations (this is the man who cried and recited Donne's "Ode to a Grecian Urn" upon seeing a geometric proof) yet lacks a real world opportunity to test them in.
Enter Chile in 1974, an alleged 3rd world country who has just elected the radical Salvador Allende who is promising further nationalization of vital industries and expanded benefits to its citizens. Obviously the man is a dangerous Marxist and must be deposed post haste, says the US-based United Fruit Company who has much to lose if these nationalizations occur. No sooner said than done. With the useful assistance of the CIA, the military executes Allende and installs General Pinochet as dictator who, with assistance from his Chicago Boys (worshipers at the fount of Friedman) dismantles the complete economy and disappears hundreds of thousands of upstart leftists.
Okay, so that was a bit too bloody for the world's tastes, but you can't argue with the profits. A few people got extremely rich, clearly the market works. Let's try that again, but this time a bit more slyly. So Klein ushers us through nearly every political upheaval of the past 30 years, from the Thatcherite Falklands War to the end of Apartheid in South Africa and communism in both Poland and Russia, illustrating in very explicit detail the cooption of movements in the name of free-markets, the economic blackmail of the IMF's structural adjustment programs, and the destruction of true freedom in order to create free markets.
What is shown is not a series of isolated events but the creation of post-nationalist systems in which the state serves as the source of endless wealth for a very few and muscle for the extortion that takes place in the name of freedom. Most effective is how, after hundreds of pages of showing how this program (or pogrom) worked overseas, Klein brings it home to the US and shows how the terror attacks of 2001, the Iraq War, and the natural disaster of Hurricane Katrina allowed the Friedmaniacs to enact their policies in the states. Complete lack of oversight, no bid contracts, unregulated markets and massive speculation all ran rampant during the seven years of Bush's reign and Klein does well to show exactly how this system led to the economic armageddon that engulfs us today.
It is my only hope that Obama and his advisers have read and believed even one chapter of this book and seen Friedman's system for the massive fuck up that it is and are now looking to pull Keynes from the wilderness and enshrine his values firmly in the passages of law, finicky governors be damned.
Two months into Obama's presidency, as the economy crumbles into so many pieces which are then greedily consumed by the jackals that make up the banking industry, Klein's definitive history of Friedman economics and their entwined history with brutality, terror and disparity seems especially apt. Granted, Friedman didn't do this all on his own. Rather, as Klein's thesis bears out, this occurs through a system of shocks to the nervous system of the target country, much as electro-convulsive therapy was developed as a means to wipe its subjects mind so that it could be reformatted into a socially acceptable form.
The first shock is generally political upheaval- a coup, terror attack, or governmental collapse, though Klein points out that natural disasters such as the 2004 tsunami and Hurricane Katrina work just as well, that so upsets the regular routine of life that citizens are willing to invest extraordinary powers in the government and silence any dissent for the duration of the emergency. Sound familiar?
Next comes the economic shock, during which the social safety nets so despised by free-market zealots are taken away and former nationally-owned industries (oil, mineral, postal services, arms contracts, education, healthcare, pretty much everything) are "privatized," or sold at cut-rate prices to foreign investors who, through some never-explained sleight of hand will then lead the country into its bright capitalist utopia. Of course, as profit-driven enterprises are wont to do, this generally leads to corruption at unprecedented levels, currency inflation and record-bursting unemployment levels. "Relax," the economic advisers say (these well-trained theorists from Friedman's Chicago School of Economics), "these are just the birth pangs of a new economic era. Everything is under control."
Which is very true. Everything is very much under control. For, as social unrest grows, the next shock is coming. These are the state-sanctioned terror squads that quell social unrest by creating an atmosphere of unwavering brutality and terror. These are the Disappeared leftists of South America, herded into football stadiums and machine-gunned, the distraught funeral gatherings broken up with water cannons and riot police. These are electrodes under the nails, omni-present surveillance, bodies dropped from helicopters into farmer's fields, couples black-bagged during their own wedding ceremony and carted into torture facilities, in front of hundreds of witnesses who are all so very afraid to be next that they refuse to even acknowledge that the event occurred.
