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Homo Sacer #II.1
丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍
賴匕丕 賴賵 丕賱賳氐購賾 丕賱兀賵賱 賮賷 丕賱毓乇亘賷賻賾丞 賱賱賮賷賱爻賵賮 丕賱廿賷胤丕賱賷 噩賵乇噩賵 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳. 賵丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賴賵 丕賱噩夭亍 丕賱兀賵賱 賲賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘賽 丕賱孬丕賳賷 賮賷 乇亘丕毓賷賻賾丞 (丕賱廿賳爻丕賳 丕賱丨乇丕賲) 丕賱鬲賷 鬲卮鬲賲賱 -丨鬲賶 丕賱丌賳- 毓賱賶 爻亘毓丞 賲購噩賱賻賾丿丕鬲 賰鬲亘賴丕 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳貙 亘卮賰賱賺 鬲丿乇賷噩賷 睾賷乇 賲購賳鬲馗賽賲賺貙 禺賱丕賱 賮鬲乇丞 夭賲賳賷賻賾丞賺 胤賵賷賱丞 丕賲鬲丿賻賾鬲 賱毓賽賯丿賷賳.
賷胤乇丨購 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 爻丐丕賱丕賸 亘爻賷胤賸丕 毓亘賯乇賷賸賾丕貨 賱賲賳 丕賱爻賷丕丿丞 賵賲丕 賴賵 賲氐丿乇 丕賱卮乇毓賷賻賾丞 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞責 賴賱 鈥溬勝勜簇关ㄢ€澵� 賲購賲孬賻賾賱丕賸 賮賷 爻賱胤丞 丕賱鬲卮乇賷毓 毓亘乇 亘乇賱賲丕賳賴 丕賱賲購賳鬲禺賻亘賽 丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷賸賾丕貙 兀賲 賱賭鈥溫地ж� 丕賱爻賷丕丿丞/丕賱丨丕賰賲/丕賱丿賵賱丞鈥� 賲購賲孬賻賾賱丞 賮賷 爻賱胤鬲賴丕 丕賱鬲賳賮賷匕賷賻賾丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賲賱賰 鬲毓賱賷賯 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳貙 丨賮丕馗賸丕 毓賱賷賴貙 賮賷 丨丕賱丕鬲 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍/丕賱胤賵丕乇卅責
廿卮賰丕賱賷賻賾丞 鈥溫з勜迟娯ж� 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞鈥� 賴賷 賲賵囟賵毓 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘貙 賵賴賷 廿卮賰丕賱賷賻賾丞 賷賳丕賯卮賴丕 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賮賷 廿胤丕乇 鬲噩賱賽賾賷賴丕 丕賱毓丕乇賷 丕賱賲購鬲賲孬賽賾賱 賮賷 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍貙 賲購鬲爻丕卅賱丕賸 毓賳 丕賱毓賱丕賯丞 亘賷賳 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍貙 賵廿賲賰丕賳賷丞 丿爻鬲乇丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 兀賵 鬲賯賳賷賳賴 賮賷 丕賱賲賳馗賵賲丞 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷賻賾丞 丕賱賱賷亘乇丕賱賷賻賾丞貙 賵毓賳 毓賱丕賯丞 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳賽 丕賱賮乇丿 亘丕賱丿賵賱丞 鈥� 兀賷囟賸丕- 丨丕賱 睾賷丕亘 賰賱 噩丿乇丕賳 丕賱丨賲丕賷丞 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷賻賾丞 賵丕賱丨賯賵賯賷賻賾丞 丕賱鬲賷 賷賰賮購賱購賴丕 賱賴 鈥溫з勝傌з嗁堎嗏€� 賮賷 丕賱馗乇賵賮 丕賱毓丕丿賷賻賾丞.
鬲賯毓 丿乇丕爻丞 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 -廿匕賳- 毓賱賶 丨丿賵丿賽 丕賱鬲賲丕爻賽賾 亘賷賳 鈥溫з勜迟娯ж迟娾€� 賵鈥溫з勝傌з嗁堎嗁娾€� 賵鈥溫з勜娯ж┾€澵� 賲鬲鬲亘賽賾毓丞賸 丕賱兀氐賵賱 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷賻賾丞 賱賱賳購賾馗賲 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷賻賾丞 賵丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷賻賾丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞 賮賷 丕賱賯賵丕賳賷賳 丕賱乇賵賲丕賳賷賻賾丞 丕賱賯丿賷賲丞貙 賵賯賵丕賳賷賳 丕賱賰賳賷爻丞 丕賱賰丕孬賵賱賷賰賷賻賾丞 丕賱賯乇賵爻胤賷賻賾丞貙 賵氐賵賱丕賸 廿賱賶 賱丨馗丕鬲賴丕 丕賱賳賲丕匕噩賷賻賾丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞 賮賷 丕賱鬲噩乇亘鬲賷賳 丕賱賳丕夭賷賻賾丞 賵丕賱賮丕卮賷賻賾丞 賮賷 兀賱賲丕賳賷丕 賵廿賷胤丕賱賷丕貨 賰丕卮賮賸丕 毓賳 丕賱爻賷丕賯丕鬲賽 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷賻賾丞 賱丿爻鬲乇丞 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賮賷 鬲噩丕乇亘賽 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷賻賾丞 丕賱睾乇亘賷賻賾丞 賰丕賳噩賱鬲乇丕 賵賮乇賳爻丕 賵爻賵賷爻乇丕 賵丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞貨 賲購丨丕賵賽賱丞賸 丕賱廿噩丕亘丞 毓賳 丕賱爻丐丕賱賽 丕賱匕賷 馗賱賻賾 氐丿丕賴購 賷鬲乇丿賻賾丿購 胤賷賱丞賻 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱睾乇亘賷: 賲丕 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞貙 賵賲丕 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳責
兀賴賲 丕賱賮賱丕爻賮丞 賵賲購賳馗賽賾乇賷 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 賵丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 丕賱匕賷賳 丕毓鬲賲丿 毓賱賷賴賲 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賮賷 丿乇丕爻鬲賴 賴賲丕 丕賱兀賱賲丕賳賷賷賳 賰丕乇賱 卮賲賷鬲 賵賵丕賱鬲乇 亘賳賷丕賲賷賳貙 毓賱賶 鬲囟丕丿賽賾 賲賵賯賮賷賴賲丕 丕賱丨丕丿賽賾 賲賳 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍貙 賵鬲噩乇亘丞 丕賱賳丕夭賷賻賾丞 丕賱鬲賷 毓丕賷卮丕賴丕 賵兀丿鬲 廿賱賶 廿賳鬲丨丕乇 丕賱孬丕賳賷 亘毓丿 乇丨賱丞賽 賮乇丕乇賺 胤賵賷賱丞 賲賳 丕賱賳丕夭賷賷賳 賳鬲賷噩丞 賱兀氐賵賱賴 丕賱賷賴賵丿賷丞. 亘賷賳賲丕 賰丕賳 卮賲賷鬲 賲賳 賰亘丕乇 丕賱賲購賳馗賽賾乇賷賳 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷賷賳 賵丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷賷賳 賱賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱賳丕夭賷丞. 賲毓 丕卮鬲亘丕賰賺 賵丕囟丨 賲毓 兀賮賰丕乇 賲賷卮賷賱 賮賵賰賵 毓賳 "丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱丨賷賵賷丞" 賵丕賱毓賱丕賯丞 亘賷賳 丕賱賲毓乇賮丞 賵丕賱爻賱胤丞
兀賲丕 毓賳 廿賲賰丕賳賷賻賾丕鬲 丕賱丕爻鬲賮丕丿丞 賲賳 兀賮賰丕乇 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賮賷 鬲丨賱賷賱 兀賵囟丕毓賽賳丕 丕賱毓乇亘賷賻賾丞 賮賴賷 賲購鬲毓丿賽賾丿丞貨 廿匕 賷賲賰賳 丿乇丕爻丞 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丨賰賲 丕賱廿爻乇丕卅賷賱賷 賮賷 丕賱兀乇丕囟賷 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 丕賱賲丨鬲賱丞貙 賵鬲噩乇亘丞 賰乇賵賲乇 丕賱胤賵賷賱丞 賮賷 賲氐乇貙 賵鬲噩丕乇亘 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱毓乇亘賷賻賾丞 賲丕 亘毓丿 丕賱賰賵賱賵賳賷丕賱賷賻賾丞 賮賷 丕賱丨賰賲 丨賷賳 丕爻鬲賳爻禺鬲 兀丿賵丕鬲 丕賱丨賰賲 丕賱賰賵賱賵賳賷丕賱賷 丕賱匕賷 爻亘賯賴丕貙 賵兀爻賻賾爻鬲 卮乇毓賷鬲賴丕 毓賱賶 丕丿毓丕亍 丕賱禺賱丕氐賽 賲賳賴貙 賰丨丕賱丕鬲 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賰賵賱賵賳賷丕賱賷丞 兀胤賵賱 兀噩賱丕賸 -丕爻鬲賲乇鬲 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕賱賳丕夭賷賻賾丞 12 毓丕賲賸丕 賮賯胤- 賵兀賰孬乇 鬲毓賯賷丿賸丕 賲賳 賲孬賷賱丕鬲賴丕 賮賷 丕賱丨丕賱丞 丕賱睾乇亘賷賻賾丞.
賷胤乇丨購 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 爻丐丕賱丕賸 亘爻賷胤賸丕 毓亘賯乇賷賸賾丕貨 賱賲賳 丕賱爻賷丕丿丞 賵賲丕 賴賵 賲氐丿乇 丕賱卮乇毓賷賻賾丞 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞責 賴賱 鈥溬勝勜簇关ㄢ€澵� 賲購賲孬賻賾賱丕賸 賮賷 爻賱胤丞 丕賱鬲卮乇賷毓 毓亘乇 亘乇賱賲丕賳賴 丕賱賲購賳鬲禺賻亘賽 丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷賸賾丕貙 兀賲 賱賭鈥溫地ж� 丕賱爻賷丕丿丞/丕賱丨丕賰賲/丕賱丿賵賱丞鈥� 賲購賲孬賻賾賱丞 賮賷 爻賱胤鬲賴丕 丕賱鬲賳賮賷匕賷賻賾丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賲賱賰 鬲毓賱賷賯 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳貙 丨賮丕馗賸丕 毓賱賷賴貙 賮賷 丨丕賱丕鬲 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍/丕賱胤賵丕乇卅責
廿卮賰丕賱賷賻賾丞 鈥溫з勜迟娯ж� 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞鈥� 賴賷 賲賵囟賵毓 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘貙 賵賴賷 廿卮賰丕賱賷賻賾丞 賷賳丕賯卮賴丕 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賮賷 廿胤丕乇 鬲噩賱賽賾賷賴丕 丕賱毓丕乇賷 丕賱賲購鬲賲孬賽賾賱 賮賷 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍貙 賲購鬲爻丕卅賱丕賸 毓賳 丕賱毓賱丕賯丞 亘賷賳 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍貙 賵廿賲賰丕賳賷丞 丿爻鬲乇丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 兀賵 鬲賯賳賷賳賴 賮賷 丕賱賲賳馗賵賲丞 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷賻賾丞 丕賱賱賷亘乇丕賱賷賻賾丞貙 賵毓賳 毓賱丕賯丞 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳賽 丕賱賮乇丿 亘丕賱丿賵賱丞 鈥� 兀賷囟賸丕- 丨丕賱 睾賷丕亘 賰賱 噩丿乇丕賳 丕賱丨賲丕賷丞 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷賻賾丞 賵丕賱丨賯賵賯賷賻賾丞 丕賱鬲賷 賷賰賮購賱購賴丕 賱賴 鈥溫з勝傌з嗁堎嗏€� 賮賷 丕賱馗乇賵賮 丕賱毓丕丿賷賻賾丞.
鬲賯毓 丿乇丕爻丞 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 -廿匕賳- 毓賱賶 丨丿賵丿賽 丕賱鬲賲丕爻賽賾 亘賷賳 鈥溫з勜迟娯ж迟娾€� 賵鈥溫з勝傌з嗁堎嗁娾€� 賵鈥溫з勜娯ж┾€澵� 賲鬲鬲亘賽賾毓丞賸 丕賱兀氐賵賱 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷賻賾丞 賱賱賳購賾馗賲 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷賻賾丞 賵丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷賻賾丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞 賮賷 丕賱賯賵丕賳賷賳 丕賱乇賵賲丕賳賷賻賾丞 丕賱賯丿賷賲丞貙 賵賯賵丕賳賷賳 丕賱賰賳賷爻丞 丕賱賰丕孬賵賱賷賰賷賻賾丞 丕賱賯乇賵爻胤賷賻賾丞貙 賵氐賵賱丕賸 廿賱賶 賱丨馗丕鬲賴丕 丕賱賳賲丕匕噩賷賻賾丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞 賮賷 丕賱鬲噩乇亘鬲賷賳 丕賱賳丕夭賷賻賾丞 賵丕賱賮丕卮賷賻賾丞 賮賷 兀賱賲丕賳賷丕 賵廿賷胤丕賱賷丕貨 賰丕卮賮賸丕 毓賳 丕賱爻賷丕賯丕鬲賽 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺賷賻賾丞 賱丿爻鬲乇丞 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賮賷 鬲噩丕乇亘賽 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷賻賾丞 丕賱睾乇亘賷賻賾丞 賰丕賳噩賱鬲乇丕 賵賮乇賳爻丕 賵爻賵賷爻乇丕 賵丕賱賵賱丕賷丕鬲 丕賱賲鬲丨丿丞 丕賱兀賲乇賷賰賷丞貨 賲購丨丕賵賽賱丞賸 丕賱廿噩丕亘丞 毓賳 丕賱爻丐丕賱賽 丕賱匕賷 馗賱賻賾 氐丿丕賴購 賷鬲乇丿賻賾丿購 胤賷賱丞賻 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱睾乇亘賷: 賲丕 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞貙 賵賲丕 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳責
兀賴賲 丕賱賮賱丕爻賮丞 賵賲購賳馗賽賾乇賷 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 賵丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 丕賱匕賷賳 丕毓鬲賲丿 毓賱賷賴賲 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賮賷 丿乇丕爻鬲賴 賴賲丕 丕賱兀賱賲丕賳賷賷賳 賰丕乇賱 卮賲賷鬲 賵賵丕賱鬲乇 亘賳賷丕賲賷賳貙 毓賱賶 鬲囟丕丿賽賾 賲賵賯賮賷賴賲丕 丕賱丨丕丿賽賾 賲賳 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍貙 賵鬲噩乇亘丞 丕賱賳丕夭賷賻賾丞 丕賱鬲賷 毓丕賷卮丕賴丕 賵兀丿鬲 廿賱賶 廿賳鬲丨丕乇 丕賱孬丕賳賷 亘毓丿 乇丨賱丞賽 賮乇丕乇賺 胤賵賷賱丞 賲賳 丕賱賳丕夭賷賷賳 賳鬲賷噩丞 賱兀氐賵賱賴 丕賱賷賴賵丿賷丞. 亘賷賳賲丕 賰丕賳 卮賲賷鬲 賲賳 賰亘丕乇 丕賱賲購賳馗賽賾乇賷賳 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷賷賳 賵丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷賷賳 賱賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱賳丕夭賷丞. 賲毓 丕卮鬲亘丕賰賺 賵丕囟丨 賲毓 兀賮賰丕乇 賲賷卮賷賱 賮賵賰賵 毓賳 "丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 丕賱丨賷賵賷丞" 賵丕賱毓賱丕賯丞 亘賷賳 丕賱賲毓乇賮丞 賵丕賱爻賱胤丞
兀賲丕 毓賳 廿賲賰丕賳賷賻賾丕鬲 丕賱丕爻鬲賮丕丿丞 賲賳 兀賮賰丕乇 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賮賷 鬲丨賱賷賱 兀賵囟丕毓賽賳丕 丕賱毓乇亘賷賻賾丞 賮賴賷 賲購鬲毓丿賽賾丿丞貨 廿匕 賷賲賰賳 丿乇丕爻丞 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丨賰賲 丕賱廿爻乇丕卅賷賱賷 賮賷 丕賱兀乇丕囟賷 丕賱毓乇亘賷丞 丕賱賲丨鬲賱丞貙 賵鬲噩乇亘丞 賰乇賵賲乇 丕賱胤賵賷賱丞 賮賷 賲氐乇貙 賵鬲噩丕乇亘 丕賱丿賵賱 丕賱毓乇亘賷賻賾丞 賲丕 亘毓丿 丕賱賰賵賱賵賳賷丕賱賷賻賾丞 賮賷 丕賱丨賰賲 丨賷賳 丕爻鬲賳爻禺鬲 兀丿賵丕鬲 丕賱丨賰賲 丕賱賰賵賱賵賳賷丕賱賷 丕賱匕賷 爻亘賯賴丕貙 賵兀爻賻賾爻鬲 卮乇毓賷鬲賴丕 毓賱賶 丕丿毓丕亍 丕賱禺賱丕氐賽 賲賳賴貙 賰丨丕賱丕鬲 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賰賵賱賵賳賷丕賱賷丞 兀胤賵賱 兀噩賱丕賸 -丕爻鬲賲乇鬲 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕賱賳丕夭賷賻賾丞 12 毓丕賲賸丕 賮賯胤- 賵兀賰孬乇 鬲毓賯賷丿賸丕 賲賳 賲孬賷賱丕鬲賴丕 賮賷 丕賱丨丕賱丞 丕賱睾乇亘賷賻賾丞.
202 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 2003
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About the author
Giorgio Agamben
206听books936听followersGiorgio Agamben is one of the leading figures in Italian and contemporary continental philosophy. He is the author of Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life; Remnants of Auschwitz: The Witness and the Archive; Profanations; The Signature of All Things: On Method, and other books. Through the 1970s, 1980s, and early 1990s he treated a wide range of topics, including aesthetics, literature, language, ontology, nihilism, and radical political thought.
In recent years, his work has had a deep impact on contemporary scholarship in a number of disciplines in the Anglo-American intellectual world. Born in Rome in 1942, Agamben completed studies in Law and Philosophy with a doctoral thesis on the political thought of Simone Weil, and participated in Martin Heidegger鈥檚 seminars on Hegel and Heraclitus as a postdoctoral scholar.
He rose to international prominence after the publication of Homo Sacer in 1995. Translated into English in 1998, the book鈥檚 analyses of law, life, and state power appeared uncannily prescient after the attacks on New York City and Washington, DC in September 2001, and the resultant shifts in the geopolitical landscape. Provoking a wave of scholarly interest in the philosopher鈥檚 work, the book also marked the beginning of a 20-year research project, which represents Agamben鈥檚 most important contribution to political philosophy.
