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“That an Israeli soldier could bulldoze 189 olive trees on the Land he claims is part of the "God-given Land" is something I will never comprehend. Did he not consider the possibility that God might get angry? Did he not realize that it was a tree he was running over? If a Palestinian bulldozer were ever invented (Haha, I know!) and I were given the chance to be in an orchard, in Haifa for instance, I would never uproot a tree an Israeli planted. No Palestinian would. To Palestinians, the tree is sacred, and so is the Land bearing it. And as I talk about Gaza, I remember that Gaza is but a little part of Pales tine. I remember that Palestine is bigger than Gaza. Palestine is the West Bank; Palestine is Ramallah; Palestine is Nablus; Palestine is Jenin; Palestine is Tulkarm; Palestine is Bethlehem; Palestine, most importantly, is Yafa and Haifa and Akka and all those cities that Israel wants us to forget about.”
― Refaat Alareer, Gaza Writes Back

“Hope is a seed we plant, the wings we grow. If we ever want to see olive trees return to Palestine- if we ever want to see our trees and our people return- we must plant this hope. Across Gaza, and across the world.”
― Fatimah A. Bass, Where the Olive Trees Return: by Fatimah A. Bass

“Palestine is the new Poland.”
― Abhijit Naskar, Little Planet on The Prairie: Dunya Benim, Sorumluluk Benim

“I consider Orientalism's failure to have been a human as much as an intellectual one; for in having to take up a position of irreducible opposition to a region of the world it considered alien to its own, Orientalism failed to identify with human experience, failed also to see it as human experience.”
― Edward Said

“Don't ever be surprised to see a rose shoulder up among the ruins of the house. This is how we survived.”
― Mosab Abu Toha, Things You May Find Hidden in My Ear: Poems from Gaza

“It would be fair to conclude, then, that successive Israeli governments did all they could to leave the Palestinians with no option but to trust, and vote for, the one group prepared to resist an occupation described by the renowned American author Michael Chabon as 'the most grievous injustice I have seen in my life.”
― Ilan Pappé, Ten Myths About Israel

“That an Israeli soldier could bulldoze 189 olive trees on the Land he claims is part of the "God-given Land" is something I will never comprehend. Did he not consider the possibility that God might get angry? Did he not realize that it was a tree he was running over? If a Palestinian bulldozer were ever invented (Haha, I know!) and I were given the chance to be in an orchard, in Haita for instance, I would never uproot a tree an Israeli planted. No Palestinian would. To Palestinians, the tree is sacred, and so is the Land bearing it. And as I talk about Gaza, I remember that Gaza is but a little part of Pales tine. I remember that Palestine is bigger than Gaza. Palestine is the West Bank; Palestine is Ramallah; Palestine is Nablus; Palestine is Jenin; Palestine is Tulkarm; Palestine is Bethle- hem; Palestine, most importantly, is Yafa and Haifa and Akka and all those cities that Israel wants us to forget about.”
― Refaat Alareer, Gaza Writes Back

“We teach life, sir. We Palestinians teach life after they have occupied the last sky. We teach life after they have built their settlements and apartheid walls, after the last skies. We teach life, sir.”
― Rafeef Ziadah

“Judas: “Hey, nice uppercut, Prince of Peace. Whatever happened to your “turn the other cheekâ€� pablum?
Jesus: It’s good in theory, but I take things on a case by case basis.”
― Rick Klaus Theis, Passion Play: Written, Produced & Directed by Jesus H. Christ

“Jesus: I was nearly lynched by a mob made up of my hometown synagogue congregation.”
― Rick Klaus Theis, Passion Play: Written, Produced & Directed by Jesus H. Christ

“Jesus: You picked the wrong Messiah to fuck with!”
― Rick Klaus Theis, Passion Play: Written, Produced & Directed by Jesus H. Christ

“Jesus: Enough with the rebuking!”
― Rick Klaus Theis, Passion Play: Written, Produced & Directed by Jesus H. Christ

“- The ancient ideal of an elect holy monotheistic congregation was reinterpreted in an isolationist secular plan of action. Zionism, from its inception, was an ethnocentric nationalist movement that firmly enclosed the historical people of its own invention, and barred any voluntary civil entry into the nation its platform began to design. At the same time, any withdrawal from the people was depicted as an unforgivable offense, and assimilation as a catastrophe; an existential danger to be averted at all costs. No wonder, then, that to bind together the frangible secular Jewish identity it was not enough to write a history of the Jews, so culturally disparate, so chronologically fragmentary. Zionism had to resort to another scientific discipline: that of biology, which was conscripted to reinforce the foundation of the ancient Jewish nation.
- The idea of heredity helped justify the claim to Palestine, that ancient Judea that the Zionists ceased to view as a sacred center from which deliverance would come, and by a bold paradigmatic shift revamped as the”
― Shlomo Sand, The Invention of the Jewish People

