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181 pages, Paperback
First published January 1, 1975
It wasn’t until nearly 400 years later [since capitalist privatizations at home in Britain, i.e. the Enclosures starting in 1500s] that life expectancies in Britain finally began to rise. […] It happened slightly later in the rest of Europe, while in the colonised world longevity »å¾±»å²Ô’t begin to improve until the early 1900s [decolonization]. So if [capitalist economic] growth itself does not have an automatic relationship with life expectancy and human welfare, what could possibly explain this trend?…While domestic workers organized bargaining power to improve their workplaces/cities, global capitalism continued its cancerous extraction “out of sightâ€� in peripheral environments/colonized poor. Eco-socialists will know that Marx warned of (what is now termed) the “metabolic riftâ€�:
Historians today point out that it began with a startlingly simple intervention […]: [public] sanitation. In the middle of the 1800s, public health researchers had discovered that health outcomes could be improved by introducing simple sanitation measures, such as separating sewage from drinking water. All it required was a bit of public plumbing. But public plumbing requires public works, and public money. You have to appropriate private land for things like public water pumps and public baths. And you have to be able to dig on private property in order to connect tenements and factories to the system. This is where the problems began. For decades, progress towards the goal of public sanitation was opposed, not enabled, by the capitalist class. Libertarian-minded landowners refused to allow officials to use their property [note: the Enclosures required state violence to privatize land], and refused to pay the taxes required to get it done.
The resistance of these elites was broken only once commoners won the right to vote and workers organised into unions. Over the following decades these movements, which in Britain began with the Chartists and the Municipal Socialists, leveraged the state to intervene against the capitalist class. They fought for a new vision: that cities should be managed for the good of everyone, not just for the few. These movements delivered not only public sanitation systems but also, in the years that followed, public healthcare, vaccination coverage, public education, public housing, better wages and safer working conditions. According to research by the historian Simon Szreter, access to these public goods � which were, in a way, a new kind of commons [social Commons] � had a significant positive impact on human health, and spurred soaring life expectancy through the twentieth century. [Less is More: How Degrowth Will Save the World]
Capitalist production collects the population together in great centres [concentration of production], and causes the urban population to achieve an ever-growing preponderance. This has two results. On the one hand it concentrates the historical motive power of society [urban working-class, i.e. proletariat]; on the other hand, it disturbs the metabolic interaction between man and the earth, i.e. it prevents the return to the soil of its constituent elements consumed by man in the form of food and clothing; hence it hinders the operation of the eternal natural condition for the lasting fertility of the soil. […] Moreover, all progress in capitalist agriculture is a progress in the art, not only of robbing the worker, but of robbing the soil; all progress in increasing the fertility of the soil for a given time is a progress towards ruining the more long-lasting sources of that fertility. […] Capitalist production, therefore, only develops the techniques and the degree of combination of the social process of production by simultaneously undermining the original sources of all wealth � the soil and the worker. [Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Volume 1, Ch.15 section 10; emphases added]…Today, normalizers of capitalism like Bill Gates (How to Avoid a Climate Disaster: The Solutions We Have and the Breakthroughs We Need) refer to his favourite author Vaclav Smil (How the World Really Works: A Scientist's Guide to Our Past, Present and Future) to dismiss such critiques/alternatives as regressively primitivist and point to the scale of capitalism’s adaptations via technological innovations, in this case inorganic/synthetic fertilizers (Enriching the Earth: Fritz Haber, Carl Bosch, and the Transformation of World Food Production).
"Our system is considerably cheaper than yours, if we add in all the costs. Many of your costs are ignored, or passed through subterfuge to posterity or the general public. We on the other hand must acknowledge all costs. Otherwise we could not hope to achieve the stable-state life systems which are our fundamental ecological and political goal. If, for instance, we had continued your practise of 'free' disposal of wastes in watercourses, sooner or later somebody else would have had to calculate (and bear) the costs of the resulting dead rivers and lakes. We prefer to do it ourselves. It is obviously not easy to quantify certain of these costs. But we have been able to approximate them in workable political terms - especially since our country is relatively sensible in scale.