In recent years, his work has had a deep impact on contemporary scholarship in a number of disciplines in the Anglo-American intellectual world. Born in Rome in 1942, Agamben completed studies in Law and Philosophy with a doctoral thesis on the political thought of Simone Weil, and participated in Martin Heidegger鈥檚 seminars on Hegel and Heraclitus as a postdoctoral scholar.
He rose to international prominence after the publication of Homo Sacer in 1995. Translated into English in 1998, the book鈥檚 analyses of law, life, and state power appeared uncannily prescient after the attacks on New York City and Washington, DC in September 2001, and the resultant shifts in the geopolitical landscape. Provoking a wave of scholarly interest in the philosopher鈥檚 work, the book also marked the beginning of a 20-year research project, which represents Agamben鈥檚 most important contribution to political philosophy.
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July 31, 2015
兀卮賰乇 丕賱兀氐丿賯丕亍 賮賷 丿丕乇 賲丿丕乇丕鬲 毓賱賶 賳卮乇 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 丕賱孬賲賷賳貙 賵丕賱匕賷 賰丕賳 鈥撡呚� 賯乇丕亍鬲賷 賱賮賵賰賵 賵丨賳賴 兀乇賳丿鬲- 賲賮鬲丕丨 賲乇丨賱丞 兀禺乇賶 賮賷 賵毓賷賷 丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 丕賱禺丕氐貙 賵賰毓丕丿丞 賴匕賴 丕賱賰鬲亘貙 賮鬲禺卮賶 賲賳 丕禺鬲夭丕賱賴丕 賱賵 賰鬲亘鬲 賲乇丕噩毓丞 賱賴丕 毓賱賶 丕賱噩賵丿乇賷丿夭貙 賵鬲丨鬲賮馗 亘賳賷賾丞 -鬲亘賯賶 賲丐噩賱丞 毓丕丿丞- 賱賰鬲丕亘丞 賲賯丕賱賺 賵丕賮賺 毓賳賴丕.
January 11, 2021
6 January 2021 - very Roman, the executive declaration of iustitium, creating a kenomatic moment of anomie wherein each citizen becomes sovereign sufficient to exercise lethal force against purported foes of the alleged nomos, as here, the enemy legislature. That said, fuck Trump voters.
7 November 2020 - today reminds us plainly of Agamben's point in Volume I that "the sovereign is the point of indistinction between violence and law鈥� (loc. cit. at 25), a moment of anomie inscribed in the center of the nomos in the dual person of the sovereign. Trump highlights this inscription and revels in placing everything on the knife's edge; Biden won't be able to erase it even if he won't call attention to it. That said, fuck Trump.
24 August 2019 - am again re-urging this because of the president's suggestion that he can halt international commerce via the state of exception:
15 February 2019 - Re-urging this today in the strongest possible terms because the president of the United States has declared a national emergency--a state of exception--on the basis of the following sleight of mind:
Part II of author鈥檚 Homo Sacer project.
Cute pamphlet in the benjaminian tradition. Probably the best 9/11 book that I鈥檝e read, even though it only briefly mentions that event.
Point of departure is Schmitt鈥檚 鈥渄efinition of the sovereign as 鈥榟e who decides on the state of exception鈥欌€� (1), the state of necessity, like civil war, wherein we find 鈥渏uridical measures that cannot be understood in legal terms," and which appear "as the legal form of what cannot have legal form鈥� (id.).
Notes that the SoE is like a lawful civil war, and notes the Third Reich as an SoE with a twelve-year duration (2), based on an emergency decree that created a 鈥渧oluntary state of emergency鈥� alongside the lawful constitutional order鈥攚hich is a technique that 鈥渉as become one of the essential practices of contemporary states, including so-called democratic ones鈥� (id).
SoE is not a specialized area of law, but rather 鈥渁 suspension of the juridical order鈥� (4); SoE is furthermore a 鈥渃reation of the democratic-revolutionary tradition and not the absolutist one鈥� (5). Will note that 鈥渢he idea that a suspension of law may be necessary for the common good is foreign to the medieval world鈥� (26), which may, I think, be less about the SoE itself than about how things like 鈥渃ommon good鈥� may also be foreign to the medieval world, which may inhabit a kenomatic space (infra) of its own.
Text notes a number of sets of distinctions in wrestling with this: real v. fictive SoE (3); states of peace/war/siege, which escalate the centralization of military authority (5); pleromatic (state has plenitudo potestatis, the expansion of state power), v. kenomatic states (an 鈥渆mptiness of law,鈥� a return to a Hobbesian 鈥渟tate of nature鈥�) (5-6); Schmitt鈥檚 鈥渃ommissarial dictatorship鈥� v. 鈥渟overeign dictatorship鈥� (8, and then again in depth 32 ff.). Initially, dude wants to identify the SoE with a kenomatic state.
Wants therefore to trace the development of the concept toward the modern global SoE as manifested in the Patriot Act and 鈥榳ar on terror.鈥� This section (11-22) covers several states' development. The brief US section is tremendous, noting the origin of the US SoE in the presidency of Lincoln, who 鈥渁cted as an absolute dictator鈥� (20) and suspended the writ of habeas corpus, and thereafter justified his actions to the legislature by stating, whatever their legality, they were based on popular demand and public necessity (id.). Congress dutifully ratified the executive acts. Later, Wilson 鈥渁ssumed even broader powers,鈥� but instead of bypassing Congress, he went 鈥渆ach time to have the powers in question delegated,鈥� which is apparently tres European (21) to the extent it prefers extraordinary statutes over a general declaration of the SoE. Because the Lincoln/Wilson expansions were rooted in two different sorts of war, by the time we get to FDR, all crises become warlike, and the president actually asked 鈥渢he Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis鈥攂road Executive power to wage war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe鈥� in 1938 (22).
The function of these processes is apparently to inscribe durkheimian anomie within the juridical order: 鈥淭he suspension of the norm does not mean its abolition, and the zone of anomie that it establishes is not (or at least claims not to be) unrelated to the juridical order鈥� (23). This is traced back to the Decretum of Gratian: 鈥淚f something is done out of necessity, it is done licitly, since what is not licit in law necessity makes licit. Likewise necessity has no law鈥� (24). Greasers take this as an indication that necessity is truly the basis of law after all, which seems to set the SoE as the originary condition. Gross. But it gets worse as we move to the metagross:
That鈥檚 all kinda kickass鈥攖he master figure of blurriness, which renders certain thingies undecidable in the normal derridean/godelian sense (it is the most concrete metaphor used for what shall be revealed to be the plotinian hoion in volume VI--as the more normal metaphors are zones and thresholds of indistinction or indetermination). This causes a nasty aporia: 鈥淚f a measure taken out of necessity is already a juridical norm and not simply fact, why must it be ratified and approved by law [鈥? And if instead if it not law, but simply fact, why do the legal effects of its ratification begin not from the moment it is converted into law, but ex tunc?鈥� (29). As though that aporia were not completely disabling, author likewise identifies a worse one: though many writers think of the state of necessity as 鈥渁n objective situation,鈥� it is contingent upon a na茂ve assumption of 鈥減ure factuality鈥� which the concept has contradicted (blurriness of law/fact, recall!) and is furthermore reliant upon 鈥渟ubjective judgment鈥濃€斺€溾€榯he recourse to necessity entails a moral or political (or in any case, extrajuridical) evaluation, by which the juridical order is judged and is held worthy of preservation or strengthening even at the price of its possible violation,鈥欌€� which renders it always already a 鈥溾€檙evolutionary principle鈥欌€� (30).
Working through Schmitt鈥檚 theory of dictatorship thereafter, author has occasion to observe Schmitt 鈥榮 inscription of the SoE within the juridical order itself:
Mention is made briefly of Derrida鈥檚 essay on the 鈥榝orce de loi鈥� (37), which works as a departure point for a consideration of the significance of 鈥渇orce of law鈥� as a legal term:
SoE then explained as a modern instance of Roman iustitium, an analogy to solstitium, wherein something comes to standstill (law or sun, dig?). Iustitium was proclaimed as a response to the declaration of a tumultus, itself normally the result of the issuance of senatus consultum ultimum (41). (Gotta love that chain.) Iustitium was conceived by Roman jurists as 鈥渁n interval and cessation of law,鈥� or, as author says, 鈥渢he production of a juridical void鈥� (41-42). We should carry this in mind with the prior discussion of kenomatic states, states of nature, lacuna that is not anarchy, and so on. The of senatus consultum ultimum (SCU) is described by some as a quasi-dictatorship, but author regards that as manifestly erroneous; SCU is not a new office or power, but rather a caesura wherein 鈥渆very citizen seems to be invested with a floating and anomalous imperium that resists definition within the terms of the normal order鈥� (43), but nevertheless allows them to carry out any acts in defense of the state. He will deny that SCU and the iustitium can be read as dictatorship, which was a specific magistracy defined by a precise statute for a particular purpose鈥攖hough it was of course an extraordinary office and statute. Because Schmitt and others confused SoE with dictatorship, they made the same error and fell into the aporias described supra. (Best note in the entire volume argues that fascists tend to be 鈥渋ndifferently presented as dictators,鈥� but they normally aren鈥檛 within the scope of the definition, considering that they historically were duly authorized to take office, and then ruled constitutionally as well as from a parallel SoE (48).)
From the iustitium, dude summarizes: SoE is not dictatorship, but a zone of anomie; it is essential to the juridical order; acts committed during the SoE/iustitium have not legal definition and are within the khora of the law; and 鈥榝orce of law鈥� is the way we conceive of the undefinability (51).
Text moves on to read the Benjamin/Schmitt debate, wherein we see the already familiar notions, such as SoE is where Schmitt tries to 鈥渋nscribe anomie within the very body of the nomos (54), and so on. This section is mainly to rehabilitate Benjamin, as it has apparently been considered 鈥榮candalous鈥� on the left for Benjamin to have been interested in the ideas of fascist Schmitt; it鈥檚 cool and interesting, but doesn鈥檛 really develop the ideas of the first half much further. Final two chapters are also very cool, but seem like coda I and coda II that run specific things inessential to the main argument (still very cool). My notes are littered with 鈥榗f. Griffin,鈥� 鈥榗f. Bakhtin,鈥� 鈥榗f. Adorno,鈥� so it鈥檚 conceptually worthwhile. Works very well with Neumann鈥檚 Behemoth, insofar as the Third Reich was in that text described as a non-state subject to the overlapping polycratic authority of various actors who each held their own SoE/SCU bona fides.
Good stuff. Go read. Go read the entire series; the concepts from here and volume I follow through all the rest.
7 November 2020 - today reminds us plainly of Agamben's point in Volume I that "the sovereign is the point of indistinction between violence and law鈥� (loc. cit. at 25), a moment of anomie inscribed in the center of the nomos in the dual person of the sovereign. Trump highlights this inscription and revels in placing everything on the knife's edge; Biden won't be able to erase it even if he won't call attention to it. That said, fuck Trump.
24 August 2019 - am again re-urging this because of the president's suggestion that he can halt international commerce via the state of exception:
For all of the Fake News Reporters that don't have a clue as toHis legal interpretation is not in accord with Youngstown Sheet and Tube, but that is a question for the judiciary, which he has stacked with pliable ideologues, who could simply decline to hear industry's suits as political questions, building on the expansion of the doctrine we saw in Rucho/Lamone on partisan gerrymandering.
what the law is relative to Presidential powers, China, etc., try looking at the Emergency Economic Powers Act of 1977. Case closed!
15 February 2019 - Re-urging this today in the strongest possible terms because the president of the United States has declared a national emergency--a state of exception--on the basis of the following sleight of mind:
The southern border is a major entry point for criminals, gang members, and illicit narcotics [OH NOS]. The problem of large-scale unlawful migration through the southern border is long-standing [hardly an acute crisis then?], and despite the executive branch's exercise of existing statutory authorities, the situation has worsened in certain respects [but not all?] in recent years. In particular, recent years have seen sharp increases in the number of family units [wtf!] entering and seeking entry to the United States and an inability to provide detention space for many of these aliens while their removal proceedings are pending [as though none of them shall be entitled to asylum, in contravention of the Convention on Refugees, which the United States has ratified].Emphasis added to highlight the purported basis. NB that both the fictive basis (crime) and the actual basis (fertility) are completely ludicrous and unlawful pursuant to 50 USC 1601 et seq. We note that the occasion for this intrusion of anomie into the nomos is the manifest fertility of another group's population, which the pathological rightwing regards as surplus to be excluded. This politically disenfranchised life--Agamben's zoe--is useful insofar as it is to be excluded--the present moment's textbook example from author's prior book, .
Part II of author鈥檚 Homo Sacer project.
Cute pamphlet in the benjaminian tradition. Probably the best 9/11 book that I鈥檝e read, even though it only briefly mentions that event.
Point of departure is Schmitt鈥檚 鈥渄efinition of the sovereign as 鈥榟e who decides on the state of exception鈥欌€� (1), the state of necessity, like civil war, wherein we find 鈥渏uridical measures that cannot be understood in legal terms," and which appear "as the legal form of what cannot have legal form鈥� (id.).
Notes that the SoE is like a lawful civil war, and notes the Third Reich as an SoE with a twelve-year duration (2), based on an emergency decree that created a 鈥渧oluntary state of emergency鈥� alongside the lawful constitutional order鈥攚hich is a technique that 鈥渉as become one of the essential practices of contemporary states, including so-called democratic ones鈥� (id).
SoE is not a specialized area of law, but rather 鈥渁 suspension of the juridical order鈥� (4); SoE is furthermore a 鈥渃reation of the democratic-revolutionary tradition and not the absolutist one鈥� (5). Will note that 鈥渢he idea that a suspension of law may be necessary for the common good is foreign to the medieval world鈥� (26), which may, I think, be less about the SoE itself than about how things like 鈥渃ommon good鈥� may also be foreign to the medieval world, which may inhabit a kenomatic space (infra) of its own.
Text notes a number of sets of distinctions in wrestling with this: real v. fictive SoE (3); states of peace/war/siege, which escalate the centralization of military authority (5); pleromatic (state has plenitudo potestatis, the expansion of state power), v. kenomatic states (an 鈥渆mptiness of law,鈥� a return to a Hobbesian 鈥渟tate of nature鈥�) (5-6); Schmitt鈥檚 鈥渃ommissarial dictatorship鈥� v. 鈥渟overeign dictatorship鈥� (8, and then again in depth 32 ff.). Initially, dude wants to identify the SoE with a kenomatic state.
Wants therefore to trace the development of the concept toward the modern global SoE as manifested in the Patriot Act and 鈥榳ar on terror.鈥� This section (11-22) covers several states' development. The brief US section is tremendous, noting the origin of the US SoE in the presidency of Lincoln, who 鈥渁cted as an absolute dictator鈥� (20) and suspended the writ of habeas corpus, and thereafter justified his actions to the legislature by stating, whatever their legality, they were based on popular demand and public necessity (id.). Congress dutifully ratified the executive acts. Later, Wilson 鈥渁ssumed even broader powers,鈥� but instead of bypassing Congress, he went 鈥渆ach time to have the powers in question delegated,鈥� which is apparently tres European (21) to the extent it prefers extraordinary statutes over a general declaration of the SoE. Because the Lincoln/Wilson expansions were rooted in two different sorts of war, by the time we get to FDR, all crises become warlike, and the president actually asked 鈥渢he Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis鈥攂road Executive power to wage war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe鈥� in 1938 (22).
The function of these processes is apparently to inscribe durkheimian anomie within the juridical order: 鈥淭he suspension of the norm does not mean its abolition, and the zone of anomie that it establishes is not (or at least claims not to be) unrelated to the juridical order鈥� (23). This is traced back to the Decretum of Gratian: 鈥淚f something is done out of necessity, it is done licitly, since what is not licit in law necessity makes licit. Likewise necessity has no law鈥� (24). Greasers take this as an indication that necessity is truly the basis of law after all, which seems to set the SoE as the originary condition. Gross. But it gets worse as we move to the metagross:
As a figure of necessity, the state of exception therefore appears (alongside revolution and the de facto establishment of a constitutional system) as an 鈥榠llegal鈥� but perfectly 鈥榡uridical and constitutional鈥� measure that is realized in the production of new norms (or of a new juridical order): [鈥 鈥楾here are norms that cannot or should not be written; there are others that cannot be determined except when the circumstances arise for which they must serve鈥� [internal citation omitted] The gesture of Antigone, which opposed the written law to the agrapta nomima [unwritten laws] is here reversed and asserted in defense of the constituted order. (28)This should appear very familiar to those of us who have faithfully read Benjamin鈥檚 鈥楥ritique of Violence,鈥� especially as read through Derrida鈥檚 beautiful . The SoE is with revolution parcel to the status necessitates and accordingly in 鈥渁n ambiguous and uncertain zone in which de facto proceedings, which are in themselves extra- or antijuridical, pass over into law, and juridical norms blur with mere fact鈥攖hat is, a threshold where fact and law seem to become undecidable鈥� (29).
That鈥檚 all kinda kickass鈥攖he master figure of blurriness, which renders certain thingies undecidable in the normal derridean/godelian sense (it is the most concrete metaphor used for what shall be revealed to be the plotinian hoion in volume VI--as the more normal metaphors are zones and thresholds of indistinction or indetermination). This causes a nasty aporia: 鈥淚f a measure taken out of necessity is already a juridical norm and not simply fact, why must it be ratified and approved by law [鈥? And if instead if it not law, but simply fact, why do the legal effects of its ratification begin not from the moment it is converted into law, but ex tunc?鈥� (29). As though that aporia were not completely disabling, author likewise identifies a worse one: though many writers think of the state of necessity as 鈥渁n objective situation,鈥� it is contingent upon a na茂ve assumption of 鈥減ure factuality鈥� which the concept has contradicted (blurriness of law/fact, recall!) and is furthermore reliant upon 鈥渟ubjective judgment鈥濃€斺€溾€榯he recourse to necessity entails a moral or political (or in any case, extrajuridical) evaluation, by which the juridical order is judged and is held worthy of preservation or strengthening even at the price of its possible violation,鈥欌€� which renders it always already a 鈥溾€檙evolutionary principle鈥欌€� (30).
Working through Schmitt鈥檚 theory of dictatorship thereafter, author has occasion to observe Schmitt 鈥榮 inscription of the SoE within the juridical order itself:
鈥橞ecause the state of exception is always something different from anarchy and chaos, in a juridical sense, an order still exists in it, even if it is not a juridical order.鈥� This specific contribution of Schmitt鈥檚 theory is precisely to have made such an articulation between state of exception and juridical order possible. (33)Readers of Bigg D will also note well--
But precisely because the decision here concerns the very annulment of the norm, that is, because the state of exception represents the inclusion and capture of a space that is neither outside nor inside (the space that corresponds to the annulled and suspended norm), 鈥榯he sovereign stands outside of the normally valid juridical order, and yet belongs to it.鈥�(35)--which is the triton genus, the khora as described in the Timaeus and made infamous by our favorite Francophone Algerian.
