欧宝娱乐

“...But the Mahommedan religion increases, instead of lessening, the fury of intolerance. It was originally propagated by the sword, and ever since, its votaries have been subject, above the people of all other creeds, to this form of madness. In a moment the fruits of patient toil, the prospects of material prosperity, the fear of death itself, are flung aside. The more emotional Pathans are powerless to resist. All rational considerations are forgotten. Seizing their weapons, they become Ghazis鈥攁s dangerous and as sensible as mad dogs: fit only to be treated as such. While the more generous spirits among the tribesmen become convulsed in an ecstasy of religious bloodthirstiness, poorer and more material souls derive additional impulses from the influence of others, the hopes of plunder and the joy of fighting. Thus whole nations are roused to arms. Thus the Turks repel their enemies, the Arabs of the Soudan break the British squares, and the rising on the Indian frontier spreads far and wide. In each case civilisation is confronted with militant Mahommedanism. The forces of progress clash with those of reaction. The religion of blood and war is face to face with that of peace.”
― Winston Churchill, The Story of the Malakand Field Force

“Palestine belongs to the Arabs in the same sense that England belongs to the English or France to the French. It is wrong and inhuman to impose the Jews on the Arabs... Surely it would be a crime against humanity to reduce the proud Arabs so that Palestine can be restored to the Jews partly or wholly as their national home”
― Mahatma Gandhi

“Actually鈥攁nd this was where I began to feel seriously uncomfortable鈥攕ome such divine claim underlay not just 'the occupation' but the whole idea of a separate state for Jews in Palestine. Take away the divine warrant for the Holy Land and where were you, and what were you? Just another land-thief like the Turks or the British, except that in this case you wanted the land without the people. And the original Zionist slogan鈥�'a land without a people for a people without a land'鈥攄isclosed its own negation when I saw the densely populated Arab towns dwelling sullenly under Jewish tutelage. You want irony? How about Jews becoming colonizers at just the moment when other Europeans had given up on the idea?”
― Christopher Hitchens, Hitch 22: A Memoir

“The Jews are a peculiar people: Things permitted to other nations are forbidden to the Jews.

Other nations drive out thousands, even millions of people, and there is no refugee problem. Russia did it. Poland and Czechoslovakia did it. Turkey threw out a million Greeks and Algeria a million Frenchmen. Indonesia threw out heaven knows how many Chinese--and no one says a word about refugees.

But in the case of Israel, the displaced Arabs have become eternal refugees. Everyone insists that Israel must take back every single Arab. Arnold Toynbee calls the displacement of the Arabs an atrocity greater than any committed by the Nazis. Other nations when victorious on the battlefield dictate peace terms. But when Israel is victorious it must sue for peace.

Everyone expects the Jews to be the only real Christians in this world.”
― Eric Hoffer

“丕賱賲噩鬲賲毓 丕賱毓乇亘賷 賲卮睾賵賱 亘賮賰乇丞 丕賱賳賲胤 丕賱賵丕丨丿貙 毓賱賶 睾乇丕乇 丕賱丨丕賰賲 丕賱賵丕丨丿 賵丕賱賯賷賲丞 丕賱賵丕丨丿丞 賵丕賱丿賷賳 丕賱賵丕丨丿貙 賱匕賱賰 賷丨丕賵賱 丕賱賳丕爻 兀賳 賷賵丨丿賵丕 兀卮賰丕賱 賲賱丕亘爻賴賲 賵亘賷賵鬲賴賲 賵丌乇丕卅賴賲貙 賵鬲丨鬲 賴匕賴 丕賱馗乇賵賮 鬲匕賵亘 卮禺氐賷丞 丕賱賮乇丿 賵禺氐賵氐賷鬲賴 賵丕禺鬲賱丕賮賴 毓賳 丕賱丌禺乇賷賳貙 兀毓賳賷 賷睾賷亘 賲賮賴賵賲 丕賱賲賵丕胤賳 丕賱賮乇丿 賱鬲丨賱 賲賰丕賳賴 賮賰乇丞 丕賱噩賲丕毓丞 丕賱賲鬲卮丕亘賴丞 丕賱賲胤賷毓丞 賱賱賳馗丕賲 丕賱爻丕卅丿”
― 賳賵亘賵兀賰賷 賳賵鬲賵賴丕乇丕, 丕賱毓乇亘: 賵噩賴丞 賳馗乇 賷丕亘丕賳賷丞