Klein charts the evolution of the titular Shock Doctrine from it's intellectual beginnings at the University of Chicago in the 1950s in horrified reaction to the New Deal and the Keynesian philosophy that holds that a country's economy should work to best serve the working classes that are it's lifeblood. Milton Friedman, godfather of this Doctrine, develops his economic theory of free-market systems using oh-so-precise calculations (this is the man who cried and recited Donne's "Ode to a Grecian Urn" upon seeing a geometric proof) yet lacks a real world opportunity to test them in.
Enter Chile in 1974, an alleged 3rd world country who has just elected the radical Salvador Allende who is promising further nationalization of vital industries and expanded benefits to its citizens. Obviously the man is a dangerous Marxist and must be deposed post haste, says the US-based United Fruit Company who has much to lose if these nationalizations occur. No sooner said than done. With the useful assistance of the CIA, the military executes Allende and installs General Pinochet as dictator who, with assistance from his Chicago Boys (worshipers at the fount of Friedman) dismantles the complete economy and disappears hundreds of thousands of upstart leftists.
Okay, so that was a bit too bloody for the world's tastes, but you can't argue with the profits. A few people got extremely rich, clearly the market works. Let's try that again, but this time a bit more slyly. So Klein ushers us through nearly every political upheaval of the past 30 years, from the Thatcherite Falklands War to the end of Apartheid in South Africa and communism in both Poland and Russia, illustrating in very explicit detail the cooption of movements in the name of free-markets, the economic blackmail of the IMF's structural adjustment programs, and the destruction of true freedom in order to create free markets.
What is shown is not a series of isolated events but the creation of post-nationalist systems in which the state serves as the source of endless wealth for a very few and muscle for the extortion that takes place in the name of freedom. Most effective is how, after hundreds of pages of showing how this program (or pogrom) worked overseas, Klein brings it home to the US and shows how the terror attacks of 2001, the Iraq War, and the natural disaster of Hurricane Katrina allowed the Friedmaniacs to enact their policies in the states. Complete lack of oversight, no bid contracts, unregulated markets and massive speculation all ran rampant during the seven years of Bush's reign and Klein does well to show exactly how this system led to the economic armageddon that engulfs us today.
It is my only hope that Obama and his advisers have read and believed even one chapter of this book and seen Friedman's system for the massive fuck up that it is and are now looking to pull Keynes from the wilderness and enshrine his values firmly in the passages of law, finicky governors be damned.
November 29, 2016
'The Shock Doctrine' describes how rich men rape poor countries while supposedly saving it. It is a sickening read. The book describes how Milton Friedman's economic theories work when put into practice by admirers such as the American Republican Party, and the second President George Bush.
Friedman's ideas have consistently produced failing States. Iraq is one example the author discusses with plenty of evidence of how it is done: outsource the war to private security firms and the following plan of 'nation building' to corporation employees in place of government employees. Outsourcing promotes the theft of billions of taxpayer money through inflated billings while incompetent contractors look as if they are doing something to fulfill their contracts. Klein also shows how governments, in trying to save themselves from a variety of economic crises, have employed Friedman's horrible policies, imposed on them by various international powers and banks, end up in reality impoverishing their citizens while foreigners and homegrown elites extract most of the wealth created and deposit it to their own personal bank accounts.
What the shock doctrine is, it is forcing a country to sell off most of its assets. Rich men take advantage of natural disasters or intentionally created financial crashes which bring a country to its knees. When a country is faced with a sudden disaster where many people are suddenly out of work and governments are stunned by the suffering and fear and destruction, banks and corporations move in and rape the country while promising to fix the problems with cash (borrowed at high interest) while imposing strict limitations on social security, fuel supports or food subsidies to the poor. The banks also force the sale of publicly owned electrical grids and water and sewer plants to private foreign companies and countries, who then fire the local employees and raise the price of the heretofore affordable necessities of daily life. Poverty rates typically jump from perhaps 10% to 30-60%.