Mention is made briefly of Derrida鈥檚 essay on the 鈥榝orce de loi鈥� (37), which works as a departure point for a consideration of the significance of 鈥渇orce of law鈥� as a legal term:
The decisive point, however, is that in both modern and ancient documents the syntagma force of law refers in the technical sense not to the law but to those decrees (which, as we indeed say, have the force of law) that the executive power can be authorized to issue in some situations, particularly in the state of exception. That is to say, the concept of 鈥榝orce of law,鈥� as a technical legal term, defines a separation of the norm鈥檚 vis obligandi, or applicability, from its formal essence, whereby decrees, provisions, and measures that are not formally laws nevertheless acquire their 鈥榝orce.鈥� (38)Here, the nebulous 鈥榝orce of law鈥� 鈥渇loats as an indeterminate element that can be claimed both鈥� by the state and the revolution, say (id.). SoE is 鈥渁n anomic space [again] in which what is at stake is a force of law without law鈥� through which 鈥渓aw seeks to annex anomie itself鈥� (39), which is kinda awesome and gross at the same time.
SoE then explained as a modern instance of Roman iustitium, an analogy to solstitium, wherein something comes to standstill (law or sun, dig?). Iustitium was proclaimed as a response to the declaration of a tumultus, itself normally the result of the issuance of senatus consultum ultimum (41). (Gotta love that chain.) Iustitium was conceived by Roman jurists as 鈥渁n interval and cessation of law,鈥� or, as author says, 鈥渢he production of a juridical void鈥� (41-42). We should carry this in mind with the prior discussion of kenomatic states, states of nature, lacuna that is not anarchy, and so on. The of senatus consultum ultimum (SCU) is described by some as a quasi-dictatorship, but author regards that as manifestly erroneous; SCU is not a new office or power, but rather a caesura wherein 鈥渆very citizen seems to be invested with a floating and anomalous imperium that resists definition within the terms of the normal order鈥� (43), but nevertheless allows them to carry out any acts in defense of the state. He will deny that SCU and the iustitium can be read as dictatorship, which was a specific magistracy defined by a precise statute for a particular purpose鈥攖hough it was of course an extraordinary office and statute. Because Schmitt and others confused SoE with dictatorship, they made the same error and fell into the aporias described supra. (Best note in the entire volume argues that fascists tend to be 鈥渋ndifferently presented as dictators,鈥� but they normally aren鈥檛 within the scope of the definition, considering that they historically were duly authorized to take office, and then ruled constitutionally as well as from a parallel SoE (48).)
From the iustitium, dude summarizes: SoE is not dictatorship, but a zone of anomie; it is essential to the juridical order; acts committed during the SoE/iustitium have not legal definition and are within the khora of the law; and 鈥榝orce of law鈥� is the way we conceive of the undefinability (51).
Text moves on to read the Benjamin/Schmitt debate, wherein we see the already familiar notions, such as SoE is where Schmitt tries to 鈥渋nscribe anomie within the very body of the nomos (54), and so on. This section is mainly to rehabilitate Benjamin, as it has apparently been considered 鈥榮candalous鈥� on the left for Benjamin to have been interested in the ideas of fascist Schmitt; it鈥檚 cool and interesting, but doesn鈥檛 really develop the ideas of the first half much further. Final two chapters are also very cool, but seem like coda I and coda II that run specific things inessential to the main argument (still very cool). My notes are littered with 鈥榗f. Griffin,鈥� 鈥榗f. Bakhtin,鈥� 鈥榗f. Adorno,鈥� so it鈥檚 conceptually worthwhile. Works very well with Neumann鈥檚 Behemoth, insofar as the Third Reich was in that text described as a non-state subject to the overlapping polycratic authority of various actors who each held their own SoE/SCU bona fides.
Good stuff. Go read. Go read the entire series; the concepts from here and volume I follow through all the rest.
September 18, 2016
賰鬲丕亘 賲賰孬賾賮 賱賱睾丕賷丞 賵兀賰孬乇 賲賳 乇丕卅毓 賷鬲毓乇賾囟 廿賱賶 鬲賱賰 丕賱丨丕賱丞 賲賳 丕賱賱丕賲毓賷丕乇賷丞 賵丕賱鬲賷 賯丿 鬲爻鬲禺丿賲賴丕 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賮賷 丨丕賱丞 丕賱胤賵丕乇卅 賱賷鬲賲 禺賱丕賱賴丕 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賲賳 丕賱廿賱夭丕賲 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷 鬲噩丕賴 賲賵丕胤賳賷賴丕 賵賷氐亘丨 毓賱賶 廿孬乇賴丕 丕賱賲賵丕胤賳 賯賷丿 丕賱丕爻鬲賴丿丕賮 賲爻鬲亘丕丨丕賸
賷鬲丿乇賾噩 亘賰 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 廿賱賶 兀氐賱 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 亘丿丕賷丞賸 賲賳 丕賱乇賵賲丕賳 廿賱賶 毓氐乇賳丕 賴匕丕 賱賷毓胤賷賰 毓賲賯丕賸 鬲丕乇賷禺賷丕賸 賱匕賱賰 丕賱賲賮賴賵賲 丕賱禺胤賷乇.. 賵丕賱禺胤賷乇 賱賱睾丕賷丞.
賵賱囟乇亘 賲孬丕賱 鬲賯乇賷亘賷 賱賱兀匕賴丕賳貙 賷毓鬲亘乇 賯丕賳賵賳 丕賱胤賵丕乇卅 賮賷 賲氐乇 賴賵 兀丨丿 鬲噩賱賷丕鬲 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍.. 丨丕賱丞 賯丿 鬲鬲禺賱賶 賮賷賴丕 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵鬲鬲丨乇乇 賲賳 賰賱 丕賱鬲夭丕賲 兀禺賱丕賯賷 兀賵 賯丕賳賵賳賷 鬲噩丕賴 賲賵丕胤賳賷賴丕 亘丨噩賾丞 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍賺 賲丕 賱賱丨賮丕馗 毓賱賶 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賵爻賱丕賲鬲賴丕 賵兀賲賳賴丕 廿賱賶 丌禺乇 鬲賱賰 丕賱丨噩噩.
丕賱賲卮賰賱丞 賮賷 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍貙 丨爻亘賲丕 賮賴賲鬲貙 賴賵 兀賳賾賴 禺賱丕賱賴丕 賱丕 賷賲賰賳 廿賷噩丕丿 乇賯賷亘 賲丕 毓賱賶 兀賮毓丕賱 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵亘丕賱鬲丕賱賷 賷毓胤賷 氐賱丕丨賷丞 賲胤賱賯丞 賱賴丕 賱鬲毓胤賷賱 賰賱 賲馗賴乇 賯丕賳賵賳賷 賷丨丿賾 賲賳 鬲丨乇賰丕鬲賴丕.
賵賮賷 丿丕禺賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 廿卮丕乇丞 廿賱賶 兀賳賾 丕賱孬賵乇丞 賮賷 丨丿 匕丕鬲賴丕 鬲賲孬賾賱 丨丕賱丞 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍貙 賵亘丕賱鬲丕賱賷 賵噩亘 毓賱賷賴丕 丕賱丕賱鬲噩丕亍 廿賱賶 賯賵丕賳賷賳賴丕 丕賱禺丕氐賾丞 賱兀賳賾賴丕 鬲賳鬲賴賷 賮賵乇 丕賱鬲噩丕卅賴丕 廿賱賶 賯賵丕賳賷賳 賳賮爻 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱鬲賷 孬丕乇鬲 毓賱賷賴.
賱丕 兀賳賰乇 毓丿賲 賮賴賲賷 賱兀卮賷丕亍 賰孬賷乇丞 賮賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賵禺氐賵氐丕賸 賲毓 賵噩賵丿 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 丕賱兀賱賲丕賳賷丞 賮賷 毓賱賲 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 賱賰賳賾 賲丕 匕賰乇鬲購 丌賳賮丕賸 賰丕賳 廿噩賲丕賱丕賸 賱賮賰乇丞 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賵禺胤賾賴 丕賱毓乇賷囟.
兀賳氐丨 賰孬賷乇丕賸 賯乇賾丕亍 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘丕賱丕胤賱丕毓 毓賱賶 賲丨丕囟乇丞 丿. 賴亘丞 乇丐賵賮 毓夭賾鬲 毓賳 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 毓賱賶 丕賱賷賵鬲賷賵亘 賮賮賷賴丕 鬲鬲囟丨 丕賱氐賵乇丞 亘卮賰賱 兀賰孬乇 鬲賮氐賷賱丕賸.
鬲丨賷賾丕鬲賷..
賷鬲丿乇賾噩 亘賰 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 廿賱賶 兀氐賱 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 亘丿丕賷丞賸 賲賳 丕賱乇賵賲丕賳 廿賱賶 毓氐乇賳丕 賴匕丕 賱賷毓胤賷賰 毓賲賯丕賸 鬲丕乇賷禺賷丕賸 賱匕賱賰 丕賱賲賮賴賵賲 丕賱禺胤賷乇.. 賵丕賱禺胤賷乇 賱賱睾丕賷丞.
賵賱囟乇亘 賲孬丕賱 鬲賯乇賷亘賷 賱賱兀匕賴丕賳貙 賷毓鬲亘乇 賯丕賳賵賳 丕賱胤賵丕乇卅 賮賷 賲氐乇 賴賵 兀丨丿 鬲噩賱賷丕鬲 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍.. 丨丕賱丞 賯丿 鬲鬲禺賱賶 賮賷賴丕 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵鬲鬲丨乇乇 賲賳 賰賱 丕賱鬲夭丕賲 兀禺賱丕賯賷 兀賵 賯丕賳賵賳賷 鬲噩丕賴 賲賵丕胤賳賷賴丕 亘丨噩賾丞 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍賺 賲丕 賱賱丨賮丕馗 毓賱賶 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賵爻賱丕賲鬲賴丕 賵兀賲賳賴丕 廿賱賶 丌禺乇 鬲賱賰 丕賱丨噩噩.
丕賱賲卮賰賱丞 賮賷 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍貙 丨爻亘賲丕 賮賴賲鬲貙 賴賵 兀賳賾賴 禺賱丕賱賴丕 賱丕 賷賲賰賳 廿賷噩丕丿 乇賯賷亘 賲丕 毓賱賶 兀賮毓丕賱 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵亘丕賱鬲丕賱賷 賷毓胤賷 氐賱丕丨賷丞 賲胤賱賯丞 賱賴丕 賱鬲毓胤賷賱 賰賱 賲馗賴乇 賯丕賳賵賳賷 賷丨丿賾 賲賳 鬲丨乇賰丕鬲賴丕.
賵賮賷 丿丕禺賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 廿卮丕乇丞 廿賱賶 兀賳賾 丕賱孬賵乇丞 賮賷 丨丿 匕丕鬲賴丕 鬲賲孬賾賱 丨丕賱丞 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍貙 賵亘丕賱鬲丕賱賷 賵噩亘 毓賱賷賴丕 丕賱丕賱鬲噩丕亍 廿賱賶 賯賵丕賳賷賳賴丕 丕賱禺丕氐賾丞 賱兀賳賾賴丕 鬲賳鬲賴賷 賮賵乇 丕賱鬲噩丕卅賴丕 廿賱賶 賯賵丕賳賷賳 賳賮爻 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱鬲賷 孬丕乇鬲 毓賱賷賴.
賱丕 兀賳賰乇 毓丿賲 賮賴賲賷 賱兀卮賷丕亍 賰孬賷乇丞 賮賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賵禺氐賵氐丕賸 賲毓 賵噩賵丿 丕賱賰孬賷乇 賲賳 丕賱賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 丕賱兀賱賲丕賳賷丞 賮賷 毓賱賲 丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 賱賰賳賾 賲丕 匕賰乇鬲購 丌賳賮丕賸 賰丕賳 廿噩賲丕賱丕賸 賱賮賰乇丞 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賵禺胤賾賴 丕賱毓乇賷囟.
兀賳氐丨 賰孬賷乇丕賸 賯乇賾丕亍 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘丕賱丕胤賱丕毓 毓賱賶 賲丨丕囟乇丞 丿. 賴亘丞 乇丐賵賮 毓夭賾鬲 毓賳 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 毓賱賶 丕賱賷賵鬲賷賵亘 賮賮賷賴丕 鬲鬲囟丨 丕賱氐賵乇丞 亘卮賰賱 兀賰孬乇 鬲賮氐賷賱丕賸.
鬲丨賷賾丕鬲賷..
August 11, 2021
賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賳 丕賱氐毓亘 賰鬲丕亘丞 賲乇丕噩毓丞 賵丕賮賷丞 毓賳賴.. 賵賲賳 丕賱氐毓亘 丕爻鬲賷毓丕亘賴 亘丕賱兀爻丕爻 賲賳 丕賱賯乇丕亍丞 丕賱兀賵賱賶.. 賵賷丨鬲丕噩 賯乇丕亍丞 孬丕賳賷丞 賵孬丕賱孬丞 亘賰賱 鬲兀賰賷丿
丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲孬賳丕亍 兀亘乇夭 鬲噩賱賷 賱賴丕 賮賷 賵胤賳賳丕 丕賱毓乇亘賷 賴賵 賯丕賳賵賳 丕賱胤賵丕乇卅 .. 丕賱賲卮賰賱丞 丕賳 賴賳丕賰 丨丕賱丕鬲 廿爻鬲孬賳丕亍 匕賰乇賴丕 丕賱賰丕鬲亘 鬲鬲賲賳賶 賱賵 賰賳丕 賳毓賷卮賴丕 賮賷 兀賵胤丕賳賳丕.. 賳丨賳 賳毓賷卮 賮賷 丨丕賱丞 賲賳 丕賱丕 丨丕賱丞.. 賱丕 賯丕賳賵賳 丨賯賷賯賷 賱丕 亘乇賱賲丕賳 丨賯賷賯賷 賱丕 丕賷 卮賷亍 丨賯賷賯賷.. 丕賱卮賷亍 丕賱賵丨賷丿 丕賱丨賯賷賯賷 賴賵 匕賱賰 丕賱噩丕孬賲 毓賱賷賳丕 亘賯賵丞 丕賱爻賱丕丨 賵丕賱丨賷賱丞.. 賵丕賱匕賷 賱丕 賳禺鬲丕乇賴 賵賱丕 賳爻鬲胤賷毓 鬲睾賷賷乇賴
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 噩賲賷賱 賵賯賵賷 賵賷丨鬲丕噩 賱毓丿丞 賯乇丕亍丕鬲 賵賱賷爻 賯乇丕亍丞 賵丕丨丿丞.. 兀賳氐丨 亘賴 亘賰賱 鬲兀賰賷丿
丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲孬賳丕亍 兀亘乇夭 鬲噩賱賷 賱賴丕 賮賷 賵胤賳賳丕 丕賱毓乇亘賷 賴賵 賯丕賳賵賳 丕賱胤賵丕乇卅 .. 丕賱賲卮賰賱丞 丕賳 賴賳丕賰 丨丕賱丕鬲 廿爻鬲孬賳丕亍 匕賰乇賴丕 丕賱賰丕鬲亘 鬲鬲賲賳賶 賱賵 賰賳丕 賳毓賷卮賴丕 賮賷 兀賵胤丕賳賳丕.. 賳丨賳 賳毓賷卮 賮賷 丨丕賱丞 賲賳 丕賱丕 丨丕賱丞.. 賱丕 賯丕賳賵賳 丨賯賷賯賷 賱丕 亘乇賱賲丕賳 丨賯賷賯賷 賱丕 丕賷 卮賷亍 丨賯賷賯賷.. 丕賱卮賷亍 丕賱賵丨賷丿 丕賱丨賯賷賯賷 賴賵 匕賱賰 丕賱噩丕孬賲 毓賱賷賳丕 亘賯賵丞 丕賱爻賱丕丨 賵丕賱丨賷賱丞.. 賵丕賱匕賷 賱丕 賳禺鬲丕乇賴 賵賱丕 賳爻鬲胤賷毓 鬲睾賷賷乇賴
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 噩賲賷賱 賵賯賵賷 賵賷丨鬲丕噩 賱毓丿丞 賯乇丕亍丕鬲 賵賱賷爻 賯乇丕亍丞 賵丕丨丿丞.. 兀賳氐丨 亘賴 亘賰賱 鬲兀賰賷丿
June 26, 2019
賮兀氐亘丨鬲 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賴賷 丕賱賯丕毓丿丞...
January 14, 2019
賷賵賲丕賸 賲丕 賯丿 賷賰賵賳 賴賳丕賰 賲乇丕噩毓丞 貙 賴匕丕 賲丕 兀賲賱賴 亘卮賰賱 兀丿賯
賱賰賳 毓賱賷 丕賱兀賯賱 爻賷賰賵賳 賴賳丕賰 乇噩賵毓 賱賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賰孬賷乇丕賸 賵賯乇丕亍丞 兀禺乇賶 亘毓丿 兀賳 丕賯乇兀 賰鬲丕亘 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳 丕賱丨乇丕賲 賵兀爻鬲夭賷丿 賯賱賷賱丕賸 毓賳 賮賰乇丞 丕賱爻賷丕丿丞 毓賳丿 賰丕乇賱 卮賲賷鬲 賵丕賱賲賮丕賴賷賲 丕賱賳馗乇賷丞 賱賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱賯賵賲賷丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞
February 24, 2015
賱丕 兀毓胤賷 丕賱禺賲爻賴 賳噩賵賲 賱兀賷 賰鬲丕亘 亘賳丕亍丕 毓賱賷 丕賱賮丕卅丿丞 兀賵 丕賱賲丨鬲賵賷 丕賱賲毓乇賮賷 賵丨丿賴賲丕 貙 亘賱 毓賱賷 丕賱賴賲 丕賱匕賷 賷丨賲賱賴 丕賱賲賮賰乇 貙 賵亘睾囟 丕賱賳馗乇 毓賳 卮禺氐賷賴 丕賱賲丐賱賮 賵賲賵丕賯賮賴 丕賱鬲賷 鬲鬲丨乇賷 丕賱毓丿賱 貙 賮廿賳 丕賱廿爻賲 丕賱匕賷 廿禺鬲丕乇賴 賱賲卮乇賵毓賴 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳 丕賱丨乇丕賲\丕賱賲爻鬲亘丕丨 賰賮賷賱 亘兀賳 賷卮毓乇賰 亘賴賻賲賴 賮囟賱丕 毓賳 丕賱丿賱丕賱丕鬲 丕賱賲毓乇賮賷賴 賱賴匕賴 丕賱賲賮賴賵賲貙 賱丕 兀鬲丨丿孬 賴賳丕 毓賳 賲丨鬲賵賷 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 兀賵兀賮賰丕乇賴 賵賰匕丕 貙 亘賱 毓賳 丕賱賲禺丕胤乇賴 丕賱鬲賷 賯丕賲 亘賴丕 丕賱賳丕卮乇 貙 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賮賷 賰孬賷乇 賲賳賴 鬲禺氐氐賷 賮賳賷 亘毓囟 丕賱卮卅 賷鬲丨乇賰 亘賷賳 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵丕賱爻賷丕爻賷丞 賵丕賱廿噩鬲賲丕毓 賵賷禺乇噩 賲賳 賰賱 賲賳丕賯卮賴 亘鬲丨賱賷賱 賵賳鬲丕卅噩 賴丕賲賴 噩丿丕貙 賵賱賱賵賴賱丞 丕賱丕賵賱賷 賯丿 賷馗賳 丕賱賰孬賷乇賷賳 兀賳 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱丕賷賴賲賴賲 賵鬲賱賰 賴賷 丕賱賲禺丕胤乇丞 .
