THIS: Naked force is only necessary so long as people see themselves as oppressed. If they can be persuaded that they are not oppressed, or if they faTHIS: Naked force is only necessary so long as people see themselves as oppressed. If they can be persuaded that they are not oppressed, or if they fail to see that they are, then they can be unwitting architects in the design of their own subordination (a process Pierre Bourdieu (1998) calls ‘symbolic violence�). The easiest way for the dominant to exercise power, and maintain their advantage as a result, is if the dominated are complicit in their own subordination.
Conflict theorists tell us, therefore, that rather than simply describe cultural rules in a society, we must carefully examine their content. We must ask: ‘Who benefits from the particular set of rules prevailing in this society, rather than some other set?� Cultural rules cannot be neutral or all-benevolent. Of course, consensus theorists are right to say that people are socialized into pre-existing norms and values. But for conflict theorists this tells us only half the story. We must also find out whether some groups benefit more than others from the existence of a particular set of rules and have a greater say in their construction and interpretation. If they do, then the process of socialization into these is an instrument of their advantage � it is an instrument of their power. (pg 11, 12)
AND THIS: There is one final question to be asked about this theoretical approach. How does the exercise of force by means of socialization into particular ideas happen? Conflict theorists say it can be intentional or unintentional. The rulers of many societies in the world today deliberately employ propaganda to persuade the ruled of the legitimacy of this arrangement. They also often control and censor social and mass media in their countries, to ensure lack of opposition to this controlled socialization. The exercise of this kind of force can be less deliberate too. Take our example of the inequality between men and women in British society. To what extent does the image of women presented in advertising promote an acceptance of this inequality? Marketing strategies to make specific products appear desirable often deploy images of women but, as more recent research shows, a major source of revenue is now seen to lie in packaging idealized images of women’s bodies directly to women. Whether in ‘infommercials� or overt promotion of cosmetic enhancements, conflict theorists argue that the ideal body image is that which emphasizes sexual attractiveness by appealing to a male gaze as a sexually desirable object.
Such advertising socializes both men and women, of course. The outcome is a stereotypical view of womanhood and of the place of women in society, a view Raewyn Connell summarizes as that of ‘emphasized femininity� (Connell 1987), which is embraced not only by a significant number of those whom it disadvantages, but also by those who benefit from it. There is a consensus about such things. However, it is not the kind of consensus portrayed by the consensus theorist. It is a consensus that is managed by those who believe they benefit from the subordinate position of women in society, and one that is intended to make it harder for those who do not benefit from successfully opposing the status quo. (pg 15)
MARX: Despite these alterations to the nature of productive property in capitalist society, for Marxists the character of class relations between owners of property and non-owners of property is essentially the same as in the earlier class-based modes of production. Though the bourgeoisie do not make goods themselves, they nevertheless own the means of production. For this reason, they will always profit from the difference between the cost to them of the labour of the proletariat, and the value of the goods produced by the proletariat’s labour power. The important fact is that workers will always be paid less than the value of the goods they produce. If this did not happen, the system could not work; without this source of profit being available for reinvestment, the productive power of capitalism would not take place, and enterprises would wither and die in the face of competition. This surplus value costs the capitalist nothing, and is a tangible symbol of the exploitation of wage-earners� labour power by employers. Though not as obvious as the exaction of tithes by feudal lords, or the ownership of people by slave-owners, the relationship between the capitalist and the wage-earner is of exactly the same kind. In Marx’s words, ‘The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles� (Marx and Engels 1976 [1848]). (pg 40)
MORE MARX: While the compliance of the subordinate class in this arrangement can be secured by physical force, in the Marxist view the most effective way of ensuring that compliance is via prevalent beliefs and values. For Marxists, ideologies are systems of belief which:
� legitimate the class-based system of production by making it appear right and just, and/or
� obscure the reality of its consequences for those involved. (pg 41)
Marxists argue that although dominant classes can and do have to resort to naked force to maintain their power and supremacy, the absence of such obvious coercion should not be taken to signify an absence of exploitation. On the contrary, they suggest, all a lack of naked oppression can ever indicate is a lack of effective opposition, and the lack of any need to use force. It does not mean that domination is not taking place � only that the dominated are insufficiently aware of their condition or else lack the power to have their resistance registered. (pg 42)
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