欧宝娱乐

“1. Bangladesh.... In 1971 ... Kissinger overrode all advice in order to support the Pakistani generals in both their civilian massacre policy in East Bengal and their armed attack on India from West Pakistan.... This led to a moral and political catastrophe the effects of which are still sorely felt. Kissinger鈥檚 undisclosed reason for the 鈥榯ilt鈥� was the supposed but never materialised 鈥榖rokerage鈥� offered by the dictator Yahya Khan in the course of secret diplomacy between Nixon and China.... Of the new state of Bangladesh, Kissinger remarked coldly that it was 鈥榓 basket case鈥� before turning his unsolicited expertise elsewhere.

2. Chile.... Kissinger had direct personal knowledge of the CIA鈥檚 plan to kidnap and murder General Ren茅 Schneider, the head of the Chilean Armed Forces ... who refused to countenance military intervention in politics. In his hatred for the Allende Government, Kissinger even outdid Richard Helms ... who warned him that a coup in such a stable democracy would be hard to procure. The murder of Schneider nonetheless went ahead, at Kissinger鈥檚 urging and with American financing, just between Allende鈥檚 election and his confirmation.... This was one of the relatively few times that Mr Kissinger (his success in getting people to call him 鈥楧octor鈥� is greater than that of most PhDs) involved himself in the assassination of a single named individual rather than the slaughter of anonymous thousands. His jocular remark on this occasion鈥斺€業 don鈥檛 see why we have to let a country go Marxist just because its people are irresponsible鈥欌€攕uggests he may have been having the best of times....

3. Cyprus.... Kissinger approved of the preparations by Greek Cypriot fascists for the murder of President Makarios, and sanctioned the coup which tried to extend the rule of the Athens junta (a favoured client of his) to the island. When despite great waste of life this coup failed in its objective, which was also Kissinger鈥檚, of enforced partition, Kissinger promiscuously switched sides to support an even bloodier intervention by Turkey. Thomas Boyatt ... went to Kissinger in advance of the anti-Makarios putsch and warned him that it could lead to a civil war. 鈥楽pare me the civics lecture,鈥� replied Kissinger, who as you can readily see had an aphorism for all occasions.

4. Kurdistan. Having endorsed the covert policy of supporting a Kurdish revolt in northern Iraq between 1974 and 1975, with 鈥榙eniable鈥� assistance also provided by Israel and the Shah of Iran, Kissinger made it plain to his subordinates that the Kurds were not to be allowed to win, but were to be employed for their nuisance value alone. They were not to be told that this was the case, but soon found out when the Shah and Saddam Hussein composed their differences, and American aid to Kurdistan was cut off. Hardened CIA hands went to Kissinger ... for an aid programme for the many thousands of Kurdish refugees who were thus abruptly created.... The apercu of the day was: 鈥榝oreign policy should not he confused with missionary work.鈥� Saddam Hussein heartily concurred.

5. East Timor. The day after Kissinger left Djakarta in 1975, the Armed Forces of Indonesia employed American weapons to invade and subjugate the independent former Portuguese colony of East Timor. Isaacson gives a figure of 100,000 deaths resulting from the occupation, or one-seventh of the population, and there are good judges who put this estimate on the low side. Kissinger was furious when news of his own collusion was leaked, because as well as breaking international law the Indonesians were also violating an agreement with the United States.... Monroe Leigh ... pointed out this awkward latter fact. Kissinger snapped: 鈥楾he Israelis when they go into Lebanon鈥攚hen was the last time we protested that?鈥� A good question, even if it did not and does not lie especially well in his mouth.

It goes on and on and on until one cannot eat enough to vomit enough.”
― Christopher Hitchens

“I guess that's how they were able to do it, in the way they did it, all at once, without anyone knowing beforehand. If there had still been portable money, it would have been more difficult.
It was after the catastrophe, when they shot the president and machine-gunned the Congress and the army declared a state of emergency. They blamed it on the Islamic fanatics at the time.
I was stunned. Everyone was, I know that. It was hard to believe, the entire government gone like that. How did they get in, how did it happen?
That was when they suspended the Constitution. They said it would be temporary. There wasn't even any rioting in the streets. People stayed home at night, watching television, looking for some direction. There wasn't even an enemy you could put your finger on.”
― Margaret Atwood, The Handmaid鈥檚 Tale