丕賱賮氐賱 丕賱乇丕亘毓 - 氐乇丕毓 丕賱毓賲丕賱賯丞 丨賵賱 賮乇丕睾- 丿乇丞 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 .
鬲乇噩賲丞 乇丕卅毓丞 賵賰鬲丕亘 賲賳鬲賯賷 賵賲購禺丕胤乇丞 卮賰乇丕 賲丿丕乇丕鬲 .
丕賱賮氐賱 丕賱乇丕亘毓 - 氐乇丕毓 丕賱毓賲丕賱賯丞 丨賵賱 賮乇丕睾- 丿乇丞 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 .
鬲乇噩賲丞 乇丕卅毓丞 賵賰鬲丕亘 賲賳鬲賯賷 賵賲購禺丕胤乇丞 卮賰乇丕 賲丿丕乇丕鬲 .
February 18, 2025
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 氐毓亘貙 賵賷丨鬲丕噩 賮賴賲賴 廿賱賶 賲噩賴賵丿 卮丿賷丿 禺氐賵氐賸丕 賱賱賯丕乇卅 丕賱賲胤賱毓 賱丕 丕賱丿丕乇爻. 廿賱丕 兀賳賴 賰鬲丕亘 丕爻鬲孬賳丕卅賷 賷噩賲毓 亘賷賳 賰賵賳賴 賲丿禺賱賸丕 廿賱賶 丕賱兀賮賰丕乇 丕賱鬲賷 賷胤乇丨賴丕貙 賵亘賷賳 賰賵賳賴 賲乇噩毓賸丕 賷毓丕丿 丕賱賳馗乇 賮賷賴 亘丕爻鬲賲乇丕乇 毓賱賶 賮鬲乇丕鬲.
賮賲丕 賴賷 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍責 賵賲丕 賴賵 鬲丕乇賷禺賴丕 亘丿亍賸丕 賲賳 乇賵賲丕 廿賱賶 丕賱丌賳責 賵賮賷 賷丿 賲賳 賮乇囟賴丕責 賵賲丕 賴賷 丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳 丕賱匕賷 賷毓賷卮 賮賷 馗賱賴丕責
賴賱 鬲乇賶 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 亘毓賷賳 丕賱丿賷賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丞 兀賲 丕賱丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷丞責
賵賲丕 毓賱丕賯丞 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 亘丕賱毓丕賱賲 丕賱丨丕賱賷貙 賵賰賷賮 鬲丨賵賱鬲 賲賳 賰賵賳賴丕 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 廿賱賶 丨丕賱丞 毓丕賲丞責
賷噩賷亘 噩賵乇噩賷賵 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賮賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 丕賱賲乇賴賯 丕賱賲賲鬲毓 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕卅賷.
賮賲丕 賴賷 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍責 賵賲丕 賴賵 鬲丕乇賷禺賴丕 亘丿亍賸丕 賲賳 乇賵賲丕 廿賱賶 丕賱丌賳責 賵賮賷 賷丿 賲賳 賮乇囟賴丕責 賵賲丕 賴賷 丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳 丕賱匕賷 賷毓賷卮 賮賷 馗賱賴丕責
賴賱 鬲乇賶 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 亘毓賷賳 丕賱丿賷賰鬲丕鬲賵乇賷丞 兀賲 丕賱丿賷賲賯乇丕胤賷丞責
賵賲丕 毓賱丕賯丞 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 亘丕賱毓丕賱賲 丕賱丨丕賱賷貙 賵賰賷賮 鬲丨賵賱鬲 賲賳 賰賵賳賴丕 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 廿賱賶 丨丕賱丞 毓丕賲丞責
賷噩賷亘 噩賵乇噩賷賵 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賮賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 丕賱賲乇賴賯 丕賱賲賲鬲毓 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕卅賷.
January 16, 2016
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賴賲
賲賴賲 噩丿丕
賵氐毓亘
氐毓亘 噩丿丕
賵賱匕賱賰 賮賴賵 賱丕 賷賯乇兀 賲乇丞 賵丕丨丿丞 賵賱丕 丿賮毓丞 賵丕丨丿丞
兀噩丕賲亘賷賳 賲賳 兀賰亘乇 賳丕賯丿賷 丕賱丨丿丕孬丞 賵丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞
賵賰賱 賰鬲丕亘丕鬲賴 鬲丿賳丿賳 丨賵賱 賴匕丕 丕賱丕賲乇
賷乇丿 丕噩丕賲亘賷賳 賴賳丕 毓賱賶 丕胤乇賵丨丕鬲 賴賷噩賱 賵賰丕乇賱 卮賲賷鬲 丨賵賱 丕賱爻賷丕丿丞 賵丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賵丕賮鬲乇丕囟賴 丕賳賴丕 丕賱囟丕賲賳丞 賱賱丨賷丕丞 丕賱乇睾丿丞 賵賱賱兀賲賳 賵丕賱丕賲丕賳 賵丕賱爻賱丕賲 賵丕賱鬲賯丿賲 賵賷賯賵賱 賱賴 丕賳 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕賱鬲賷 賷毓賱賯 賮賷賴丕 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵鬲鬲賵丨卮 丐丕賱丿賵賱丞 丿賵賳 乇丕亘胤 丕賵 賯丿乇丞 毓賱賶 丕賷賯丕賮賴丕 賲孬賱 賲毓爻賰乇丕鬲 丕賱賳丕夭賷丞 丕賵 噩賵丕賳鬲丕賳丕賲賵 丨丿賷孬丕 賵兀禺賷乇丕 乇丕亘毓丞 噩賲賷毓賴丕 賴賷 丨丕賱丕鬲 賲鬲爻賯丞 鬲賲丕賲丕 賲毓 賲賳胤賯 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞 賵丕賳 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賲丐賴賱賴 亘卮賰賱賴丕 丕賱丨丕賱賷 賱丕毓丕丿丞 丕賳鬲丕噩 賴匕賴 丕賱丨丕賱丞 亘爻鬲賲乇丕乇 賰賲丕 賷丐賰丿 丕賳賳丕 丕氐亘丨賳丕 賳毓賷卮 鬲丨鬲 丨丕賱丞 賲賲鬲丿丞 賵賲爻鬲賲乇丞 賲賳 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 亘丿毓賵賶 丕賱丕賲賳 丕賱賯賵賲賷 賵賲賵丕噩賴丞 丕賱丕乇賴丕亘 賵卮鬲賶 丕賱丕爻亘丕亘 丕賱鬲賷 賱賷爻 賱賴丕 丕賵 鬲賵氐賷賮 賲賵囟賵毓賷 賵鬲禺囟 亘丕賱賰丕賲賱 賱乇丐賷丞 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱匕丕鬲賷丞 賮丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賴賷 賲丕 鬲乇丕賴 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍
賰賲丕 賷丐賰丿 丕噩丕賲亘賷賳 毓賱賶 禺胤兀 乇丐賷丞 卮賲鬲 賱賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 亘兀賳賴 賵囟毓 賯丕賳賵賳賷 丕賵 丨丕賱丞 丿丕禺賱丞 賮賷 丨賷夭 丕賱賮賰乇 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷 賵賷賯賵賱 亘丿賵乇賴 丕賳賴丕 丨丕賱丞 禺丕乇噩 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 丕賵 賵乇丕亍 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵賱丕 賷爻鬲胤賷毓 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 丕賳 賷鬲毓丕賲賱 賲毓賴丕
賵丕賳 丕賱丕卮禺丕氐 丕賱禺丕囟毓賷賳 賱丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賷鬲毓乇囟賵賳 賱賲丕 賷爻賲賶 亘賭 ( 丕賱丨賷丕丞 丕賱毓丕乇賷丞) 亘賲毓賳賶 丕賳賴賲 賷賮賯丿賵賳 禺氐賵氐賷鬲賴賲 賰亘卮乇 賵賷鬲毓丕賲賱 氐丕丨亘 丕賱爻賷丕丿丞 賲毓賴賲 毓賱賶 丕賳賴賲 賰丕卅賳丕鬲 賱賴丕 賵噩賵丿 亘賷賵賱賵噩賷 賮賯胤 丿賵賳 丕賳 賷鬲乇鬲亘 毓賱賶 賵噩賵丿賴賲 丕賱亘賷賵賱賵噩賷 丕賷 丨賯賵賯 丕賵 丕丕爻鬲丨賯丕賯丕鬲 .
賲賴賲 噩丿丕
賵氐毓亘
氐毓亘 噩丿丕
賵賱匕賱賰 賮賴賵 賱丕 賷賯乇兀 賲乇丞 賵丕丨丿丞 賵賱丕 丿賮毓丞 賵丕丨丿丞
兀噩丕賲亘賷賳 賲賳 兀賰亘乇 賳丕賯丿賷 丕賱丨丿丕孬丞 賵丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞
賵賰賱 賰鬲丕亘丕鬲賴 鬲丿賳丿賳 丨賵賱 賴匕丕 丕賱丕賲乇
賷乇丿 丕噩丕賲亘賷賳 賴賳丕 毓賱賶 丕胤乇賵丨丕鬲 賴賷噩賱 賵賰丕乇賱 卮賲賷鬲 丨賵賱 丕賱爻賷丕丿丞 賵丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賵丕賮鬲乇丕囟賴 丕賳賴丕 丕賱囟丕賲賳丞 賱賱丨賷丕丞 丕賱乇睾丿丞 賵賱賱兀賲賳 賵丕賱丕賲丕賳 賵丕賱爻賱丕賲 賵丕賱鬲賯丿賲 賵賷賯賵賱 賱賴 丕賳 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕賱鬲賷 賷毓賱賯 賮賷賴丕 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵鬲鬲賵丨卮 丐丕賱丿賵賱丞 丿賵賳 乇丕亘胤 丕賵 賯丿乇丞 毓賱賶 丕賷賯丕賮賴丕 賲孬賱 賲毓爻賰乇丕鬲 丕賱賳丕夭賷丞 丕賵 噩賵丕賳鬲丕賳丕賲賵 丨丿賷孬丕 賵兀禺賷乇丕 乇丕亘毓丞 噩賲賷毓賴丕 賴賷 丨丕賱丕鬲 賲鬲爻賯丞 鬲賲丕賲丕 賲毓 賲賳胤賯 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞 賵丕賳 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賲丐賴賱賴 亘卮賰賱賴丕 丕賱丨丕賱賷 賱丕毓丕丿丞 丕賳鬲丕噩 賴匕賴 丕賱丨丕賱丞 亘爻鬲賲乇丕乇 賰賲丕 賷丐賰丿 丕賳賳丕 丕氐亘丨賳丕 賳毓賷卮 鬲丨鬲 丨丕賱丞 賲賲鬲丿丞 賵賲爻鬲賲乇丞 賲賳 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 亘丿毓賵賶 丕賱丕賲賳 丕賱賯賵賲賷 賵賲賵丕噩賴丞 丕賱丕乇賴丕亘 賵卮鬲賶 丕賱丕爻亘丕亘 丕賱鬲賷 賱賷爻 賱賴丕 丕賵 鬲賵氐賷賮 賲賵囟賵毓賷 賵鬲禺囟 亘丕賱賰丕賲賱 賱乇丐賷丞 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱匕丕鬲賷丞 賮丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賴賷 賲丕 鬲乇丕賴 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍
賰賲丕 賷丐賰丿 丕噩丕賲亘賷賳 毓賱賶 禺胤兀 乇丐賷丞 卮賲鬲 賱賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 亘兀賳賴 賵囟毓 賯丕賳賵賳賷 丕賵 丨丕賱丞 丿丕禺賱丞 賮賷 丨賷夭 丕賱賮賰乇 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷 賵賷賯賵賱 亘丿賵乇賴 丕賳賴丕 丨丕賱丞 禺丕乇噩 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 丕賵 賵乇丕亍 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵賱丕 賷爻鬲胤賷毓 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 丕賳 賷鬲毓丕賲賱 賲毓賴丕
賵丕賳 丕賱丕卮禺丕氐 丕賱禺丕囟毓賷賳 賱丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賷鬲毓乇囟賵賳 賱賲丕 賷爻賲賶 亘賭 ( 丕賱丨賷丕丞 丕賱毓丕乇賷丞) 亘賲毓賳賶 丕賳賴賲 賷賮賯丿賵賳 禺氐賵氐賷鬲賴賲 賰亘卮乇 賵賷鬲毓丕賲賱 氐丕丨亘 丕賱爻賷丕丿丞 賲毓賴賲 毓賱賶 丕賳賴賲 賰丕卅賳丕鬲 賱賴丕 賵噩賵丿 亘賷賵賱賵噩賷 賮賯胤 丿賵賳 丕賳 賷鬲乇鬲亘 毓賱賶 賵噩賵丿賴賲 丕賱亘賷賵賱賵噩賷 丕賷 丨賯賵賯 丕賵 丕丕爻鬲丨賯丕賯丕鬲 .
October 10, 2024
For most of its short length, Agamben's monograph on the "state of exception" or "state of emergency" consists of a brilliant, penetrating, and extremely useful analysis of Carl Schmitt's theory of the state of emergency included in the latter's Political Theology. Schmitt's theory is not particularly easy to understand, and Agamben in an erudite and perceptive interpreter. He does an outstanding job of clarifying Schmitt's theory and in teasing out the core arguments that are at stake, such as Schmitt's pervasive concern with ontological realism.
Agamben subtly links Schmitt's quest for an actually-existing basis for law and the state to Heidegger's nostalgia for being through the judicious use of a quote from Plato's Sophist-one which also features prominently in the introduction to Being and Time-which refers to a "war between giants over being." In this case, the giants are Carl Schmitt and Walter Benjamin, and one of the most interesting sections of Agamben's book is his detailed analysis of the implicit debate those two authors carried out in their works, particularly in Benjamin's "Critique of Violence" and Trauerspiele dissertation.
In the final section, Agamben links the general problem of the state of emergency to the concept of auctoritas, or personal authority, in Roman law, and ends up with an argument that law is necessarily bound to a state of lawlessness, that they exist in constant dialectical tension that is instantiated by the state of emergency, where auctoritas refers to claims to power that have no basis in law.
In what is by far the worst part of the book, Agamben links this theory to the larger argument he makes in his Homo Sacer series, of which this book is a part: that the state of emergency makes possible the creation of extra-legal categories of action and status determination, categories that allow for arbitrary treatment and action. For Agamben, this category is exemplified by the "enemy combatants" status of the US War on Terror.
For some reason, Agamben sees that kind of breakdown in the margins of legal status as definitive of the course charted by Europe and the United States since the Second World War, and argues that the underlying dialectical tensions constitute the 鈥渨orking of the machine that is leading the West toward global civil war.鈥�
Although I share deep concern about the indefinite and lawless detention of persons in Guantanamo Bay, I hardly see this as indicative of a core strategy by western governments to inaugurate indefinite states of emergency to facilitate the rise of a new fascist empire. It's deeply disappointing, after dozens of pages of brilliant and careful analysis, to see Agamben fall into a bizarre and paranoid thesis that strikes me as genuinely suggestive of mental illness. And the worst readings of this argument have only been substantiated in recent years, in which Agamben has baselessly testified before the Italian parliament that emergency measures to fight the spread of Covid 19 were unwarranted, and were in fact motivated by a sinister plot to coerce the masses into voluntarily surrendering their rights. His conspiracy-mongering included accusations that the severity of the illness was systematically exaggerated by a medical establishment that he describes as part and parcel of a global reactionary attempt by technocrats to rob people of their basic rights.
Four years later, the sinister global cabal he prophesied has failed to materialize, but Agamben has not retracted his dangerous, destructive claims. Instead, he has lent his authority to political extremists, with whom he clearly shares a tendency to paranoid fantasy.
In summary, the analysis and exegesis that comprises the vast majority of this book is extremely illuminating, but his ultimate argument is batshit crazy.
Agamben subtly links Schmitt's quest for an actually-existing basis for law and the state to Heidegger's nostalgia for being through the judicious use of a quote from Plato's Sophist-one which also features prominently in the introduction to Being and Time-which refers to a "war between giants over being." In this case, the giants are Carl Schmitt and Walter Benjamin, and one of the most interesting sections of Agamben's book is his detailed analysis of the implicit debate those two authors carried out in their works, particularly in Benjamin's "Critique of Violence" and Trauerspiele dissertation.
In the final section, Agamben links the general problem of the state of emergency to the concept of auctoritas, or personal authority, in Roman law, and ends up with an argument that law is necessarily bound to a state of lawlessness, that they exist in constant dialectical tension that is instantiated by the state of emergency, where auctoritas refers to claims to power that have no basis in law.
In what is by far the worst part of the book, Agamben links this theory to the larger argument he makes in his Homo Sacer series, of which this book is a part: that the state of emergency makes possible the creation of extra-legal categories of action and status determination, categories that allow for arbitrary treatment and action. For Agamben, this category is exemplified by the "enemy combatants" status of the US War on Terror.
For some reason, Agamben sees that kind of breakdown in the margins of legal status as definitive of the course charted by Europe and the United States since the Second World War, and argues that the underlying dialectical tensions constitute the 鈥渨orking of the machine that is leading the West toward global civil war.鈥�
Although I share deep concern about the indefinite and lawless detention of persons in Guantanamo Bay, I hardly see this as indicative of a core strategy by western governments to inaugurate indefinite states of emergency to facilitate the rise of a new fascist empire. It's deeply disappointing, after dozens of pages of brilliant and careful analysis, to see Agamben fall into a bizarre and paranoid thesis that strikes me as genuinely suggestive of mental illness. And the worst readings of this argument have only been substantiated in recent years, in which Agamben has baselessly testified before the Italian parliament that emergency measures to fight the spread of Covid 19 were unwarranted, and were in fact motivated by a sinister plot to coerce the masses into voluntarily surrendering their rights. His conspiracy-mongering included accusations that the severity of the illness was systematically exaggerated by a medical establishment that he describes as part and parcel of a global reactionary attempt by technocrats to rob people of their basic rights.