“Suppose that a man leaps out of a burning building鈥攁s my dear friend and colleague Jeff Goldberg sat and said to my face over a table at La Tomate in Washington not two years ago鈥攁nd lands on a bystander in the street below. Now, make the burning building be Europe, and the luckless man underneath be the Palestinian Arabs. Is this a historical injustice? Has the man below been made a victim, with infinite cause of complaint and indefinite justification for violent retaliation? My own reply would be a provisional 'no,' but only on these conditions. The man leaping from the burning building must still make such restitution as he can to the man who broke his fall, and must not pretend that he never even landed on him. And he must base his case on the singularity and uniqueness of the original leap. It can't, in other words, be 'leap, leap, leap' for four generations and more. The people underneath cannot be expected to tolerate leaping on this scale and of this duration, if you catch my drift. In Palestine, tread softly, for you tread on their dreams. And do not tell the Palestinians that they were never fallen upon and bruised in the first place. Do not shame yourself with the cheap lie that they were told by their leaders to run away. Also, stop saying that nobody knew how to cultivate oranges in Jaffa until the Jews showed them how. 'Making the desert bloom'鈥攐ne of Yvonne's stock phrases鈥攎akes desert dwellers out of people who were the agricultural superiors of the Crusaders.”
― Christopher Hitchens, Hitch 22: A Memoir

“The first thing you notice, coming to Israel from the Arab world, is that you have left the most courteous region of the globe and entered the rudest. The difference is so profound that you're left wondering when the mutation in Semitic blood occurred, as though God parted the Red Sea and said: "Okay, you rude ones, keep wandering toward the Promised Land. The rest of you can stay here and rot in the desert, saying 'welcome, most welcome' and drowning each other in tea until the end of time.”
― Tony Horwitz, Baghdad without a Map and Other Misadventures in Arabia

“Long before it was known to me as a place where my ancestry was even remotely involved, the idea of a state for Jews (or a Jewish state; not quite the same thing, as I failed at first to see) had been 'sold' to me as an essentially secular and democratic one. The idea was a haven for the persecuted and the survivors, a democracy in a region where the idea was poorly understood, and a place where鈥攁s Philip Roth had put it in a one-handed novel that I read when I was about nineteen鈥攅ven the traffic cops and soldiers were Jews. This, like the other emphases of that novel, I could grasp. Indeed, my first visit was sponsored by a group in London called the Friends of Israel. They offered to pay my expenses, that is, if on my return I would come and speak to one of their meetings.

I still haven't submitted that expenses claim. The misgivings I had were of two types, both of them ineradicable. The first and the simplest was the encounter with everyday injustice: by all means the traffic cops were Jews but so, it turned out, were the colonists and ethnic cleansers and even the torturers. It was Jewish leftist friends who insisted that I go and see towns and villages under occupation, and sit down with Palestinian Arabs who were living under house arrest鈥攊f they were lucky鈥攐r who were squatting in the ruins of their demolished homes if they were less fortunate. In Ramallah I spent the day with the beguiling Raimonda Tawil, confined to her home for committing no known crime save that of expressing her opinions. (For some reason, what I most remember is a sudden exclamation from her very restrained and respectable husband, a manager of the local bank: 'I would prefer living under a Bedouin muktar to another day of Israeli rule!' He had obviously spent some time thinking about the most revolting possible Arab alternative.) In Jerusalem I visited the Tutungi family, who could produce title deeds going back generations but who were being evicted from their apartment in the old city to make way for an expansion of the Jewish quarter. Jerusalem: that place of blood since remote antiquity. Jerusalem, over which the British and French and Russians had fought a foul war in the Crimea, and in the mid-nineteenth century, on the matter of which Christian Church could command the keys to some 'holy sepulcher.' Jerusalem, where the anti-Semite Balfour had tried to bribe the Jews with the territory of another people in order to seduce them from Bolshevism and continue the diplomacy of the Great War. Jerusalem: that pest-house in whose environs all zealots hope that an even greater and final war can be provoked. It certainly made a warped appeal to my sense of history.”
― Christopher Hitchens, Hitch 22: A Memoir