In other words, a troubled country is forced into deeper, more painful difficulties intentionally in order to force the selling at rock bottom prices of everything of value to business entities which have no interest in helping or saving the country's citizens. While people are shocked and fearful because of disasters, they meekly allow the foreign corporations to 'save' them by stealing their assets and starving them.
Friedman also promoted using the most extreme methods on any protestors who dare to fight back at being raped, robbed and starved to deepen the shock and upset, through what used to be called brainwashing methods. In actuality, it means using torture.
Friedman thinks these policies will improve the functioning of everything eventually; however, Klein demonstrates in example after real world example (Brazil, Argentina, Iraq, Indonesia, Thailand, and others) how Friedman's theories when put into practice actually destroyed the lives of millions of people and enriched only the top 1%, and as a bonus brought unbearable suffering to the 99%.
Friedman's ideas have consistently produced failing States. Iraq is one example the author discusses with plenty of evidence of how it is done: outsource the war to private security firms and the following plan of 'nation building' to corporation employees in place of government employees. Outsourcing promotes the theft of billions of taxpayer money through inflated billings while incompetent contractors look as if they are doing something to fulfill their contracts. Klein also shows how governments, in trying to save themselves from a variety of economic crises, have employed Friedman's horrible policies, imposed on them by various international powers and banks, end up in reality impoverishing their citizens while foreigners and homegrown elites extract most of the wealth created and deposit it to their own personal bank accounts.
What the shock doctrine is, it is forcing a country to sell off most of its assets. Rich men take advantage of natural disasters or intentionally created financial crashes which bring a country to its knees. When a country is faced with a sudden disaster where many people are suddenly out of work and governments are stunned by the suffering and fear and destruction, banks and corporations move in and rape the country while promising to fix the problems with cash (borrowed at high interest) while imposing strict limitations on social security, fuel supports or food subsidies to the poor. The banks also force the sale of publicly owned electrical grids and water and sewer plants to private foreign companies and countries, who then fire the local employees and raise the price of the heretofore affordable necessities of daily life. Poverty rates typically jump from perhaps 10% to 30-60%.
In other words, a troubled country is forced into deeper, more painful difficulties intentionally in order to force the selling at rock bottom prices of everything of value to business entities which have no interest in helping or saving the country's citizens. While people are shocked and fearful because of disasters, they meekly allow the foreign corporations to 'save' them by stealing their assets and starving them.
Friedman also promoted using the most extreme methods on any protestors who dare to fight back at being raped, robbed and starved to deepen the shock and upset, through what used to be called brainwashing methods. In actuality, it means using torture.
Friedman thinks these policies will improve the functioning of everything eventually; however, Klein demonstrates in example after real world example (Brazil, Argentina, Iraq, Indonesia, Thailand, and others) how Friedman's theories when put into practice actually destroyed the lives of millions of people and enriched only the top 1%, and as a bonus brought unbearable suffering to the 99%.
May 28, 2019
The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism was a riveting look at the policies advocated by economist Milton Friedman and his many followers at The Chicago School of Economics. Basically, it is a deliberate and strategic use of shock therapy to implement unpopular policies, utilizing the exploitation of national crises. The thinking is that the population would be so traumatized by the crises at hand, that they would pay little attention to what was happening, nor would they have the capacity to resist. Kline begins with individual patients that were experimentally treated with increasing frequency of electroconvulsive therapy treatments to induce a regression in the patients, thinking that then they could reshape their personalities. She then moves to the early 1970's and discusses the use of the shock doctrine in South American countries focusing on General August Pinochet and the takeover of the Chilean government. The premise of the disaster capitalism complex is also explored by Kline. Her theory is that corporations have learned to profit from disasters. However, one of the most disturbing parts of the book were the events that ensued after the attack on the World Trade Center in September 2001, where country was traumatized. It was at this point that the Bush administration employed, as led by the neoconservatives, namely Donald Rumsfeld, Dick Cheney and John Bolton, in their shock and awe and in the invasion and supplemental occupation of Iraq. Kline concludes with the winners and losers of economic shock therapy and the ultimate backlash against shock doctrine and the economic institutions supportive of it. Needless to say, there has been a lot of controversy surrounding this book. It is worth the read.
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