Four years later, the sinister global cabal he prophesied has failed to materialize, but Agamben has not retracted his dangerous, destructive claims. Instead, he has lent his authority to political extremists, with whom he clearly shares a tendency to paranoid fantasy.
In summary, the analysis and exegesis that comprises the vast majority of this book is extremely illuminating, but his ultimate argument is batshit crazy.
February 27, 2020
"賵乇睾賲 賵囟賵丨 丕爻鬲丨丕賱丞 賵噩賵丿 氐賳賮 亘卮乇賷 禺丕賱丿 賷鬲噩爻丿 賲乇丞 鬲賱賵 丕賱賲乇丞 賮賷 卮禺氐 "兀睾爻胤爻" 兀賵 "賳丕亘賵賱賷賵賳" 兀賵 "賴鬲賱乇"貙 亘賱 賴賳丕賰 兀賳馗賲丞 賯丕賳賵賳賷丞 賲鬲卮丕亘賴丞 廿賱賶 丨丿 賲丕貙 丕爻鬲睾賱鬲 賮賷 馗乇賵賮 賲鬲亘丕賷賳丞 亘卮賰賱 賲丕"
"廿賳 丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賯丿 亘賱睾鬲 丕賱賷賵賲 兀賯氐賶 丕賳鬲卮丕乇 賱賴丕 毓賱賶 賲爻鬲賵賶 丕賱毓丕賱賲. 亘賴匕賴 丕賱胤乇賷賯丞 兀氐亘丨 亘賵爻毓 丕賱毓賳賮 丕賱丨賰賵賲賷 賲丨賵 丕賱爻賲丞 丕賱賲毓賷丕乇賷丞 賱賱賯丕賳賵賳 兀賵 賲禺丕賱賮鬲賴丕 丿賵賳 賲爻丕亍賱丞 兀賵 毓賯丕亘 賲鬲噩丕賴賱丕賸 亘匕賱賰 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 丕賱丿賵賱賷 毓賱賶 丕賱賲爻鬲賵賶 丕賱禺丕乇噩賷貙 賵賲賳鬲噩丕賸 賮賷 丕賱丿丕禺賱 丨丕賱丞 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丿丕卅賲丞貙 賵賱丕 賷賳賮賰 賲毓 賴匕丕 賷夭毓賲 賯賷丕賲賴 亘鬲胤亘賷賯 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳"
賰鬲丕亘 孬賯賷賱 噩丿丕賸貙 賵賱賱賲乇丞 丕賱兀賵賱賶 鬲賯賷賷賲賷 賷賰賵賳 賱廿爻鬲賷毓丕亘賷 賱賱賰鬲丕亘貙 賵賱賷爻 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 匕丕鬲賴
兀毓鬲賯丿 兀賳賴 賷鬲丨鬲賲 毓賱賷 丕賱毓賵丿丞 廿賱賷賴 賲乇丞 兀禺乇賶 亘毓丿 賯乇丕亍丞 賲賵丕囟賷毓 兀禺乇賶 賱兀賰賵賳 兀賰孬乇 丿乇丕賷丞 亘丕賱賲賵囟賵毓
乇亘賲丕貙 兀賰賵賳 賯丿 賮賴賲鬲 丕賱賮賰乇丞 廿噩賲丕賱丕賸貙 賵賱賰賳 賴賳丕賰 亘毓囟 丕賱鬲賮丕氐賷賱 丕賱鬲賷 丕爻鬲毓氐鬲 毓賱賶 锟斤拷賴賲賷
"廿賳 丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賯丿 亘賱睾鬲 丕賱賷賵賲 兀賯氐賶 丕賳鬲卮丕乇 賱賴丕 毓賱賶 賲爻鬲賵賶 丕賱毓丕賱賲. 亘賴匕賴 丕賱胤乇賷賯丞 兀氐亘丨 亘賵爻毓 丕賱毓賳賮 丕賱丨賰賵賲賷 賲丨賵 丕賱爻賲丞 丕賱賲毓賷丕乇賷丞 賱賱賯丕賳賵賳 兀賵 賲禺丕賱賮鬲賴丕 丿賵賳 賲爻丕亍賱丞 兀賵 毓賯丕亘 賲鬲噩丕賴賱丕賸 亘匕賱賰 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 丕賱丿賵賱賷 毓賱賶 丕賱賲爻鬲賵賶 丕賱禺丕乇噩賷貙 賵賲賳鬲噩丕賸 賮賷 丕賱丿丕禺賱 丨丕賱丞 丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丿丕卅賲丞貙 賵賱丕 賷賳賮賰 賲毓 賴匕丕 賷夭毓賲 賯賷丕賲賴 亘鬲胤亘賷賯 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳"
賰鬲丕亘 孬賯賷賱 噩丿丕賸貙 賵賱賱賲乇丞 丕賱兀賵賱賶 鬲賯賷賷賲賷 賷賰賵賳 賱廿爻鬲賷毓丕亘賷 賱賱賰鬲丕亘貙 賵賱賷爻 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 匕丕鬲賴
兀毓鬲賯丿 兀賳賴 賷鬲丨鬲賲 毓賱賷 丕賱毓賵丿丞 廿賱賷賴 賲乇丞 兀禺乇賶 亘毓丿 賯乇丕亍丞 賲賵丕囟賷毓 兀禺乇賶 賱兀賰賵賳 兀賰孬乇 丿乇丕賷丞 亘丕賱賲賵囟賵毓
乇亘賲丕貙 兀賰賵賳 賯丿 賮賴賲鬲 丕賱賮賰乇丞 廿噩賲丕賱丕賸貙 賵賱賰賳 賴賳丕賰 亘毓囟 丕賱鬲賮丕氐賷賱 丕賱鬲賷 丕爻鬲毓氐鬲 毓賱賶 锟斤拷賴賲賷
June 8, 2014
The machine that will lead to global civil war
[Through my ratings, reviews and edits I'm providing intellectual property and labor to Amazon.com Inc., listed on Nasdaq, which fully owns 欧宝娱乐.com and in 2013 posted revenues for $74 billion and $274 million profits. Intellectual property and labor require compensation. Amazon.com Inc. is also requested to provide assurance that its employees and contractors' work conditions meet the highest health and safety standards at all the company's sites.]
This book can be hardly understood outside the continental tradition of code law, and it makes no attempt at an archaeology of common law - where for example there's no decision-norm cleavage, as Entscheidung (Schmitt and Benjamin's 'decision' ) is exactly what generates law. From a common law perspective the essay might thus appear as a sequence of absurdities, but in its painstaking investigation of long forgotten diatribes and lost constitutions it has the merit to unearth the root meaning of a few relevant political phenomena, casting a new, not necessarily depressing light on them.
The book begins asking "what is political action?" and ends answering that "truly political is only that action, which cuts the nexus between violence and law". And violence and war are conceptually - even if sometimes not explicitly - at the center of the complicated to and fro between ancient texts and present times. Tumultus (uprising in Latin) is the core archaeological finding on which the whole theory of the state of exception, or suspension of law, hinges. This attention to civil war as the trigger to reactions that hollow out constitutions and institutions without ever abolishing them can be usefully transferred from the study of the borderline device of the state of exception to the heart of what we call democracy (by no means is this word used in the book - I'm referencing it at my own risk).
A generalization of tumultus from a democratic perspective is internal conflict. On a continuum from cosmos to chaos , i.e. from order and harmony to disorder and aggression, democracy is always half-way in its appearence and totally bent over chaos in its substance. There should be nothing surprising to this: a myriad of constituencies advancing their own agendas is just mess. And something to be happy about, if your power ends with your ballot. But if the idea of an "excess of democracy", as Samuel P. Huntington put it, gets traction, then tumultus can become the new name of democracy and the state of exception easily invoked and granted. Which is exactly what happens on a regular basis. It has to be clear that the target of all states of exception is democracy itself, or "the enemy within" in the words of Margaret Thatcher, especially when officially specific constituencies are singled out or external enemies and crises blamed. It is through a suspension of the intricacies of democracy that elites can then start thinking of global expansions, focusing their ambitions externally once the internal tumultus has been taken care of. This is why the author can conclude that the mechanism of the state of exception will eventually lead to global civil war.
Finally, what does it mean to undo the nexus between violence and law, or to open a space between the two where truly political action can unfold? Law is said to have been established ne cives ad arma ruant , i.e. so that the citizens not rush to arms. We should start thinking that there is no mechanism - be it law, or its suspension, whether codified in rites, traditions, religions or modern law codes - that can prevent conflict from playing out in our democratic societies. It is only by playing with conflict - and with law consequently - without fear (which is the opposite of violence) that political action can come of age.
[Through my ratings, reviews and edits I'm providing intellectual property and labor to Amazon.com Inc., listed on Nasdaq, which fully owns 欧宝娱乐.com and in 2013 posted revenues for $74 billion and $274 million profits. Intellectual property and labor require compensation. Amazon.com Inc. is also requested to provide assurance that its employees and contractors' work conditions meet the highest health and safety standards at all the company's sites.]
This book can be hardly understood outside the continental tradition of code law, and it makes no attempt at an archaeology of common law - where for example there's no decision-norm cleavage, as Entscheidung (Schmitt and Benjamin's 'decision' ) is exactly what generates law. From a common law perspective the essay might thus appear as a sequence of absurdities, but in its painstaking investigation of long forgotten diatribes and lost constitutions it has the merit to unearth the root meaning of a few relevant political phenomena, casting a new, not necessarily depressing light on them.
The book begins asking "what is political action?" and ends answering that "truly political is only that action, which cuts the nexus between violence and law". And violence and war are conceptually - even if sometimes not explicitly - at the center of the complicated to and fro between ancient texts and present times. Tumultus (uprising in Latin) is the core archaeological finding on which the whole theory of the state of exception, or suspension of law, hinges. This attention to civil war as the trigger to reactions that hollow out constitutions and institutions without ever abolishing them can be usefully transferred from the study of the borderline device of the state of exception to the heart of what we call democracy (by no means is this word used in the book - I'm referencing it at my own risk).
A generalization of tumultus from a democratic perspective is internal conflict. On a continuum from cosmos to chaos , i.e. from order and harmony to disorder and aggression, democracy is always half-way in its appearence and totally bent over chaos in its substance. There should be nothing surprising to this: a myriad of constituencies advancing their own agendas is just mess. And something to be happy about, if your power ends with your ballot. But if the idea of an "excess of democracy", as Samuel P. Huntington put it, gets traction, then tumultus can become the new name of democracy and the state of exception easily invoked and granted. Which is exactly what happens on a regular basis. It has to be clear that the target of all states of exception is democracy itself, or "the enemy within" in the words of Margaret Thatcher, especially when officially specific constituencies are singled out or external enemies and crises blamed. It is through a suspension of the intricacies of democracy that elites can then start thinking of global expansions, focusing their ambitions externally once the internal tumultus has been taken care of. This is why the author can conclude that the mechanism of the state of exception will eventually lead to global civil war.
Finally, what does it mean to undo the nexus between violence and law, or to open a space between the two where truly political action can unfold? Law is said to have been established ne cives ad arma ruant , i.e. so that the citizens not rush to arms. We should start thinking that there is no mechanism - be it law, or its suspension, whether codified in rites, traditions, religions or modern law codes - that can prevent conflict from playing out in our democratic societies. It is only by playing with conflict - and with law consequently - without fear (which is the opposite of violence) that political action can come of age.
October 31, 2021
One of the essential characteristics of the state of exception-the provisional abolition of the distinction among legislative, executive, and judicial powers-here shows its tendency to become a lasting practice of government.
This was a challenging text about constitutional provisions for states of siege, martial law and other legal mechanisms during extreme times. The philosopher goes to lengths to detail how the metrics for such determinations and the means for such to restore itself are both grounded in a deconstructive ambiguity, an aporia. I did enjoy the close reading of Benjamin's Critique of Violence but felt a bit lost in efforts to compare such with Carl Schmitt, whom I'm not familiar except from the discussions in Simon Critchley's
I was also at a loss for references to Arendt's global civil war, which I admit I wasn't familiar with. Ultimately I felt the book was to serve as a warning bell for executive actions in lieu of the Patriot Act. Yet it is conceded in the text that this isn't a question of a fail-safe and that states of exception don't necessarily lead to death camps. It was also intriguing to ponder these possibilities in lieu of Klein's theories about Shock Doctrine.
Tandem read with Filipe
This was a challenging text about constitutional provisions for states of siege, martial law and other legal mechanisms during extreme times. The philosopher goes to lengths to detail how the metrics for such determinations and the means for such to restore itself are both grounded in a deconstructive ambiguity, an aporia. I did enjoy the close reading of Benjamin's Critique of Violence but felt a bit lost in efforts to compare such with Carl Schmitt, whom I'm not familiar except from the discussions in Simon Critchley's
I was also at a loss for references to Arendt's global civil war, which I admit I wasn't familiar with. Ultimately I felt the book was to serve as a warning bell for executive actions in lieu of the Patriot Act. Yet it is conceded in the text that this isn't a question of a fail-safe and that states of exception don't necessarily lead to death camps. It was also intriguing to ponder these possibilities in lieu of Klein's theories about Shock Doctrine.
Tandem read with Filipe
March 14, 2018
丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賰鬲丕亘 丕爻鬲孬賳丕卅賷 亘賰賱 丕賱賲賯丕賷賷爻貙 賮賷 胤乇賷賯丞 賰鬲丕亘鬲賴貙 賮賷 賲毓賳丕賴貙 賮賷 賲乇賲丕賴貙 賮賷 丕賱賲賵囟賵毓 丕賱匕賷 賷鬲賳丕賵賱賴 賵賷賮鬲丨 亘賴 賳賵丕賮匕 賰孬賷乇丞 毓賱賶 賲賵丕囟賷毓 兀禺乇賶. 賱丕 兀亘丕賱睾 廿賳 賯賱鬲 兀賳賴 賲乇賴賯 賵賲鬲毓亘 兀毓賷丕賳賷 丨丿 兀賳賷 賵賮賷 亘毓囟 賲丨胤丕鬲賴 鬲賵噩毓賳賷 毓賷賳丕賷 賲賳 賰孬乇丞 廿毓丕丿丞 丕賱賯乇丕亍丞 丨鬲賶 兀賮賴賲 賵賱賵 賯賱賷賱丕 賲賳 丕賱賮賰乇丞 丕賱賲胤乇賵丨丞. 氐丨賷丨 兀賳賳賷 賱賲 兀爻鬲賵毓亘 丿賯丕卅賯 丕賱鬲賮丕氐賷賱 亘丿賯丞貨 禺丕氐丞 賲賯丕乇賳鬲賴 亘賷賳 賰丕乇賱 卮賲賷鬲 賵賮丕賱鬲乇 亘賳賷丕賲賷賳貨 賵賱賲 兀賲爻賰 亘賴丕 賲爻賰 丕賱賲鬲賯賳 賱丨乇賮鬲賴丕. 賵賱賰賳賷 亘賮囟賱 丕賱賱賴 禺乇噩鬲 賲賳賴 亘兀亘賵丕亘 賲卮乇毓丞 毓賱賶 丨賯賵賱 毓賱賲 賰孬賷乇丞 兀馗賳賴丕 鬲毓賷賳賳賷 噩賷丿丕 賵廿賳 兀毓賷鬲 爻賷乇賷.
丕賱亘丿賷毓 賮賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賴賵 孬乇丕丐賴 亘丕賱賲噩丕夭. 丕賱賲噩丕夭 胤丕睾 毓賱賶 賰賱 丕賱夭賵丕賷丕 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賳丕賵賱 賲賳賴丕 噩賵乇噩賵 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賯囟賷丞 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍. 丨賮乇 賮賷 丕賱賱睾丞 賳丨賵 丕賱毓賲賯.乇亘胤 賰賱 丕賱禺賷賵胤 賲毓 兀氐賱 賵丕丨丿 "兀氐賱 丕賱賱睾丞"貙 賵賰兀賳 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賷禺亘乇賳丕 兀賳賳丕 賱賳 賳賮賴賲 禺亘丕賷丕 賲丕 賳乇賶 廿賱丕 賱賵 丕爻鬲賵毓亘賳丕 禺賮丕賷丕 賲丕 賳賳胤賯 亘賴 賲賳 賮賰乇.
兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賮賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱丕 賷賮賰賰 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賮丨爻亘 賵廿賳賲丕 賷賮賰賰 賲毓賴丕 賰賱 乇丨賱丕鬲賳丕 賲賳 丕賱爻賷賲賷丕卅賷 廿賱賶 丕賱丿賱丕賱賷!
賱賳 兀賱禺氐 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱兀賳賳賷 毓丕噩夭丞 毓賳 匕賱賰貙 賯丿 兀賱禺氐賴 亘毓丿 爻賳賵丕鬲 賲賳 丕賱亘丨孬 賮賷 鬲賮丕氐賷賱 賲丕 賱賲 兀賮賴賲賴. 兀賵 毓賱 賴賲鬲賷 鬲賯賵賶 賵 兀毓賷丿 賯乇丕亍鬲賴 賯乇賷亘丕 賵賷賮鬲丨 丕賱賱賴 毓賱賷 亘賮賴賲 丿賯賷賯 賱賴 賵賱賰賳 廿賱賶 匕賱賰 丕賱丨賷賳 丿毓賵賳丕 賳賱賯賷 賳馗乇丞 毓賱賶 鬲賮氐賷賱 賲噩丕夭賷 噩賲賷賱 亘丿賷毓 乇丕卅毓 亘賳賶 毓賱賷賴 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賳馗乇鬲賴 賱丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍. 廿賳賴 賲噩丕夭 "丕賱毓鬲亘丞". 丕賱毓鬲亘丞 賴賷 匕丕賰 丕賱卮亘乇 丕賱賷 賷賮氐賱 亘賷賳 丕賱丿丕乇 賵賲丕 禺丕乇噩賴丕貙 賷賮氐賱 亘賴 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 亘賷賳 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵丕賱賱丕賲毓賷丕乇賷丞. 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賴賵 毓賳 鬲賱賰 丕賱毓鬲亘丞 賯丕賳賵賳賷鬲賴丕 賲賳 毓丿賲賴丕... 賰鬲丕亘 賷卮乇丨 兀賳丕賯丞 賵鬲賲乇爻 賵丨匕賱賯丞 卮賲賷鬲 賵兀賲孬丕賱賴 賮賷 乇亘胤 丕賱賯賴乇 亘丕賱賯丕賳賵賳.