“爻賲丕毓丕賸 亘賳賷 丕賱毓乇亘 丕賱丕賰乇賲賷賳 ... 丕購亘丕丞 丕賱鬲賵丕賳賷 丨賲丕丞 丕賱匕賲賲
兀賮賷賯賵丕 賮賲賳 賳丕賲 毓賳 丨賯賴... 毓乇丕賴 丕賱兀匕賶 賵賱賵丕賴 丕賱毓丿賲
乇毓賶 丕賱賱賴 卮毓亘丕賸 賷乇賷丿 丕賱毓賱賶... 賵賷胤賱亘賴丕 鬲丨鬲 禺賮賯 丕賱毓賱賲
廿匕丕 賱賲 賳賯賲 賯賵賲丞 丨乇丞... 賵賳乇噩毓 毓賴丿丕 胤賵丕賴 丕賱賯丿賲
賮兀賷賳 丕賱賮禺丕乇 丕賱匕賷 賳丿毓賷... 賵兀賷賳 丕賱廿亘丕亍 賵兀賷賳 丕賱賰乇賲
賮鬲賶 丕賱卮毓乇 賴匕丕 賲噩丕賱 賯乇賷乇... 賮賳丕丿賷 丕賱廿亘丕亍 賵賳丕丿賷 丕賱卮賷賲
賵賳丕丿賷 丕賱卮亘丕亘 賰亘丕乇 丕賱賳賮賵爻... 賵賳丕丿賷 丕賱卮亘丕亘 毓賲丕丿 丕賱兀賲賲
賮賱丕 兀賲賱 丕賱賷賵賲 廿賱丕 亘賴賲... 賱兀賳 丕賱卮亘丕亘 毓賲丕丿 丕賱兀賲賲
賵賯賱 賱亘賳賷 丕賱毓購乇亘 賱丕 鬲賷兀爻賵丕... 賮廿賳 丕賱賴賲賵賲 爻鬲丨購賷 丕賱賴賲賲
賵廿賳 丕賱賲賯丕賲 毓賱賶 丕賱囟賷賲 毓丕乇... 賵賱丕 賷睾爻賱 丕賱毓丕乇 廿賱丕 亘丿賲
賵賱丕亘丿 賲賳 賳賴囟丞 賱賱毓賱賶...亘賴丕 鬲乇賮毓 丕賱毓乇亘 匕丕賰 丕賱毓賱賲”
― 毓賲乇 丨賲丿, 丿賷賵丕賳 丕賱卮賴賷丿 毓賲乇 丨賲丿

“Who said the Arabs are incapable of breaking world records? Qatar has just set a new world record by becoming the first host nation ever to lose an opening World Cup football match.”
― Mouloud Benzadi

“鬲匕賰乇賵丕 兀賳賰賲 兀亘賳丕亍 賲賳 禺囟毓鬲 ... 賱爻賷賮賴賲 丿賵賱 丕賱乇賵賲丕賳 賵 丕賱毓噩賲
賵 丕賱卮乇賯 丿丕賳 賱賴賲 賵 丕賱睾乇亘 丿丕賳 賱賴賲 ... 賵 鬲丨鬲 兀禺賲氐賴賲 賰賲 胤兀胤兀鬲 賯賲賲
爻賱 兀乇囟 鈥� 兀賳丿賱爻 鈥� 廿賳 賰賳鬲 鬲噩賴賱賳丕 ... 賵 兀賴賱 兀賳丿賱爻 毓賳丕 亘賲丕 毓賱賲賵丕
丌孬丕乇賳丕 亘丕賯賷丕鬲 賮賷 賲乇丕亘毓賴賲 ... 賵 毓賱賲賳丕 賳丕胤賯 賵 丕賱賮囟賱 賵 丕賱卮賷賲
兀賳 賷夭毓賲賵丕 兀賳賳丕 賱爻賳丕 賳賲丕孬賱賴賲 ... 賮賷 賰賱 賲賰乇賲丞 鈥� 賷丕 賰匕亘 賲丕 夭毓賲賵丕
鬲賳亘賴賵丕 賵 丕賳賴囟賵丕 賮丕賱丨賯 賲賴鬲囟賲 ... 賲賳 賳丕賲 毓賳 丨賯賴 兀賵丿賶 亘賴 丕賱毓丿賲購”
― 毓賲乇 丨賲丿, 丿賷賵丕賳 丕賱卮賴賷丿 毓賲乇 丨賲丿

“Drilling without thinking has of course been Republican party policy since May 2008. With gas prices soaring to unprecedented heights, that's when the conservative leader Newt Gingrich unveiled the slogan 'Drill Here, Drill Now, Pay Less'鈥攚ith an emphasis on the now. The wildly popular campaign was a cry against caution, against study, against measured action. In Gingrich's telling, drilling at home wherever the oil and gas might be鈥攍ocked in Rocky Mountain shale, in the Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, and deep offshore鈥攚as a surefire way to lower the price at the pump, create jobs, and kick Arab ass all at once. In the face of this triple win, caring about the environment was for sissies: as senator Mitch McConnell put it, 'in Alabama and Mississippi and Louisiana and Texas, they think oil rigs are pretty'. By the time the infamous 'Drill Baby Drill' Republican national convention rolled around, the party base was in such a frenzy for US-made fossil fuels, they would have bored under the convention floor if someone had brought a big enough drill.”
― Naomi Klein