“喔佮赋喔ム副喔囙笗喔赤福喔о笀喔傕腑喔囙笡喔｀赴喙€喔椸辅 喔嬥付喙堗竾喔｀赴喔氞腑喔氞笡喔｀赴喔娻覆喔樴复喔涏箘喔曕涪喔⑧副喔囙箑喔涏箛喔權竸喔赤笧喔灌笖喔椸傅喙堗箘喔∴箞喙冟笂喙堗竸喔о覆喔∴笀喔｀复喔囙笝喔编箟喔� 喔∴副喔佮笀喔班浮喔掂笡喔｀覆喔佮笌喔佮覆喔｀笓喙屶抚喙堗覆喙€喔涏箛喔權竵喔赤弗喔编竾喔椸傅喙堗笢喔灌箟喔權赋喔傕腑喔囙笡喔｀赴喙€喔椸辅喔權副喙夃笝喙冟笂喙夃竵喔斷競喔掂箞喔涏福喔班笂喔侧笂喔� 喔福喔粪腑喔勦腑喔⑧釜喔笖喔箞喔竾喔勦抚喔侧浮喙€喔勦弗喔粪箞喔笝喙勦斧喔о競喔竾喔涏福喔班笂喔侧笂喔權腑喔⑧腹喙堗箑喔浮喔� 喙冟笝喔氞覆喔囙笡喔｀赴喙€喔椸辅 喔佮赋喔ム副喔囙笗喔赤福喔о笀喔笝喙堗抚喔⑧斧喔權付喙堗竾喔堗赴喔∴傅喔笝喙夃覆喔椸傅喙堗箑喔夃笧喔侧赴 喙佮弗喔班箘喔斷箟喔｀副喔氞竵喔侧福喔澿付喔佮笣喔權箓喔斷涪喙€喔夃笧喔侧赴喙€喔炧阜喙堗腑喔勦腑喔⑧竸喔о笟喔勦父喔∴竵喔侧福喙€喔斷复喔權競喔氞抚喔權箑喔｀傅喔⑧竵喔｀箟喔竾喔傕腑喔囙笡喔｀赴喔娻覆喔娻笝 喙€喔炧阜喙堗腑喙€喔｀傅喔⑧竵喔｀箟喔竾喔勦抚喔侧浮喙€喔涏箛喔權笜喔｀福喔∴笀喔侧竵喔｀副喔愢笟喔侧弗 喔佮赋喔ム副喔囙笗喔赤福喔о笀喔涏福喔班箑喔犩笚喔權傅喙夃浮喔编竵喔∴傅喔娻阜喙堗腑喔曕福喔囙競喙夃覆喔∴竵喔编笟喔笝喙夃覆喔椸傅喔椸傅喙堗箒喔椸箟喔堗福喔脆竾喔傕腑喔囙笗喔� 喔氞箟喔侧竾喔佮箛喔∴傅喔娻阜喙堗腑喔о箞喔� '喔笝喙堗抚喔⑧笧喔脆笚喔编竵喔┼箤喔副喔權笗喔脆福喔侧俯喔庎福喙�' 喔氞箟喔侧竾喔佮箛喔娻阜喙堗腑 '喔笝喙堗抚喔⑧福喔编竵喔┼覆喔勦抚喔侧浮喔涏弗喔笖喔犩副喔�' 喔堗福喔脆竾喔涪喔灌箞 喙冟笝喔氞覆喔囙笡喔｀赴喙€喔椸辅 喔笝喙堗抚喔⑧竾喔侧笝喔權傅喙夃竵喙囙浮喔掂笂喔粪箞喔笗喔｀竾喙勦笡喔曕福喔囙浮喔侧箖喔箟喙€喔箛喔權腑喔⑧箞喔侧竾喙勦浮喙堗腑喙夃腑喔∴竸喙夃腑喔� 喙€喔娻箞喔� '喔佮腑喔囙笡喔｀覆喔�' 喙€喔涏箛喔權笗喙夃笝”
― 喔炧副喔權辅喔编竵喔斷复喙� 喔о复喔嵿笉喔｀副喔曕笝喙�, 喔勦腹喙堗浮喔粪腑喔｀副喔愢笡喔｀赴喔覆喔�

“喔赋喔福喔编笟喔涏福喔班箑喔椸辅喙勦笚喔⑧竵喙囙箑喔娻箞喔權竵喔编笝 喙€喔∴阜喙堗腑喙冟笖喔椸傅喙堗浮喔掂竵喔侧福喔椸赋喔｀副喔愢笡喔｀赴喔覆喔｀笀喔班笗喙夃腑喔囙腑喙夃覆喔囙釜喔栢覆喔氞副喔權競喔竾喔娻覆喔曕复喙佮弗喔班竵喔侧福喔涏福喔侧笟喔涏福喔侧浮喔勦腑喔∴浮喔脆抚喔權复喔笗喙屶箑喔涏箛喔權釜喔赤竸喔编笉 喔嬥付喙堗竾喔栢箟喔侧抚喙堗覆喙勦笡喙佮弗喙夃抚 喔勦笝喔佮福喔膏竾喙€喔椸笧喔� 喔佮箛喔娻腑喔氞笩喔编竾喙€喔娻箞喔權笝喔编箟喔� 喔栢付喔囙笀喔班箘喔∴箞喙€喔箛喔權笖喙夃抚喔⑧竵喔编笟喔佮覆喔｀浮喔掂福喔编笎喔氞覆喔ム笚喔覆喔� 喙佮笗喙堗浮喔编竵喔堗赴喔⑧复喔權涪喔浮喙€喔炧福喔侧赴喔勦抚喔侧浮喔佮弗喔编抚喔涏副喔嵿斧喔侧笚喔掂箞喔勦笓喔班福喔编笎喔涏福喔班斧喔侧福喔涏弗喔膏竵喔溹傅喔傕付喙夃笝喔∴覆喙冟笂喙�”
― 喔炧副喔權辅喔编竵喔斷复喙� 喔о复喔嵿笉喔｀副喔曕笝喙�, 喔勦腹喙堗浮喔粪腑喔｀副喔愢笡喔｀赴喔覆喔�

“A traitor only becomes one if their plot is discovered. The imposition of guilt means nothing to those who feign loyalty. More skilled conspirators wield treason as a clinical tool of regime change and political expediency. Then, with their own hand writing history, such traitors may wear the clothes of patriots.”
― Stewart Stafford

“Winning a war is the easy part. All it takes is brawn. Maintaining your rule afterward is the real test.”
― Natasha Ngan, Girls of Paper and Fire

“It has already been mentioned that Duke Felmet was one step away from the throne. The step in question was at the top of the flight leading to the Great Hall, down which King Verence had tumbled in the dark only to land, against all laws of probability, on his own dagger.

It had, however, been declared by his own physician to be a case of natural causes. Bentzen had gone to see the man and explained that falling down a flight of steps with a dagger in your back was a disease caused by unwise opening of the mouth.

In fact it had already been caught by several members of the king's own bodyguard who had been a little bit hard of hearing. There had been a minor epidemic.”
― Terry Pratchett, Wyrd Sisters

“Ils tomb猫rent dans cette redoutable erreur de prendre l'ob茅issance du soldat pour le consentement de la nation. Cette confiance-l脿 perd des tr么nes.”
― Victor Hugo, Les Mis茅rables

“Askerler babam谋 almak i莽in geldiklerinde annemin Burda dergilerinin model paftalar谋n谋 gizli planlarm谋艧 gibi dikkatle incelemi艧ler, ne oldu臒unu anlamad谋klar谋 i莽in de orac谋kta parampar莽a etmi艧lerdi. Askerler 莽ok az 艧ey biliyorlard谋, bilmedikleri 艧eyden korkuyor, yok etmek istiyorlard谋. Biz askerlerden daha 莽ok 艧ey biliyorduk ve biz de bildi臒imiz d眉nyan谋n bir an 枚nce y谋k谋l谋p gitmesini istiyorduk.”
― Bar谋艧 B谋莽ak莽谋, Sinek Is谋r谋klar谋n谋n M眉ellifi

“En Tokio, un funcionario del gobierno le pregunt贸 que har铆a con respecto a sus malas relaciones con el Congreso peruano. La lac贸nica respuesta fue:
- Las empeorar茅 a煤n m谩s.
Nadie sabr铆a a que se referir铆a Fujimori hasta semanas mas tarde.”
― Jos茅 Alejandro Godoy, El 煤ltimo dictador