丕賱亘丿賷毓 賮賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賴賵 孬乇丕丐賴 亘丕賱賲噩丕夭. 丕賱賲噩丕夭 胤丕睾 毓賱賶 賰賱 丕賱夭賵丕賷丕 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賳丕賵賱 賲賳賴丕 噩賵乇噩賵 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賯囟賷丞 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍. 丨賮乇 賮賷 丕賱賱睾丞 賳丨賵 丕賱毓賲賯.乇亘胤 賰賱 丕賱禺賷賵胤 賲毓 兀氐賱 賵丕丨丿 "兀氐賱 丕賱賱睾丞"貙 賵賰兀賳 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賷禺亘乇賳丕 兀賳賳丕 賱賳 賳賮賴賲 禺亘丕賷丕 賲丕 賳乇賶 廿賱丕 賱賵 丕爻鬲賵毓亘賳丕 禺賮丕賷丕 賲丕 賳賳胤賯 亘賴 賲賳 賮賰乇.
兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賮賷 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱丕 賷賮賰賰 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賮丨爻亘 賵廿賳賲丕 賷賮賰賰 賲毓賴丕 賰賱 乇丨賱丕鬲賳丕 賲賳 丕賱爻賷賲賷丕卅賷 廿賱賶 丕賱丿賱丕賱賷!
賱賳 兀賱禺氐 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱兀賳賳賷 毓丕噩夭丞 毓賳 匕賱賰貙 賯丿 兀賱禺氐賴 亘毓丿 爻賳賵丕鬲 賲賳 丕賱亘丨孬 賮賷 鬲賮丕氐賷賱 賲丕 賱賲 兀賮賴賲賴. 兀賵 毓賱 賴賲鬲賷 鬲賯賵賶 賵 兀毓賷丿 賯乇丕亍鬲賴 賯乇賷亘丕 賵賷賮鬲丨 丕賱賱賴 毓賱賷 亘賮賴賲 丿賯賷賯 賱賴 賵賱賰賳 廿賱賶 匕賱賰 丕賱丨賷賳 丿毓賵賳丕 賳賱賯賷 賳馗乇丞 毓賱賶 鬲賮氐賷賱 賲噩丕夭賷 噩賲賷賱 亘丿賷毓 乇丕卅毓 亘賳賶 毓賱賷賴 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賳馗乇鬲賴 賱丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍. 廿賳賴 賲噩丕夭 "丕賱毓鬲亘丞". 丕賱毓鬲亘丞 賴賷 匕丕賰 丕賱卮亘乇 丕賱賷 賷賮氐賱 亘賷賳 丕賱丿丕乇 賵賲丕 禺丕乇噩賴丕貙 賷賮氐賱 亘賴 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 亘賷賳 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵丕賱賱丕賲毓賷丕乇賷丞. 賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賴賵 毓賳 鬲賱賰 丕賱毓鬲亘丞 賯丕賳賵賳賷鬲賴丕 賲賳 毓丿賲賴丕... 賰鬲丕亘 賷卮乇丨 兀賳丕賯丞 賵鬲賲乇爻 賵丨匕賱賯丞 卮賲賷鬲 賵兀賲孬丕賱賴 賮賷 乇亘胤 丕賱賯賴乇 亘丕賱賯丕賳賵賳.
March 23, 2020
Ensayo pol铆tico po茅tico sobre los fundamentos de los sistemas jur铆dicos modernos. La idea es g枚deliana, creo que de manera inadvertida. El fundamento del estado moderno, el sistema jur铆dico que habilita el lenguaje de la ley, est谩 perforado. Hay anomia en la base estructural de la ley. Como si el sistema implosionara para poder subsistir. La violencia vac铆a ser铆a el fundamento de la ley que nos protege de la violencia. Lo bueno de Agamben es que recorre varios caminos paralelos que llevan a esta misma conclusi贸n. Sigue un m茅todo geneal贸gico parecido al de Foucault. Hace filolog铆a. Hace historia. Hace filosof铆a. Revisa etimolog铆as, significados hist贸ricos, culturales. Pone lupa sobre el derecho romano, la potestas versus la auctoritas. Confronta a Schmitt con Benjamin, quiz谩s su mejor logro. Molesta un poco el uso de fuegos de artificio. Y una histri贸nica sobriedad po茅tica que asombra y enseguida cansa. Es un ensayo tan pol铆tico, como est茅tico. Ambos vectores se articulan en un mismo itinerario. La erudici贸n de Agamben es contundente. Lo que quiz谩s no sea tan asombroso es la tesis central. El derecho moderno es violencia, pura violencia de guerra camuflada en un discurso que parece de paz, de garant铆as. La democracia moderna es quiz谩s un mal disimulado totalitarismo. La violencia vac铆a -esa que se deja ver desnuda en el Ausnahmenzustand- es la ra铆z de la democracia moderna. Como dijo Benjamin: Zeit und Raum ohne Grund ist Gewalt. Por eso le preocupaba tanto la secreta continuidad entre el fascismo y la democracia moderna. Es monstruoso. Una insondable violencia inhumana ser铆a el fundamento de nuestra organizaci贸n como sociedad humana, de nuestra b煤squeda de paz. Pero, 驴qui茅n disimula esta cruel advertencia? Ni los juristas, ni los fil贸sofos, ni la sociedad civil. Sabemos que todo es ficci贸n en el mundo del lenguaje, y que es irreconciliable con lo real. El motor es la arbitrariedad. El prop贸sito es la racionalizaci贸n. En este sentido, parece que Agamben descubri贸 Am茅rica. O quiz谩s sea demasiado violento decirlo de manera directa, demasiado benjaminiano, demasiado kafkiano. De ah铆 las piruetas ensay铆sticas. Mejor pensarlo as铆. Aunque Nietzsche lo dijo mejor: Wille zur Macht.
February 14, 2016
胤賷亘
丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲孬賳丕亍 - 噩賵乇噩賵 丌睾丕賲亘賷賳
賱賽賲賻 丕賱氐賻賾賲賿鬲購 兀賻賷購賾賴賻丕 丕賱賮購賯賻賴賻丕亍賽 丨賽賷賻丕賱賻 賯賻囟賻丕賷賻丕 鬲賻賴購賲購賾賰購賲賿 !責
賴賵 丕賱氐乇丕丨丞 丕賱賵丕丨丿 賲卮 毓丕乇賮 賷賯賵賱 廿賷賴 :D
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賳 兀孬賯賱 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱賱賶 賯乇賷鬲賴丕 賮賶 丨賷丕鬲賶
賵 賴賵 賷毓鬲亘乇 丕賵賱 賯乇丕亍丞 賮毓賱賷丞 賱賷丕 丕賱爻賳丞 丿賶 :D
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲卮 賲賳 賳賵毓賷丞 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱禺賮賷賮丞 丕賱賱賶 鬲鬲賯乇賶 賮賶 賷賵賲 丕鬲賳賷賳 孬賱丕孬丞 賵賱丕 賮賶 丕賱賲賵丕氐賱丕鬲 賵賱丕 鬲賯囟賷丞 賵賯鬲 賱丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 毓丕賵夭賰 鬲賰賵賳 賲鬲賮乇睾 鬲賲丕賲丕 賱賷賴 賵 丕賳鬲 亘鬲賯乇丕賱賴 毓賱卮丕賳 鬲賮賴賲
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘賷鬲賰賱賲 毓賳 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賵 賮乇囟 丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲賳丕亍 賵 鬲胤亘賷賯賴丕 賵 毓賱丕賯鬲賴丕 亘丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵 丨丕賱丞 丕賱囟乇賵乇丞
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賴賲 亘爻 賮賶 賳賮爻 丕賱賵賯鬲 氐毓亘
丕賳丕 賰賳鬲 亘毓賷丿 賮賯乇丕鬲 賰丕賲賱丞 賲賳 丕賱丕賵賱 毓賱卮丕賳 丕賮賴賲 亘鬲鬲賰賱賲 毓賱賶 廿賷賴
丕賱賲賱丨賲丞 賮賶 6 賮氐賵賱 亘丿兀賴丕 亘卮乇丨 丨丕賱丞 丕賱囟乇賵乇丞 賵 賯賵丞 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵 鬲胤亘賷賯賴 賵 丕賱賮氐賱 丕賱孬丕賱孬 賵 丕賱乇丕亘毓 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 賱賷丕 賴賲 丕賴賲 賮氐賵賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘
丕賱孬丕賱孬 丕賱禺丕氐 亘卮乇丨 丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿賷賵爻鬲賷鬲賷賵賲 " 丕賱賲乇爻賵賲 丕賱丕禺賷乇 賱賱爻賷賳丕鬲賵 " 賵 毓賱丕賯鬲賴丕 亘丕賱丨丕賰賲 賵 爻賱胤丕鬲賴 賵 賳馗乇賷丞 鬲胤亘賷賯賴丕 賵 丨丕賱 丕賱丿賵賱丞 毓賳丿 賮乇囟賴丕 兀賰孬乇 賲賳 乇丕卅毓 賵 亘賷賵囟丨 丨丕噩丕鬲 賰孬賷乇 毓賳 胤亘賷毓丞 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賵 丨丕噩丕鬲 賰丕賳鬲 賲禺鬲賮賷丞 賮賶 丕賱賮氐賱 丕賱丕賵賱 丕賵 賲卮 賲禺鬲賮賷丞 賱丕 氐毓亘 賮賴賲賴丕 賲賳 丕賵賱 賵賴賱丞
丕賱亘丕亘 丕賱乇丕亘毓 亘賯賶 賷丕 賲毓賱賲 亘賷鬲賰賱賲 毓賳 丕賱氐乇丕毓 毓賱賶 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賵 賲賷賳 丕賱賱賶 賷毓乇賮賴丕 賵 賷賳馗乇 賱賷賴丕 氐丨 賵 丕賱賮氐賱 亘賷賳 丕賱爻賱胤丞 丕賱爻賷丕丿賷丞 賵 鬲胤亘賷賯賴丕 賵 丕賮賰丕乇 鬲丕賳賷丞 賲賴賲丞 噩丿丕
禺鬲丕賲丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賰賵賷爻 噩丿丕
賳噩賲賴 賱賱賳丕卮乇 " 賲丿丕乇丕鬲 " 賮賱賵賱丕賴丕 賲丕 毓乇賮鬲 丕睾丕賲亘賷賳
賳噩賲丞 賱賱賲鬲乇噩賲 丕賱賱賶 丕亘丿毓 賵 禺氐賵氐丕 賮賶 丕賱賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 丕賱賯丕亘賱丞 賱賱鬲兀賵賷賱 賵 亘鬲丨賲賱 兀賰孬乇 賲賳 賲毓賳賶
賳噩賲鬲賷賳 賱賱賲丨鬲賵賶 丕賱噩亘丕乇 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 賱毓丿丿 丕賱氐賮丨丕鬲
賴鬲賯賵賱賶 賱賷賴 賮賷賴 賳噩賲丞 賳丕賯氐丞 賴賯賵賱賰 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 氐毓亘 賷丕 毓賲 賱丕夭賲 賷鬲賯乇賶 鬲丕賳賶
亘爻 賴賵 賰鬲丕亘 賲賲鬲丕夭 亘賲毓賳賶 丕賱賰賱賲丞
丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲孬賳丕亍 - 噩賵乇噩賵 丌睾丕賲亘賷賳
賱賽賲賻 丕賱氐賻賾賲賿鬲購 兀賻賷購賾賴賻丕 丕賱賮購賯賻賴賻丕亍賽 丨賽賷賻丕賱賻 賯賻囟賻丕賷賻丕 鬲賻賴購賲購賾賰購賲賿 !責
賴賵 丕賱氐乇丕丨丞 丕賱賵丕丨丿 賲卮 毓丕乇賮 賷賯賵賱 廿賷賴 :D
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賳 兀孬賯賱 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱賱賶 賯乇賷鬲賴丕 賮賶 丨賷丕鬲賶
賵 賴賵 賷毓鬲亘乇 丕賵賱 賯乇丕亍丞 賮毓賱賷丞 賱賷丕 丕賱爻賳丞 丿賶 :D
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲卮 賲賳 賳賵毓賷丞 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱禺賮賷賮丞 丕賱賱賶 鬲鬲賯乇賶 賮賶 賷賵賲 丕鬲賳賷賳 孬賱丕孬丞 賵賱丕 賮賶 丕賱賲賵丕氐賱丕鬲 賵賱丕 鬲賯囟賷丞 賵賯鬲 賱丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 毓丕賵夭賰 鬲賰賵賳 賲鬲賮乇睾 鬲賲丕賲丕 賱賷賴 賵 丕賳鬲 亘鬲賯乇丕賱賴 毓賱卮丕賳 鬲賮賴賲
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 亘賷鬲賰賱賲 毓賳 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賵 賮乇囟 丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲賳丕亍 賵 鬲胤亘賷賯賴丕 賵 毓賱丕賯鬲賴丕 亘丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵 丨丕賱丞 丕賱囟乇賵乇丞
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賲賴賲 亘爻 賮賶 賳賮爻 丕賱賵賯鬲 氐毓亘
丕賳丕 賰賳鬲 亘毓賷丿 賮賯乇丕鬲 賰丕賲賱丞 賲賳 丕賱丕賵賱 毓賱卮丕賳 丕賮賴賲 亘鬲鬲賰賱賲 毓賱賶 廿賷賴
丕賱賲賱丨賲丞 賮賶 6 賮氐賵賱 亘丿兀賴丕 亘卮乇丨 丨丕賱丞 丕賱囟乇賵乇丞 賵 賯賵丞 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵 鬲胤亘賷賯賴 賵 丕賱賮氐賱 丕賱孬丕賱孬 賵 丕賱乇丕亘毓 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 賱賷丕 賴賲 丕賴賲 賮氐賵賱 丕賱賰鬲丕亘
丕賱孬丕賱孬 丕賱禺丕氐 亘卮乇丨 丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿賷賵爻鬲賷鬲賷賵賲 " 丕賱賲乇爻賵賲 丕賱丕禺賷乇 賱賱爻賷賳丕鬲賵 " 賵 毓賱丕賯鬲賴丕 亘丕賱丨丕賰賲 賵 爻賱胤丕鬲賴 賵 賳馗乇賷丞 鬲胤亘賷賯賴丕 賵 丨丕賱 丕賱丿賵賱丞 毓賳丿 賮乇囟賴丕 兀賰孬乇 賲賳 乇丕卅毓 賵 亘賷賵囟丨 丨丕噩丕鬲 賰孬賷乇 毓賳 胤亘賷毓丞 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賵 丨丕噩丕鬲 賰丕賳鬲 賲禺鬲賮賷丞 賮賶 丕賱賮氐賱 丕賱丕賵賱 丕賵 賲卮 賲禺鬲賮賷丞 賱丕 氐毓亘 賮賴賲賴丕 賲賳 丕賵賱 賵賴賱丞
丕賱亘丕亘 丕賱乇丕亘毓 亘賯賶 賷丕 賲毓賱賲 亘賷鬲賰賱賲 毓賳 丕賱氐乇丕毓 毓賱賶 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賵 賲賷賳 丕賱賱賶 賷毓乇賮賴丕 賵 賷賳馗乇 賱賷賴丕 氐丨 賵 丕賱賮氐賱 亘賷賳 丕賱爻賱胤丞 丕賱爻賷丕丿賷丞 賵 鬲胤亘賷賯賴丕 賵 丕賮賰丕乇 鬲丕賳賷丞 賲賴賲丞 噩丿丕
禺鬲丕賲丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賰賵賷爻 噩丿丕
賳噩賲賴 賱賱賳丕卮乇 " 賲丿丕乇丕鬲 " 賮賱賵賱丕賴丕 賲丕 毓乇賮鬲 丕睾丕賲亘賷賳
賳噩賲丞 賱賱賲鬲乇噩賲 丕賱賱賶 丕亘丿毓 賵 禺氐賵氐丕 賮賶 丕賱賲氐胤賱丨丕鬲 丕賱賯丕亘賱丞 賱賱鬲兀賵賷賱 賵 亘鬲丨賲賱 兀賰孬乇 賲賳 賲毓賳賶
賳噩賲鬲賷賳 賱賱賲丨鬲賵賶 丕賱噩亘丕乇 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 賱毓丿丿 丕賱氐賮丨丕鬲
賴鬲賯賵賱賶 賱賷賴 賮賷賴 賳噩賲丞 賳丕賯氐丞 賴賯賵賱賰 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 氐毓亘 賷丕 毓賲 賱丕夭賲 賷鬲賯乇賶 鬲丕賳賶
亘爻 賴賵 賰鬲丕亘 賲賲鬲丕夭 亘賲毓賳賶 丕賱賰賱賲丞
April 28, 2017
Giorgio Agamben's State of Exception continues down a path laid down by its exceptional precursor, Homo Sacer. While Homo Sacer's focus was on the nature of sovereignty and its increasing implication in the sphere of biological life, in State of Exception, Agamben turns his gaze directly towards the question of law and its relationship to power. And I really do mean law. Anyone expecting the colorful procession of anthropological discussions that adorned the pages of Homo Sacer will instead find themselves knee-deep in some incredibly dense interventions into debates on the nature and limits of law. Thus, although Agamben's usual cast of interlocutors are still present - Benjamin, Schmitt, Derrida, Arendt - more often than not, it's with little-known legal scholars and jurists with whom Agamben engages. In the hands of a lesser stylist, it could come off as vaunting; in the hands of Agamben, one feels the irresistible temptation to head to the library and devour each and every one of his references.
For a philosophile like myself, unused to the arcana of juridical discussion, it's uncharted territory, which makes State of Exception's slim ninety pages anything but a breezy read. For all that though, the effort is worth it. The central axis around which Agamben organizes his investigation is that of the relation between law and its own exception. Which is to ask: what happens when law authorizes its own suspension? Recall - to use of one Agamben's examples - the notorious Article 48 of the Weimar constitution which, when invoked, suspended certain fundamental rights guaranteed by that very constitution itself. Such a situation places the law in a 'state of exception' with itself: law suspends law, all the while nonetheless remaining in force. This paradoxical situation - the history of which is meticulously traced out by Agamben - gives rise to law emptied of any positive content, while nonetheless retaining its form. For Agamben, this zone of indeterminate law renders the entire juridical order into nothing less than a 'killing machine', whose end result can only lead towards "global civil war".
Just how and why this is so is best left to a reading of the book itself, but as with Homo Sacer, State of Exception implores us to find a way to 'stop the machine', to 'depose' of it, to use the term invoked by Benjamin and taken up by Agamben. In laying out the obscure logic that governs the state of exception (or rather, that the state of exception governs), Agamben's contribution is not so much a way forward as it is an attempt to illuminate what exactly it is we're to find our way forward from. Much of the book is given over to Agamben refuting various attempts to pacify, downplay, or ambiguate the stringent logic of the state of exception, an enterprise he takes up with with both delicacy and ferociousness. Indeed, the crowing jewel of the book is a chapter which finds Agamben playing mediator to a fascinating debate between the works of Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt, with Agamben tracing the parries and blows of each in brilliant detail (unsurprisingly for those familiar with Agamben, Benjamin comes out on top). More than just a tour de force of intellectual and historical scholarship, it's a debate which elegantly encapsulates all that's at stake in Agamben's overarching project. Of course if you want to see it play out, you'll have to read the book.