“賷丕 胤賷乇 賴噩鬲 丕賱胤丕卅乇賷賳丕 ... 賵 賮鬲賳鬲 賱亘 丕賱毓丕賱賲賷賳丕
賱賱賴 丿乇賰 爻丕丨乇丕 ... 兀亘胤賱鬲 賰賷丿 丕賱爻丕丨乇賷賳丕
兀馗賴乇鬲 賲毓噩夭丞 丕賱毓賱賵賲... 賱賳丕 賵 賰賳丕 賰丕賮乇賷賳丕
廿賳丕 賱賯賵賲 賷毓卮賯賵賳... 丕賱賳丕亘睾賷賳 丕賱亘丕爻賱賷賳丕
賷鬲爻丕亘賯賵賳 丨賮丕賵丞 ... 亘丕賱兀賯乇亘賷賳 丕賱兀賰乇賲賷賳丕”
― 毓賲乇 丨賲丿, 丿賷賵丕賳 丕賱卮賴賷丿 毓賲乇 丨賲丿

“I went to interview some of these early Jewish colonial zealots鈥攚ritten off in those days as mere 'fringe' elements鈥攁nd found that they called themselves Gush Emunim or鈥攊t sounded just as bad in English鈥�'The Bloc of the Faithful.' Why not just say 'Party of God' and have done with it? At least they didn't have the nerve to say that they stole other people's land because their own home in Poland or Belarus had been taken from them. They said they took the land because god had given it to them from time immemorial. In the noisome town of Hebron, where all of life is focused on a supposedly sacred boneyard in a dank local cave, one of the world's less pretty sights is that of supposed yeshivah students toting submachine guns and humbling the Arab inhabitants. When I asked one of these charmers where he got his legal authority to be a squatter, he flung his hand, index finger outstretched, toward the sky.”
― Christopher Hitchens, Hitch 22: A Memoir

“London is one of the world's centres of Arab journalism and political activism. The failure of left and right, the establishment and its opposition, to mount principled arguments against clerical reaction has had global ramifications. Ideas minted in Britain 鈥� the notion that it is bigoted to oppose bigotry; 'Islamophobic' to oppose clerics whose first desire is to oppress Muslims 鈥� swirl out through the press and the net to lands where they can do real harm.”
― Nick Cohen

“Let鈥檚 stand against the killing of innocent civilians. It is time to make the future better than today. Together we can bring peace and unity to our communities.”
― Widad Akreyi

“Based on the considerations of history, ancient history, and international axioms, the logic of following up a citizen with his shadow for the purpose of the demarcation of political frontiers of any state has been discounted for international conventions. For example the Arabs cannot ask Spain just because they were there some time in the past nor can they ask for any other area outside the frontiers of the Arab homeland”
― Saddam Hussein, Saddam Hussein on Current Events in Iraq

“Arab nationalism in its traditional form was the way in which secular Arab Christians like Edward had found and kept a place for themselves, while simultaneously avoiding the charge of being too 'Western.' It was very noticeable among the Palestinians that the most demonstrably 'extreme' nationalists鈥攁nd Marxists鈥攚ere often from Christian backgrounds. George Habash and Nayef Hawatmeh used to be celebrated examples of this phenomenon, long before anyone had heard of the cadres of Hamas, or Islamic Jihad. There was an element of overcompensation involved, or so I came to suspect.”
― Christopher Hitchens, Hitch 22: A Memoir

“Then all at once our personal and political quarrels were made very abruptly to converge. In the special edition of the London Review of Books published to mark the events of September 11, 2001, Edward painted a picture of an almost fascist America where Arab and Muslim citizens were being daily terrorized by pogroms, these being instigated by men like Paul Wolfowitz who had talked of 'ending' the regimes that sheltered Al Quaeda. Again, I could hardly credit that these sentences were being produced by a cultured person, let alone printed by a civilized publication.”
― Christopher Hitchens, Hitch 22: A Memoir

“Inevitably came the time when he angrily repudiated his former paladin Yasser Arafat. In fact, he described him to me as 'the Palestinian blend of Marshal Peta铆n and Papa Doc.' But the main problem, alas, remained the same. In Edward's moral universe, Arafat could at last be named as a thug and a practitioner of corruption and extortion. But he could only be identified as such to the extent that he was now and at last aligned with an American design. Thus the only truly unpardonable thing about 'The Chairman' was his readiness to appear on the White House lawn with Yitzhak Rabin and Bill Clinton in 1993. I have real knowledge and memory of this, because George Stephanopoulos鈥攚hose father's Orthodox church in Ohio and New York had kept him in touch with what was still a predominantly Christian Arab-American opinion鈥攃alled me more than once from the White House to help beseech Edward to show up at the event. 'The feedback we get from Arab-American voters is this: If it's such a great idea, why isn't Said signing off on it?' When I called him, Edward was grudging and crabby. 'The old man [Arafat] has no right to sign away land.' Really? Then what had the Algiers deal been all about? How could two states come into being without mutual concessions on territory?”
― Christopher Hitchens, Hitch 22: A Memoir