“While entrusting the intellectuals with a critical role in the forthcoming revolution, Bakunin at the same time cautioned them against attempting to seize political power on their own, in the manner of the Jacobins or their eager disciple Auguste Blanqui. On this point Bakunin was most emphatic. The very idea that a tiny band of conspirators could execute a coup d'茅tat for the benefit of the people was, in his derisive words, a "heresy against common sense and historical experience." These strictures were aimed as much at Marx as at Blanqui. For both Marx and Bakunin, the ultimate goal of the revolution was a stateless society of men liberated from the bonds of oppression, a new world in which the free development of each was the condition for the free development of all. But where Marx envisioned an intervening proletarian dictatorship that would eliminate the last vestiges of the bourgeois order, Bakunin was bent on abolishing the state outright. The cardinal error committed by all revolutions of the past, in Bakunin's judgment, was that one government was turned out only to be replaced by another. The true revolution, then, would not capture political power; it would be a social revolution, ridding the world of the state itself.”
― Paul Avrich, The Russian Anarchists

“We are not lacking in ovservation by which the relation of language to its variable usage can be determined rather precisely. Insight into this relation and the art of applying it belongs to the spirit of the law and the secrete of governing. It is just this relation which makes classical writers. The trouble caused by confounding languages and the blind fatih in certain signs and formulas are at times coup d'茅tat which have them in the kingdong of truth than the most powerful, freshly exhumed word-radical or the unending geealogy of a concept; coup d'茅tat which would never enter the head of a scholarly blatherer and an eloquent journeyman, not even in his most propitious dreams.”
― Johann Georg Hamann, Writings on Philosophy and Language

“It should be remembered that against a dictatorship the objective of the grand strategy is not simply to bring down the dictators but to install a democratic system and make the rise of a new dictatorship impossible. To accomplish these objectives, the chosen means of struggle will need to contribute to a change in the distribution of effective power in the society. Under the dictatorship the population and civil institutions of the society have been too weak, and the government too strong. Without a change in the imbalance, a new set of rulers can, if they wish, be just as dictatorial as the old ones. A 'palace revolution' or a coup d'etat therefore is not welcome.”
― Gene Sharp, From Dictatorship to Democracy

“It must be remembered that some groups will ignore any constitutional provision in their aim to establish themselves as new dictators. Therefore, a permanent role will exist for the population to apply political defiance and noncooperation against would-be dictators and to preserve democratic structures, rights, and procedures.”
― Gene Sharp, From Dictatorship to Democracy

“Page 147: Over time, this lack of participation in the military by the white overclass could lead to an increasing divergence between the norms of the civilian and the military elites in the United States, and a declining respect for civilian authority by a heavily middle-class and working-class military. The incidents of insubordination that greeted President Clinton鈥檚 attempt to end the ban on homosexual men and women in the military showed the existence of both the cultural gap and the possible consequences.”
― Michael Lind, The Next American Nation: The New Nationalism and the Fourth American Revolution

“Page 229:
The great modern fact is the huge standing army that is a severe custodian of the law, is obedient to the orders of a civil authority and has very little political influence, exercising indirectly at best such influence as it has. Virtually invariable as that situation is in countries of European civilization, it represents a most fortunate exception, if it is not absolutely without parallel, in human history. Only a habit of a few generations standing, along with ignorance or forgetfulness of the past, can make such a situation seem normal to those of us who have lived at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century, and so find it strange when we chance upon exceptions.”
― Gaetano Mosca, The Ruling Class

“脌s 17h38 tocara novamente o telefone do presidente Lyndon Johnson, que continuava em seu rancho do Texas. Era o subsecret谩rio de Estado, George Ball. Na extens茫o estava o secret谩rio de Estado assistente para Assuntos Interamericanos, Thomas Mann. Ball contou-lhe o que dissera a Gordon. Johnson aprovou: 鈥淎cho que devemos tomar todas as medidas que pudermos e estar preparados para fazer tudo que for preciso, exatamente como far铆amos no Panam谩鈥� desde que seja vi谩vel. (...) Eu seria a favor de que a gente se arrisque um pouco鈥�.”
― Elio Gaspari, A Ditadura Envergonhada