For a philosophile like myself, unused to the arcana of juridical discussion, it's uncharted territory, which makes State of Exception's slim ninety pages anything but a breezy read. For all that though, the effort is worth it. The central axis around which Agamben organizes his investigation is that of the relation between law and its own exception. Which is to ask: what happens when law authorizes its own suspension? Recall - to use of one Agamben's examples - the notorious Article 48 of the Weimar constitution which, when invoked, suspended certain fundamental rights guaranteed by that very constitution itself. Such a situation places the law in a 'state of exception' with itself: law suspends law, all the while nonetheless remaining in force. This paradoxical situation - the history of which is meticulously traced out by Agamben - gives rise to law emptied of any positive content, while nonetheless retaining its form. For Agamben, this zone of indeterminate law renders the entire juridical order into nothing less than a 'killing machine', whose end result can only lead towards "global civil war".
Just how and why this is so is best left to a reading of the book itself, but as with Homo Sacer, State of Exception implores us to find a way to 'stop the machine', to 'depose' of it, to use the term invoked by Benjamin and taken up by Agamben. In laying out the obscure logic that governs the state of exception (or rather, that the state of exception governs), Agamben's contribution is not so much a way forward as it is an attempt to illuminate what exactly it is we're to find our way forward from. Much of the book is given over to Agamben refuting various attempts to pacify, downplay, or ambiguate the stringent logic of the state of exception, an enterprise he takes up with with both delicacy and ferociousness. Indeed, the crowing jewel of the book is a chapter which finds Agamben playing mediator to a fascinating debate between the works of Walter Benjamin and Carl Schmitt, with Agamben tracing the parries and blows of each in brilliant detail (unsurprisingly for those familiar with Agamben, Benjamin comes out on top). More than just a tour de force of intellectual and historical scholarship, it's a debate which elegantly encapsulates all that's at stake in Agamben's overarching project. Of course if you want to see it play out, you'll have to read the book.
April 5, 2021
This should be absolutely required reading for anyone with a philosophical interest in the good life for people (individuals) and people (society). Staggering.
September 19, 2017
鬲亘丨孬 賳馗乇賷丞 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 亘丕禺鬲氐丕乇 賲禺賱 賮賷 丕賱毓賱丕賯丞 丕賱噩丿賱賷丞 亘賷賳 丕賱賯丕毓丿丞 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷丞 賵丕賱賵丕賯毓貙 亘賷賳 丕賱賳丕賲賵爻 賵丕賱賱丕賲毓賷丕乇賷丞貙 賵丕賱鬲賷 鬲氐賱 賱兀毓賱賶 鬲賰孬賮賴丕 賮賷 '丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍' 丕賱鬲賷 賷毓賱賯 賮賷賴丕 氐丕丨亘 丕賱爻賷丕丿丞 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳貙 亘丿毓賵賶 丨賲丕賷丞 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷 賳賮爻賴.
賴匕丕 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕丨鬲賮馗 亘丕爻鬲孬賳丕卅賷鬲賴 賮賷 毓氐賵乇 賲囟鬲 毓亘乇 丕賱鬲賲丕賷夭 丕賱賲丐爻爻賷 亘賷賳 毓賳丕氐乇賴 丕賱噩丿賱賷丞貙 賱賰賳賴 鬲丨賵賱 廿賱賶 賯丕毓丿丞 賲毓 丕賳氐賴丕乇 鬲賱賰 丕賱毓賳丕氐乇 賵鬲賵丨丿賴丕 賮賷 爻賱胤丞 賵丕丨丿丞. 賴賳丕 賷爻鬲丨賷賱 氐賲丕賲 丕賱兀賲丕賳 丕賱賲賮鬲乇囟 廿賱賶 賰丕乇孬丞 賲丿賲乇丞 賵丌賱丞 賯丕鬲賱丞.
賷爻鬲孬賲乇 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 卮亘賰丞 賲賳 丕賱賳胤丕賯丕鬲 丕賱賲毓乇賮賷丞 丕賱賲禺鬲賱賮丞 賷賳鬲賴賷 賲賳 禺賱丕賱賴丕 廿賱賶 賳爻噩 兀胤乇賵丨丞 賲毓賯丿丞 賮賷 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵丕賱爻賷丕爻丞貙 賵賷禺賱氐 囟賲賳 丕爻鬲賳鬲丕噩丕鬲賴 賲賳賴丕 廿賱賶 兀賳 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 氐丕乇鬲 亘兀賵噩 丕賳鬲卮丕乇賴丕 賮賷 丕賱毓丕賱賲貙 賵亘丕鬲鬲 丕賱丿賵賱 鬲賮毓賱 賲丕 鬲卮丕亍 毓賱賶 丕賱賲爻鬲賵賶 丕賱禺丕乇噩賷貙 賵鬲賳鬲賴賰 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵鬲購賮賯丿賴 賲毓賷丕乇賷鬲賴 毓賱賶 丕賱賲爻鬲賵賶 丕賱丿丕禺賱賷 賮賷 丨丕賱丞 賲賳 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕賱賲爻鬲丿丕賲 亘丿毓賵賶 鬲胤亘賷賯 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳.
鬲毓鬲亘乇 兀胤乇賵丨丞 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賲賮賷丿丞 賱賳丕 禺丕氐丞 賲毓 丕賱賲乇丨賱丞 丕賱鬲兀爻賷爻賷丞/ 丕賱丕賳鬲賯丕賱賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賲乇 亘賴丕 丕賱氐賵賲丕賱貙 廿匕 鬲爻丕賴賲 賮賷 爻毓賷賳丕 賱賮賴賲 兀賰孬乇 鬲乇賰賷亘丕 賱胤亘賷毓丞 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵賲卮乇賵毓賷鬲賴丕 賲賳 噩賴丞 賵毓賱丕賯鬲賴丕 亘丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵賲毓賷丕乇賷鬲賴 賲賳 噩賴丞 兀禺乇賶貙 賵賷夭賷丿 賲賳 兀賴賲賷丞 丕賱兀胤乇賵丨丞 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 賱賳丕 兀賳 噩夭亍丕賸 賲賳 兀噩賴夭丞 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱鬲賳賮賷匕賷丞 毓賱賶 丕賱兀賯賱 賯丿 鬲兀爻爻 毓賱賶 賴丕賲卮 丨乇亘 丕賱廿乇賴丕亘 丕賱鬲賷 賴賷 鬲賲馗賴乇 氐乇賮 賱賱丨丕賱丞 丕賱賭"兀睾丕賲亘賷賳賷丞".
賵賰賲丕 賷鬲賰卮賮 賲賳 賲爻賵丿丞 賯丕賳賵賳 賲賰丕賮丨丞 丕賱廿乇賴丕亘 丕賱賲毓乇賵囟丞 丨丕賱賷丕賸 毓賱賶 丕賱亘乇賱賲丕賳 賵賯亘賱賴丕 賯囟賷丞 鬲爻賱賷賲 丕賱賲賵丕胤賳 毓亘丿 丕賱賰乇賷賲 卮賷禺 賲賵爻賶 賱廿孬賷賵亘賷丕貙 賮廿賳 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕賱匕賷 鬲賲 鬲亘乇賷乇賴 亘丨賲丕賷丞 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷 賵丕賱丿賵賱丞 賲賳 鬲賴丿賷丿 賵噩賵丿賷貙 賱賲 賷賰賮 毓賳 丕賱夭丨賮 毓賱賶 丨賷夭 丕賱賯丕毓丿丞 丕賱賲毓賷丕乇賷丞 (丕賱丿爻鬲賵乇 賵丕賱賯賵丕賳賷賳)貙 賵亘丕賱鬲丕賱賷 賮賱丕 賲丕賳毓 賲賳 兀賳 賷爻鬲賲乇 賮賷 丕賱鬲賵爻毓 兀賵 鬲爻鬲賲乇 丕賱兀噩賴夭丞 丕賱鬲賳賮賷匕賷丞 賮賷 丕賱鬲睾賵賱 丨鬲賶 鬲賳氐賴乇 賮賷賴丕 賰賱 丕賱爻賱胤丞貙 賱賳氐賱 廿賱賶 丨丕賱丞 鬲胤丕亘賯 賰丕賲賱 亘賷賳 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賷賰賵賳 毓賳賵丕賳賴丕 丕爻鬲亘丕丨丞 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳貙 毓賱賶 卮丕賰賱丞 丕賱賳賲賵匕噩 丕賱賲鬲丨賯賯 丨丕賱賷丕賸 賮賷 丕賱賲賳丕胤賯 丕賱氐賵賲丕賱賷丞 亘廿孬賷賵亘賷丕 毓賱賶 爻亘賷賱 丕賱賲孬丕賱 賱丕 丕賱丨氐乇.
賵賯丿 賷爻鬲亘毓丿 兀丨丿賳丕 廿賲賰丕賳賷丞 丕賳亘孬丕賯 丨丕賱丞 賲賳 丕賱鬲兀賱賴 丕賱爻賱胤賵賷 丕賱賲胤賱賯 賲賳 乇丨賲 丨賰賲 丿爻鬲賵乇賷 (兀賵 賯乇賷亘 賲賳賴)貙 賱賰賳 賵賰賲丕 賷賵乇丿 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賮賷 兀胤乇賵丨鬲賴貙 賮廿賳 鬲賲馗賴乇賷 "丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍" 丕賱賲胤賿亘賽賯丞 丕賱兀卮丿 賳賯丕亍賸 賮賷 丕賱毓氐乇 丕賱丨丿賷孬貙 丕賱賮丕卮賷丞 賵丕賱賳丕夭賷丞貙 賱賲 鬲毓丿賲丕 卮乇毓賷丞 丿爻鬲賵乇賷丞貙 廿賳賲丕 賲丕 賮鬲丨 丕賱亘丕亘 毓賱賶 賲氐乇丕毓賷賴 賱賴賲丕 賰丕賳 丕賱鬲胤亘賷毓 賲毓 丕賱廿爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賵噩乇賴 亘匕賱賰 廿賱賶 禺丕賳丞 丕賱毓丕丿賷 賮賷 爻賷丕爻丞 鬲賱賰 丕賱丿賵賱 (丕賱丿爻鬲賵乇賷丞 丨鬲賶 丨賷賳賴)貙 賵匕賱賰 賰兀丨丿賶 鬲亘毓丕鬲 丕賱丨乇亘 丕賱毓丕賱賲賷丞 丕賱兀賵賱賶.
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賲丨鬲丕噩 賯胤毓丕賸 賱賯乇丕亍丞 孬丕賳賷丞 賮賷 丕賱賰鬲丕亘貙 賮賴賵貙 毓賱賶 氐睾乇 丨噩賲賴 丕賱賳爻亘賷貙 睾賳賷 賵鬲兀爻賷爻賷貙 賵賱丕 賷爻毓 兀賷 丿丕乇爻 兀賵 賲賴鬲賲 亘賮賱爻賮丞 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 廿賱丕 丕賱廿胤賱丕毓 毓賱賷賴.
賴匕丕 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕丨鬲賮馗 亘丕爻鬲孬賳丕卅賷鬲賴 賮賷 毓氐賵乇 賲囟鬲 毓亘乇 丕賱鬲賲丕賷夭 丕賱賲丐爻爻賷 亘賷賳 毓賳丕氐乇賴 丕賱噩丿賱賷丞貙 賱賰賳賴 鬲丨賵賱 廿賱賶 賯丕毓丿丞 賲毓 丕賳氐賴丕乇 鬲賱賰 丕賱毓賳丕氐乇 賵鬲賵丨丿賴丕 賮賷 爻賱胤丞 賵丕丨丿丞. 賴賳丕 賷爻鬲丨賷賱 氐賲丕賲 丕賱兀賲丕賳 丕賱賲賮鬲乇囟 廿賱賶 賰丕乇孬丞 賲丿賲乇丞 賵丌賱丞 賯丕鬲賱丞.
賷爻鬲孬賲乇 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 卮亘賰丞 賲賳 丕賱賳胤丕賯丕鬲 丕賱賲毓乇賮賷丞 丕賱賲禺鬲賱賮丞 賷賳鬲賴賷 賲賳 禺賱丕賱賴丕 廿賱賶 賳爻噩 兀胤乇賵丨丞 賲毓賯丿丞 賮賷 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵丕賱爻賷丕爻丞貙 賵賷禺賱氐 囟賲賳 丕爻鬲賳鬲丕噩丕鬲賴 賲賳賴丕 廿賱賶 兀賳 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 氐丕乇鬲 亘兀賵噩 丕賳鬲卮丕乇賴丕 賮賷 丕賱毓丕賱賲貙 賵亘丕鬲鬲 丕賱丿賵賱 鬲賮毓賱 賲丕 鬲卮丕亍 毓賱賶 丕賱賲爻鬲賵賶 丕賱禺丕乇噩賷貙 賵鬲賳鬲賴賰 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵鬲購賮賯丿賴 賲毓賷丕乇賷鬲賴 毓賱賶 丕賱賲爻鬲賵賶 丕賱丿丕禺賱賷 賮賷 丨丕賱丞 賲賳 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕賱賲爻鬲丿丕賲 亘丿毓賵賶 鬲胤亘賷賯 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳.
鬲毓鬲亘乇 兀胤乇賵丨丞 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賲賮賷丿丞 賱賳丕 禺丕氐丞 賲毓 丕賱賲乇丨賱丞 丕賱鬲兀爻賷爻賷丞/ 丕賱丕賳鬲賯丕賱賷丞 丕賱鬲賷 鬲賲乇 亘賴丕 丕賱氐賵賲丕賱貙 廿匕 鬲爻丕賴賲 賮賷 爻毓賷賳丕 賱賮賴賲 兀賰孬乇 鬲乇賰賷亘丕 賱胤亘賷毓丞 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵賲卮乇賵毓賷鬲賴丕 賲賳 噩賴丞 賵毓賱丕賯鬲賴丕 亘丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵賲毓賷丕乇賷鬲賴 賲賳 噩賴丞 兀禺乇賶貙 賵賷夭賷丿 賲賳 兀賴賲賷丞 丕賱兀胤乇賵丨丞 亘丕賱賳爻亘丞 賱賳丕 兀賳 噩夭亍丕賸 賲賳 兀噩賴夭丞 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱鬲賳賮賷匕賷丞 毓賱賶 丕賱兀賯賱 賯丿 鬲兀爻爻 毓賱賶 賴丕賲卮 丨乇亘 丕賱廿乇賴丕亘 丕賱鬲賷 賴賷 鬲賲馗賴乇 氐乇賮 賱賱丨丕賱丞 丕賱賭"兀睾丕賲亘賷賳賷丞".
賵賰賲丕 賷鬲賰卮賮 賲賳 賲爻賵丿丞 賯丕賳賵賳 賲賰丕賮丨丞 丕賱廿乇賴丕亘 丕賱賲毓乇賵囟丞 丨丕賱賷丕賸 毓賱賶 丕賱亘乇賱賲丕賳 賵賯亘賱賴丕 賯囟賷丞 鬲爻賱賷賲 丕賱賲賵丕胤賳 毓亘丿 丕賱賰乇賷賲 卮賷禺 賲賵爻賶 賱廿孬賷賵亘賷丕貙 賮廿賳 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 丕賱匕賷 鬲賲 鬲亘乇賷乇賴 亘丨賲丕賷丞 丕賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷 賵丕賱丿賵賱丞 賲賳 鬲賴丿賷丿 賵噩賵丿賷貙 賱賲 賷賰賮 毓賳 丕賱夭丨賮 毓賱賶 丨賷夭 丕賱賯丕毓丿丞 丕賱賲毓賷丕乇賷丞 (丕賱丿爻鬲賵乇 賵丕賱賯賵丕賳賷賳)貙 賵亘丕賱鬲丕賱賷 賮賱丕 賲丕賳毓 賲賳 兀賳 賷爻鬲賲乇 賮賷 丕賱鬲賵爻毓 兀賵 鬲爻鬲賲乇 丕賱兀噩賴夭丞 丕賱鬲賳賮賷匕賷丞 賮賷 丕賱鬲睾賵賱 丨鬲賶 鬲賳氐賴乇 賮賷賴丕 賰賱 丕賱爻賱胤丞貙 賱賳氐賱 廿賱賶 丨丕賱丞 鬲胤丕亘賯 賰丕賲賱 亘賷賳 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賷賰賵賳 毓賳賵丕賳賴丕 丕爻鬲亘丕丨丞 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳貙 毓賱賶 卮丕賰賱丞 丕賱賳賲賵匕噩 丕賱賲鬲丨賯賯 丨丕賱賷丕賸 賮賷 丕賱賲賳丕胤賯 丕賱氐賵賲丕賱賷丞 亘廿孬賷賵亘賷丕 毓賱賶 爻亘賷賱 丕賱賲孬丕賱 賱丕 丕賱丨氐乇.
賵賯丿 賷爻鬲亘毓丿 兀丨丿賳丕 廿賲賰丕賳賷丞 丕賳亘孬丕賯 丨丕賱丞 賲賳 丕賱鬲兀賱賴 丕賱爻賱胤賵賷 丕賱賲胤賱賯 賲賳 乇丨賲 丨賰賲 丿爻鬲賵乇賷 (兀賵 賯乇賷亘 賲賳賴)貙 賱賰賳 賵賰賲丕 賷賵乇丿 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賮賷 兀胤乇賵丨鬲賴貙 賮廿賳 鬲賲馗賴乇賷 "丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍" 丕賱賲胤賿亘賽賯丞 丕賱兀卮丿 賳賯丕亍賸 賮賷 丕賱毓氐乇 丕賱丨丿賷孬貙 丕賱賮丕卮賷丞 賵丕賱賳丕夭賷丞貙 賱賲 鬲毓丿賲丕 卮乇毓賷丞 丿爻鬲賵乇賷丞貙 廿賳賲丕 賲丕 賮鬲丨 丕賱亘丕亘 毓賱賶 賲氐乇丕毓賷賴 賱賴賲丕 賰丕賳 丕賱鬲胤亘賷毓 賲毓 丕賱廿爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賵噩乇賴 亘匕賱賰 廿賱賶 禺丕賳丞 丕賱毓丕丿賷 賮賷 爻賷丕爻丞 鬲賱賰 丕賱丿賵賱 (丕賱丿爻鬲賵乇賷丞 丨鬲賶 丨賷賳賴)貙 賵匕賱賰 賰兀丨丿賶 鬲亘毓丕鬲 丕賱丨乇亘 丕賱毓丕賱賲賷丞 丕賱兀賵賱賶.