“- The idea of heredity helped justify the claim to Palestine, that ancient Judea that the Zionists ceased to view as a sacred center from which deliverance would come, and by a bold paradigmatic shift revamped as the destined national homeland of all the Jews in the world. The historical myth required the appropriate scientific ideology, for if the Jews of modern times were not the direct descendants of the first exiles, how would they legitimize their settlement in the Holy Land, which was the exclusive homeland of Israel?”
― Shlomo Sand, The Invention of the Jewish People

“Occupation has no place in a civilized society.”
― Abhijit Naskar, Hometown Human: To Live for Soil and Society

“Sometimes, I look up at the full moon and wonder if I will live to see another one of its crescents,”
― Fatimah A. Bass, Where the Olive Trees Return: by Fatimah A. Bass

“What is the best way to trap a bird?”
― Fatimah A. Bass, Where the Olive Trees Return: by Fatimah A. Bass

“The leaves of a tree need to fall in order to rise anew.”
― Fatimah A. Bass, Where the Olive Trees Return: by Fatimah A. Bass

“Even if Allah gives you this world, He has surely honoured us with heaven in the hereafter.”
― Fatimah A. Bass, Where the Olive Trees Return: by Fatimah A. Bass

“At heart, the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians is actually very simple. It is not about religion. It is not about security. It is not about terrorism. It is about land. Or, to be more precise, it is a struggle that, as the late Israeli sociologist Baruch Kimmerling put it, is driven by two mutually exclusive impulses within Zionism, with "one Zionist imperative--to possess the largest possible amount of sacred land--contradicting the other Zionist imperative--to ensure a massive Jewish majority inhabiting a land that was preferably free of all Arabs." The problem for Zionists is--and has always been--that the land that they want comes with non-Jews already on it.”
― Saree Makdisi, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation

“Allon resolved the conundrum facing Israel: it wanted the land, but it did not want the people. The Allon Plan would allow Israel to accomplish both ends: controlling, and ultimately settling, Palestinian land without granting citizenship to Palestinians living under Israeli control after 1967.”
― Saree Makdisi, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation

“For Israel, the Oslo negotiations offered a mechanism to repackage the principles of the Allon Plan in a way that, geographically speaking, looked remarkably like the original.”
― Saree Makdisi, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation

“As far as the Israelis were concerned, then, the limited implementation of the Oslo Accords amounted, essentially, to little more than a new form of occupation, enabling the perpetual deferral of the core issues of the conflict.”
― Saree Makdisi, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation

“The international legal requirement is simple: it is that Israel withdraw from the occupied territories, end its abrogation of Palestinian human and political rights, and cease and dismantle its illegal settlement enterprise.”
― Saree Makdisi, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation

“It was when the terms discussed at Camp David became clear, and when it seemed obvious to the Palestinians that years of negotiation had only resulted in greater restriction, as well as the immiseration produced by the collapse of the Palestinian economy (first made dependent on the Israeli economy, then suddenly separated from it during the Oslo years), that the second intifada erupted in the summer and fall of 2000.”
― Saree Makdisi, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation

“Privately, however, various Israeli officials acknowledged that the uprising, with all of its attendant violence, was the inevitable outcome not only of the lopsided nature of the conflict, but also of the stifling of Palestinian aspirations that was essential to the Oslo process. "Under conditions of an asymmetric confrontation, one in which Israel is many times stronger than the Palestinians, we have decisive influence on the course of events," warned Mati Steinberg of the Shin Bet. The Israeli approach, he argued, "dictates just one choice to the Palestinians: either they surrender to Israel's dictates, or they rise up against all the dictates at all costs.”
― Saree Makdisi, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation

“The Israeli government publicly claims that this extraordinary violence - its army fired over a million bullets in the first few days of the intifada alone - was directed against what it called "the terrorist Infrastructure." But, again, various Israeli officials privately acknowledged what was really at stake in dealing with the intifada, and that Israel's response to the uprising was directed not at armed groups but rather against the entire population.”
― Saree Makdisi, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation

“The premise of this plan, as the Palestinian historians Samih Farsoun and Naseer Aruri point out," is that the nearly forty-year-old impasse is not caused by an abnormal and illegal occupation but by the Palestinian resistance to that occupation. Progress was thus linked to ending the intifada and all acts of resistance rather than ending the occupation or reversing decades of colonial impoverishment of land, resources, and institutions.”
― Saree Makdisi, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation

“The Middle East peace process may well be the most spectacular deception in modern diplomatic history, writes Henry Siegman, the former head of the American Jewish Congress. "Since the failed Camp David summit of 2000, and actually well before it, Israel's interest in a peace process--other than for the purpose of obtaining Palestinian and international acceptance of the status quo--has been a fiction that has served primarily to provide cover for its systematic confiscation of Palestinian land.”
― Saree Makdisi, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation

“Amir Cheshin, former Israeli advisor on Arab affairs to the mayor of Jerusalem, explains:
"The planning and building laws in East Jerusalem rest on a policy that calls for placing obstacles in the way of planning in the Arab sector--this is done more to preserve the demographic balance between Jews and Arabs in the city, which is presently in a ratio of 72 percent Jews against 28 percent non-Jews.”
― Saree Makdisi, Palestine Inside Out: An Everyday Occupation