In this book, Hanna Batatu presents a comprehensive analysis of the recent social, economic, and political evolution of Syria's peasantry, the segment of society from which the current holders of political power stem. Batatu focuses mainly on the twentieth century and, in particular, on the Ba'th movement, the structures of power after the military coup d'etat of 1963, and the era of Hafiz al-Asad, Syria's first ruler of peasant extraction. Without seeking to prove any single theory about Syrian life, he offers a uniquely rich and detailed account of how power was transferred from one demographic group to another and how that power is maintained today.
was a Palestinian American Marxist historian specializing in the history of Iraq and the modern Arab east. His work on Iraq is widely considered the pre-eminent study of modern Iraqi history.
Born in Jerusalem in 1926, Hanna Batatu emigrated to the United States in 1948, the year of the 1948 Arab-Israeli War. From 1951 to 1953, he studied at Georgetown University's Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service. He gained his doctorate at political science in Harvard University in 1960, with a dissertation entitled The Shaykh and the Peasant in Iraq, 1917-1958. From 1962 to 1982 he taught at the American University of Beirut, then from 1982 until his retirement in 1994 at Georgetown University in the United States
Absolutely lacking in the romantic story-telling aspect of history literature. Most of the book reads like a collection of policy briefs drenched with numbers and tables. Great book to read for anyone interested in Ba'th Syria. With a few exceptions, it is to the point and informative.
An extremely detailed historical and sociological examination of of the peasantry and rural classes in Syria, the change in their material conditions over time, their relationship and elevation under the Baath, and finally the rule and policies of Hafez al Asad till the 90s.
Really helps to make sense of current happening in Syria- the urban rural divide which has existed since before the mandate era, and the uplifting of the rural peasantry and notables (also including minorities as they are majority rural) under the Baa鈥檛h, and the first urban revolt under the Muslim brotherhood in 82 and being replicated again with the Arab spring and subsequent civil war leading to Julani in power, and nominally urban syria having power for the first time in 70 years.
What is stark is the degradation of syria since the end of the cold war - hafez was a power hungry despot but he had a functioning state which provided material improvement to its people - and now the syrians have nothing.
The degradation of political culture and dialogue created by military rule is also a lesson - it created the secretive and distrustful atmosphere that existed in syria under the asads and led to their betrayal of palestinians and iraqis - leading only to strengthening the israelis. Perhaps had salah jadid and the civilian baath won out, a more open syrian society could have been established that did not destroy any chance of overall success against the israelis in retrun for incremental security victories.
An essential work for the Syrian specialist, but very much not recommended as a way to brush up or begin your learning about Syrian history. Batatu is an academic tease, releasing outstanding books with a devastating paucity nearing that of Nick Drake's studio discography. This one focuses on multitudinous levels of the peasants of Syria, their local political leadership and all kinds of stuff in between. Personally, I find the detail a little overwhelming at times, but there are some super-rich sections on the role of religion in lower-level Syrian politics, a crucial foundation for what has been going on there recently, and the local Ba'athist influences and the reasons for their focus on rural reform and improvement. Definitely don't start with this one, but if you're into Syrian stuff and want to delve very, very deep into rural society, this is the one for you.
A very dense but comprehensive work on the social evolution of Syria's peasant/rural notable classes and the dynamics of state and class in Syria during the 20th century. A very long and complex read but absolutely worth it for those looking for an in-depth historical account of Syrian society.
The book is segmented into 25 chapters, distributed over 4 sections, the last of which divides the book into two relatively autonomous books with divergent ethea: PEASANTS鈥� SYRIA: a thorough microhistory work on pre-Asad Syria鈥檚 peasant politics, actually starting from the French mandate (1925-1947) and not ending with post-independence coups (1947-1963) until covering seven years of Ba鈥檛hism (1963-1970); ASAD鈥橲 SYRIA: a brief, albeit ultra-macro, history of Syria under Asad鈥檚 rule (1970-1990s), this event (Hafez el-Asad) being the embodiment of the title [鈥減olitics鈥� of 鈥淪yria鈥檚 peasantry鈥� descendants of the 鈥渓esser rural notables鈥漖 which is the only link to the previous sections. Batato makes the significant claim of asserting this link, yet fails to follow his argument to its end. His approach to Asad is also too classic (or even Orientalist) as he follows the impressions of Western diplomats and overstates mentioning confessional and sectarian differences, and at the end of the day never approaches the Alawite question any well. No sociology in this section about the dictator, and no discussion of his most infamous "methods by which he holds sway" which are the brilliant intelligence and security empire he could establish, which was imported from Nasser Egypt. I should also say that this section doesn't tackle the Arab policies of the pan-Arabist Ba'th, and never mentioned non-Arab subjects and peasants of Syria. On the other hand, his narration of the Syrian condition comes to a sharp halt at 1999 (which was the year the book was first published by Princeton University Press) when Asad Father was training his son as a 鈥渃aliphate鈥� and putting the final touches on the subsequent changes Batato鈥檚 鈥渄escendants鈥� will undergo. The Syrian political regime was about to change forever, arguably becoming counter-socialist.