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賲丨鬲丕噩 賯胤毓丕賸 賱賯乇丕亍丞 孬丕賳賷丞 賮賷 丕賱賰鬲丕亘貙 賮賴賵貙 毓賱賶 氐睾乇 丨噩賲賴 丕賱賳爻亘賷貙 睾賳賷 賵鬲兀爻賷爻賷貙 賵賱丕 賷爻毓 兀賷 丿丕乇爻 兀賵 賲賴鬲賲 亘賮賱爻賮丞 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 賵丕賱爻賷丕爻丞 廿賱丕 丕賱廿胤賱丕毓 毓賱賷賴.
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December 4, 2021one day humanity will play with law just as children play with disused objects, not in order to restore them to their canonical use, but to free them from it for good.
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August 26, 2024Viel Carl Schmitt, viel Walter Benjamin, ausnahmsweise mal Heidegger und Arendt...
Scheinbar braucht es zur Einrichtung eines Rechts den rechtsfreien Raum.
Agamben setzt sich hierf眉r stark mit r枚mischer Rechtsprechung auseinander.
Hier eine etwas wilde Sammlung:
"Der Ausnahmezustand ist kein Sonderrecht, sondern er bestimmt, indem er die Rechtsordnung suspendiert, deren Schwelle oder Grenzbegriff. "
"Es geht um die Suspendierung der g眉ltigen Ordnung, damit ihr Bestehen gesichert wird."
"Das Recht, das nicht mehr praktiziert und nur studiert wird, [ist] die Pforte zur Gerechtigkeit." (Das ist von Benjamin)
"Einen Weg zur Gerechtigkeit zu bahnen hei脽t nicht Ausl枚schung, sondern Deaktivierung und Unt盲tigkeit des Rechts."
Hier meine zwei Lieblingszitate:
"Eines Tages wird die Menschheit mit dem Recht spielen wie Kinder mit ausgedienten Gegenst盲nden, nicht um sie wieder ihrem angestammten Gebrauch zuzuf眉hren, sondern um sie endg眉ltig von ihm zu befreien."
"Was der Schrein der Macht in seinem Zentrum enth盲lt, ist der Ausnahmezustand - aber dieser ist wesentlich ein leerer Raum, in dem sich menschliches Handeln ohne Bezug zum Recht mit einer Norm ohne Bezug zum Leben konfrontiert sieht."
Warme Empfehlung f眉r alle Politik-Philosophie-Interessierten und Juristen (f眉r Jura-Studienabbr眉che 眉bernehme ich keine Verantwortung)
Scheinbar braucht es zur Einrichtung eines Rechts den rechtsfreien Raum.
Agamben setzt sich hierf眉r stark mit r枚mischer Rechtsprechung auseinander.
Hier eine etwas wilde Sammlung:
"Der Ausnahmezustand ist kein Sonderrecht, sondern er bestimmt, indem er die Rechtsordnung suspendiert, deren Schwelle oder Grenzbegriff. "
"Es geht um die Suspendierung der g眉ltigen Ordnung, damit ihr Bestehen gesichert wird."
"Das Recht, das nicht mehr praktiziert und nur studiert wird, [ist] die Pforte zur Gerechtigkeit." (Das ist von Benjamin)
"Einen Weg zur Gerechtigkeit zu bahnen hei脽t nicht Ausl枚schung, sondern Deaktivierung und Unt盲tigkeit des Rechts."
Hier meine zwei Lieblingszitate:
"Eines Tages wird die Menschheit mit dem Recht spielen wie Kinder mit ausgedienten Gegenst盲nden, nicht um sie wieder ihrem angestammten Gebrauch zuzuf眉hren, sondern um sie endg眉ltig von ihm zu befreien."
"Was der Schrein der Macht in seinem Zentrum enth盲lt, ist der Ausnahmezustand - aber dieser ist wesentlich ein leerer Raum, in dem sich menschliches Handeln ohne Bezug zum Recht mit einer Norm ohne Bezug zum Leben konfrontiert sieht."
Warme Empfehlung f眉r alle Politik-Philosophie-Interessierten und Juristen (f眉r Jura-Studienabbr眉che 眉bernehme ich keine Verantwortung)
March 23, 2020
Le铆do en noviembre, a prop贸sito del uso del estado de excepci贸n en la revuelta chilena de octubre. Hoy, a prop贸sito del Coronavirus, un estado de excepci贸n permanente al estilo chino, con vigilancia absoluta de su poblaci贸n, se puede ofrecer a occidente como una alternativa en contra de las futuras crisis de salud y ambientales.
Este libro, como las distopias a lo 1984, vuelven a cobrar relevancia.
Este libro, como las distopias a lo 1984, vuelven a cobrar relevancia.
March 2, 2016
鬲丿賵乇 兀胤乇賵丨丞 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 丨賵賱 廿卮賰丕賱賷丞 丕賱爻賷丕丿丞 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞 亘胤乇丨賴 爻丐丕賱丕 賲賴賲丕 賴賵 賱賲賳 丕賱爻賷丕丿丞 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱丨丿賷孬丞 賵賲丕 賴賵 賲氐丿乇 丕賱卮乇毓賷丞 責
賵賷噩賷亘 毓賳賴 毓亘乇 丿乇丕爻丞 丕賱鬲賯丕胤毓 亘賷賳 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷 賵丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 賵 毓賱賶 睾乇丕乇 賮賵賰賵 賵賴丕亘乇賲丕爻 賷賮賰賰 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賲賳馗賵賲丞 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵賷毓乇賷賴丕 亘丕賱廿毓鬲賲丕丿 毓賱賶 丌乇丕亍 亘賳賷丕賲賷賳 賵卮賲賷鬲
丨賵賱 丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賰兀丿丕丞 賱鬲睾賵賱 丕賱丿賵賱丞 毓賱賶 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳 賵廿爻鬲亘丕丨鬲賴
賵賷噩賷亘 毓賳賴 毓亘乇 丿乇丕爻丞 丕賱鬲賯丕胤毓 亘賷賳 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳賷 賵丕賱爻賷丕爻賷 賵 毓賱賶 睾乇丕乇 賮賵賰賵 賵賴丕亘乇賲丕爻 賷賮賰賰 兀睾丕賲亘賷賳 賲賳馗賵賲丞 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵賷毓乇賷賴丕 亘丕賱廿毓鬲賲丕丿 毓賱賶 丌乇丕亍 亘賳賷丕賲賷賳 賵卮賲賷鬲
丨賵賱 丨丕賱丞 丕賱廿爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賰兀丿丕丞 賱鬲睾賵賱 丕賱丿賵賱丞 毓賱賶 丕賱廿賳爻丕賳 賵廿爻鬲亘丕丨鬲賴
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June 13, 2022廿夭丕賷 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 丕賱賵囟毓賷 亘賷丨鬲丕噩 賱丨賷夭 賲賳 丕賱賱丕 賲毓賷丕乇賷 毓賱卮丕賳 賷賮囟賱 賯丕卅賲貙 賵乇睾賲 廿賳 丿賴 卮賰賱賴 賲鬲賳丕賯囟 亘爻 賴賷 丨賯賷賯丞 毓賱賶 賲乇 丕賱鬲丕乇賷禺. 賮賷 兀噩夭丕亍 賰鬲賷乇 賲賮賴賲鬲賴丕卮 賱賰賳 賰丕賳 胤賵賱 丕賱賵賯鬲 亘賷孬賷乇 毓賳丿賷 丕爻卅賱丞 毓賳 卮乇毓賷丞 丕賱賯賵丕賳賷賳 賵丕賱爻賱胤丞 賵亘賷賱賮鬲 賳馗乇賷 賱馗賵丕賴乇 賯丿 鬲賰賵賳 丨賯賷賯鬲賴丕 賲禺鬲賱賮丞 毓賳 卮賰賱賴丕. 賷賲賰賳 賰賳鬲 賴丨亘 廿賳賴 賷鬲賰賱賲 兀賰鬲乇 毓賳 丕賱賵囟毓 丕賱丨丕賱賷 夭賷 賲丕 賰丕賳 亘賷鬲賰賱賲 毓賳 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱乇賵賲丕賳賷丞 -賵丕賱賱賷 兀賰賷丿 賰丕賳鬲 賲賮賷丿丞 毓賱卮丕賳 賳卮賵賮 廿夭丕賷 丕賱丨丕賱丞 丿賷 賵噩丿鬲 賮賷 兀賵賱 氐賵乇 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 丕賱賱賷 賳毓乇賮賴丕. 賮賷 賰賱丕賲 賰鬲賷乇 睾賷乇 賲乇鬲亘 毓丕賷夭 兀賯賵賱賴 亘爻 賴禺賱賷賴 賱賲乇丞 鬲丕賳賷丞 廿匕丕 賰丕賳 賮賷 賳氐賷亘 賵乇噩毓鬲 賯乇賷鬲賴 賵兀賳丕 丕賰孬乇 丕爻鬲毓丿丕丿丕 :'D
February 10, 2018
Aunque por momentos es un libro algo complicado de leer -especialmente cuando se manda citas en lat铆n sin traducci贸n que le hacen perder a uno el hilo- es un a buena reflexi贸n sobre c贸mo la ley en ocasiones no garantiza la vida y el derecho individual. Muy bueno para comenzar a entender lo que es estado de excepci贸n y el lugar de 茅ste en la historia de occidente.
October 15, 2020
Agamben'in Covid-19 salg谋n谋na kar艧谋 devletlerin ald谋臒谋 tedbirleri ele艧tirdi臒i yaz谋s谋:
March 21, 2020
Mostly Homo sacer copypasta that through its prolonged (though not uninteresting) historical and philological investigations basically elliptically returns Benjamin's thesis of "pure violence" in Critique of Violence - a text you will more benefit from reading.
April 12, 2022
Yer yer kat谋ld谋m yer yer kat谋lmad谋m.Kafam谋 kar谋艧tan bir kitap oldu.Ama zaten Agamben korona d枚ne-mindeki yorumlar谋yla kafam谋 kar谋艧t谋ran biri.艦imdilerde ortal谋kta pek g枚z眉kmemeyi tercih etmemesine 莽ok anlam veremiyorum.Fikirleri mi de臒i艧ti yoksa uygun ortam谋 m谋 bekliyor.Okurken bunlar谋 d眉艧眉n-d眉m bir yandan da.陌stina halinin devam etmesi i莽in f谋rsat g枚zleyenleri,korona d枚neminde de s谋kl谋kla g枚rd眉k.Bu hali f谋rsata 莽evirip yapt谋臒谋 艧eylere ortam haz谋rlayanlar谋 da g枚rmezden gelmemek gerek. Kitapta da yer yer tutars谋zl谋klar da vard谋.Ama genel olarak ele ald谋臒谋 konu ve fikir g眉zeldi.
December 13, 2015
賴匕丕 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賷鬲賳丕賵賱 賲賵囟賵毓 匕賵 丨爻丕爻賷丞 卮丿賷丿丞 賵 賮賷 賳賮爻 丕賱賵賯鬲 鬲禺氐氐賷 噩丿丕 丕賱丕 賵賴賵 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 ...兀賷 毓賳丿賲丕 賷鬲賲 鬲毓賱賷賯 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 鬲丨丿孬 丕卮賰丕賱賷丞 丕賱丕 賵 賴賷 爻賷賵賱丞丕賱賲毓丕賷賷乇 賵丕賱毓賯丿 丕賱匕賷 賷乇亘胤 丕胤乇丕賮 丕賱丿賵賱丞 亘毓囟賴丕 亘亘毓囟 賵 亘丕賱丕賮乇丕丿責
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丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱賷爻 亘丕賱賰鬲丕亘 丕賱爻賴賱 賵賴賵 賲賳 賳賵毓賷丞 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱卮丿賷丿丞 丕賱鬲禺氐氐賷丞亘丨賷孬 賷氐毓賷亘 毓賱賶 丕賱賲乇亍 丕爻鬲賷毓丕亘 丕賮賰丕乇賴 亘爻賴賵賱丞...賱賯丿 丕毓丿鬲 賯乇丕亍丞 丕賱毓丿賷丿 賲賳 丕賱賮賯乇丕鬲 賲賳賴 賵 賯乇丕鬲 毓丿丞 賲賯丕賱丕鬲 毓賳賴 毓賱賶 丕賱卮亘賰丞 賵 賱賲 丕爻鬲胤毓 賴囟賲賴 噩賷丿丕 亘毓丿 賵賱丕爻賷賲丕 丕賱賮氐賱 丕賱賲毓賳賵賳 亘氐乇丕毓 賱賱毓賲丕賱賯丞 丨賵賱 丕賱賮乇丕睾 丨賷孬 鬲噩丿 丕賱賲丐賱賮 賷毓乇囟 賮賷賴 爻噩丕賱 丕賱賮賰乇 亘賷賳 賮賯賴丕亍 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 丕賱睾乇亘賷賷賳 丨賵賱 賲賵囟賵毓 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賵 亘禺丕氐丞 賮丕賱鬲乇 亘賳賷丕賲賷賷賳 賵 賰丕乇賱 卮賲賷鬲 賵 乇睾賲 丕賱賲鬲毓丞 丕賱毓賯賱賷丞 賵 丕賱賲毓乇賮賷丞 禺賱丕賱 賴匕丕 丕賱賮氐賱 丕賱丕 丕賳賴 賲乇賴賯 賱賱睾丕賷丞 賳馗乇丕 賱鬲卮毓亘 丕賱賲賵囟賵毓 賵 丕亘毓丕丿丞 丕賱賰孬賷乇丞
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丕毓胤賷鬲 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 3 賳噩賵賲 賮賯胤 賱兀賳賷 賱賲 丕鬲胤毓 賰賲丕 匕賰乇鬲 賴囟賲 丕賮賰丕乇賴 亘卮賰賱 噩賷丿
賵賷囟乇亘 丕賱賲丐賱賮 亘丕賲孬賱丞 賲賳 鬲丕乇賷禺 丕賱賲噩鬲賲毓 丕賱睾乇亘賷 丕賱賯丿賷賲 賵 丕賱丨丿賷孬 賲亘賷賳丕 丕賱鬲賳丕賯囟丕鬲 丕賱鬲賷 鬲丨丿孬 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賵 毓賱丕賯鬲賴丕 亘丕賱丕賮乇丕丿 賲賳 噩乇丕亍 丨丕賱丞丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賵 丕賱鬲賷 賷爻鬲睾賱賴丕 丕氐丨丕亘 丕賱爻賱胤丞 賮賷 丕賱丿賵賱丞 賵 亘禺丕氐丞 丕賱丨丕賰賲 賮賷 丕鬲亘丕毓 亘毓囟 丕賱爻賷丕爻丕鬲 丿賵賳 丕毓鬲乇丕囟 丕噩賴夭丞 丕賱丿賵賱丞 丕賱賲賳賵胤丞 亘賲乇丕賯亘丞 鬲賱賰 丕賱爻賷丕爻丕鬲
丕賱賰鬲丕亘 賱賷爻 亘丕賱賰鬲丕亘 丕賱爻賴賱 賵賴賵 賲賳 賳賵毓賷丞 丕賱賰鬲亘 丕賱卮丿賷丿丞 丕賱鬲禺氐氐賷丞亘丨賷孬 賷氐毓賷亘 毓賱賶 丕賱賲乇亍 丕爻鬲賷毓丕亘 丕賮賰丕乇賴 亘爻賴賵賱丞...賱賯丿 丕毓丿鬲 賯乇丕亍丞 丕賱毓丿賷丿 賲賳 丕賱賮賯乇丕鬲 賲賳賴 賵 賯乇丕鬲 毓丿丞 賲賯丕賱丕鬲 毓賳賴 毓賱賶 丕賱卮亘賰丞 賵 賱賲 丕爻鬲胤毓 賴囟賲賴 噩賷丿丕 亘毓丿 賵賱丕爻賷賲丕 丕賱賮氐賱 丕賱賲毓賳賵賳 亘氐乇丕毓 賱賱毓賲丕賱賯丞 丨賵賱 丕賱賮乇丕睾 丨賷孬 鬲噩丿 丕賱賲丐賱賮 賷毓乇囟 賮賷賴 爻噩丕賱 丕賱賮賰乇 亘賷賳 賮賯賴丕亍 丕賱賯丕賳賵賳 丕賱睾乇亘賷賷賳 丨賵賱 賲賵囟賵毓 丨丕賱丞 丕賱丕爻鬲孬賳丕亍 賵 亘禺丕氐丞 賮丕賱鬲乇 亘賳賷丕賲賷賷賳 賵 賰丕乇賱 卮賲賷鬲 賵 乇睾賲 丕賱賲鬲毓丞 丕賱毓賯賱賷丞 賵 丕賱賲毓乇賮賷丞 禺賱丕賱 賴匕丕 丕賱賮氐賱 丕賱丕 丕賳賴 賲乇賴賯 賱賱睾丕賷丞 賳馗乇丕 賱鬲卮毓亘 丕賱賲賵囟賵毓 賵 丕亘毓丕丿丞 丕賱賰孬賷乇丞
賴賳丕賰 賲丨丕囟乇丞 賱賱丿賰鬲賵乇丞 賴亘丞 乇丐賵賮 鬲鬲賳丕賵賱 賮賷賴丕 賲賳丕賯卮丞 丕賴賲 丕賮賰丕乇 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 丕賳氐丨 亘賲卮丕賴丿鬲賴丕 兀賷囟丕 亘毓丿 賯乇丕亍丞 丕賱賰鬲丕亘
丕毓胤賷鬲 丕賱賰鬲丕亘 3 賳噩賵賲 賮賯胤 賱兀賳賷 賱賲 丕鬲胤毓 賰賲丕 匕賰乇鬲 賴囟賲 丕賮賰丕乇賴 亘卮賰賱 噩賷丿
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August 19, 2015Agamben details the concept of the state of exception as the state in which the rule law is not voided or the law itself changed to allow for absolute rule, but rather the law is suspended. He claims it's a way of enacting de-facto dictatorship specific to Western democracies. His examples are Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy as well as France, Switzerland, Great Britain and the USA.
For those who believe in liberal democracy, the numerous examples of it's easily slippage into dictatorship should be eye-opening, and even more so considering that the ongoing economic crisisis certainly speeding up those process right now.
The main weakness, as far as I am concerned, is that both the state or the sovereign and the subjects are treated in the book as completely abstract entities. Subsequently the historical examples are dry lists of legal acts. There is no analysis of where the agency of the acting entities is coming from, no social forces at play, just history as a list of dates on one hand side, and on the other abstract philosophy.
For those who believe in liberal democracy, the numerous examples of it's easily slippage into dictatorship should be eye-opening, and even more so considering that the ongoing economic crisisis certainly speeding up those process right now.
The main weakness, as far as I am concerned, is that both the state or the sovereign and the subjects are treated in the book as completely abstract entities. Subsequently the historical examples are dry lists of legal acts. There is no analysis of where the agency of the acting entities is coming from, no social forces at play, just history as a list of dates on one hand side, and on the other abstract philosophy.
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