“It is time to recognize the past and ongoing genocides to prevent new ones. Together we can build a better world!”
― Widad Akreyi

“I have always found it difficult not to be moved by Jerusalem, even when I hated it鈥攁nd God knows I have hated it for the sheer human cost of it. But the sight of it, from afar or inside the labyrinth of its walls, softens me. Every inch of it holds the confidence of ancient civilizations, their deaths and their birthmarks pressed deep into the city's viscera and onto the rubble of its edges. The deified and the condemned have set their footprints in its sand. It has been conqured, razed and, rebuilt so many times that its stones seem to possess life, bestowed by the audit trail of prayer and blood. Yet somehow, it exhales humility. It sparks an inherent sense of familiary in me鈥攖hat doubtless, irrefutable Palestinian certainty that I belong to this land. It possesses me, no matter who conquers it, because its soil is the keeper of my roots, of the bones of my ancestors. Because it knows the private lust that flamed the beds of all my foremothers. Because I am the natural seed of its passionate, tempestuous past. I am a daughter of the land, and Jerusalem reassures me of this inalienable right, far more than the yellowed property deeds, the Ottoman land registries, the iron keys to our stolen homes, or UN resolutions and decrees of superpowers could ever do.”
― Susan Abulhawa, Mornings in Jenin

“Time doesn鈥檛 change anything; that is why we still worship asshole Arabs.”
― M.F. Moonzajer

“From the eighth or ninth centuries, Muslim Arabs have been politically dominant in the Islamic world and have grown accustomed to that position; the notion of sharing power or being a minority in a non-Muslim Arab polity is alien to the Muslim Arab mentality.”
― Benny Morris, One State, Two States: Resolving the Israel/Palestine Conflict

“In Arabia - Arabia Desert - at the time of the prophet Muhammad, other prophets also preached: Maslama of the tribe of the Banu Hanifa in the Yamama, the very heart of Arabia; and Hanzala ibn Safwan; and Khalid ibn Sinan. Maslama's God was ar-Rahman, 'the Merciful'; today Muslims pray to Allah, ar-Rahman. Khalid ibn Sinan was sent to the tribe of 'Abs; for a time, he was followed, but then he was lost. Prophets are not always false simply because they are overtaken, and swallowed up, by history. Men of worth have always roamed the desert.”
― Salman Rushdie, Midnight鈥檚 Children

“The Israelis think they are not Arabs, but they are very similar to the Arabs. They are human beings. They don't want to die, and they want to live in safety.”
― Thich Nhat Hanh, Peace Begins Here: Palestinians and Israelis Listening to Each Other

“The first predicament Israel faces is that the majority of Palestinians wish to push it into the sea, and hundreds of millions of Arabs and Muslims worldwide wish Israel the same deadly fate. To put it plainly, minimizing the size of a Jewish homeland is unlikely to end the large conflict, even if local Palestinians were appeased by this action.”
― David Naggar, The Case for a Larger Israel

“But what choice does it have? As long as Israel is perceived by its enemies to be vulnerable, many Arabs and radical Muslims will continue to make Israelis kill them... When Israeli soldiers kill Arabs by accident, they mourn鈥攁nd it causes psychological damage to those soldiers, and to all of Israeli society. The wars the Arab states have instigated are bloody and cruel, and a heavy price is paid by Israel, even when it wins. And win it must, because one loss means the loss of Israel.”
― David Naggar, The Case for a Larger Israel

“The question is: How large does Israel need to be in order to be a viable state? All other questions are not matters of life and death. It is not a prerequisite that Arabs and Muslims love Israel for it to prosper. As for Palestinian Arabs, they can live happy full lives in a Jewish state if they accept that they live in a Jewish state. They can resettle and live happy full lives in any one of a number of states with Arab and Muslim majorities. They can also live happy full lives in a new state that can be created for them from within the other Arab states. The Jews of Israel, on the other hand, have nowhere else to go: It is the only state in which Jews are the majority, and so, Israel must be viable.”
― David Naggar, The Case for a Larger Israel

“There are no 鈥榟appy鈥� endings. The words contradict each other.”
― Adil Alzarooni, The Red Island: The Gatekeeper