“Since the 1950s, several democratically elected socialist governments have nationalized large parts of their extractive sectors and begun to redistribute to the poor and middle class the wealth that had previously hemorrhaged into foreign bank accounts, most notably Mohammad Mosaddegh in Iran and Salvador Allende in Chile. But those experiments were interrupted by foreign-sponsored coups d鈥檈tat before reaching their potential. Indeed postcolonial independence movements 鈥� which so often had the redistribution of unjustly concentrated resources, whether of land or minerals, as their core missions 鈥� were consistently undermined through political assassinations, foreign interference, and, more recently, the chains of debt-driven structural adjustment programs (not to mention the corruption of local elites).”
― Naomi Klein, This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. The Climate

“You mean to topple whoever finally claims Terra's throne and take it for yourself."

"Who among my brothers is as remotely suited as I for such a position? Horus is already so rank with stolen powers that he burns from the inside out and sees it not. Perturabo might once have had the imagination to make such a leap, but it has been ground out of him. Angron or Mortarion are lords only of corpses and maggots, and as for Konrad and Fulgrim, they are not fit to rule themselves, let alone a galaxy.”
― Graham McNeill, Fury of Magnus

“In mid-1986, Letterman got an unexpected call from Dave Tebet, the Carson Productions executive who worked with 鈥�Late Night.鈥� Tebet said that he and Henry Bushkin, Johnny Carson鈥檚 extremely powerful attorney, business partner, and author of his 2013 tell-all, wanted to meet with Letterman鈥攂y himself, totally confidentially. Letterman was stunned when he heard what they had come to propose: They were offering him the 鈥�Tonight 鈥� show; they wanted him to take Johnny Carson鈥檚 job. Bushkin, in his role as head of Carson Productions, said that the company intended to maintain ownership of the 鈥�Tonight 鈥� show after Johnny stepped down, and now was the time to line up Letterman to slip into Johnny鈥檚 chair. The details were vague, and to Letterman they sounded deliberately so. He said he was flattered, he listened politely, but his radar was signaling a warning. Neither man told Letterman how or when this ascension would be accomplished, a problem that started sounding even worse when Bushkin advised Letterman that no one at NBC or anywhere else knew of the plan yet鈥攏ot even Carson.
Letterman, already nervous, now started to feel as if he were getting close to a fire he didn鈥檛 want to be in the same campground with. They asked Letterman not to tell anyone, not even his management. They would get back to him.
The more Letterman thought about it, the more it sounded like a palace coup. His immediate instinct was to stay out of this, because there was going to be warfare of some sort. He feared Carson would interpret this maneuver as plotting and he guessed what might happen next: Johnny鈥檚 best friend Bushkin wouldn鈥檛 take the fall. Nor would his old crony, Tebet. It would be the punk who got blamed for engineering this.
Letterman broke his promise and called Peter Lassally, Carson鈥檚 producer. Lassally was shocked by what he heard. He suspected that Bushkin was involved in all sorts of machinations that never benefited Carson. He thought about telling Johnny, but other attempts to alert the star to questionable activities by Bushkin had been harshly rebuffed. Lassally decided to see what developed and advised Dave to keep Bushkin and Tebet at a distance.
Letterman had a couple of more phone calls from Bushkin and Tebet about the deal; they discussed it with Ron Ellberger, the Indianapolis attorney that Letterman still employed. Tebet blamed the lawyer for muddying up the deal, and eventually said that Carson knew of the plan and had approved of the idea of lining up Letterman for the future.
But Tebet was lying; Carson had never heard a word about it, and when he did鈥攍ong after the approach had taken place and Bushkin and Tebet were both long gone鈥�Carson exploded with rage at the thought that this plotting had gone on behind his back. He knew exactly what he would have done if he had learned of it at the time: He would have fired Bushkin and Tebet before another day elapsed. Letterman had guessed right in steering clear of the coup. When he learned that Carson hadn鈥檛 known what was going on, Letterman was deeply thankful for his cautious instincts.
When the offer from Bushkin melted away, Letterman tried not to give it any second thoughts. Only for the briefest time did he think that he might have walked away from an offer to host the 鈥�Tonight鈥� show. The next time, it would not be nearly so easy to take.”
― Bill Carter, The Late Shift: Letterman, Leno & the Network Battle for the Night

“Solemnly, for once looking a little awed, a little like a small-town boy on Broadway, Windrip took the oath, administered by the Chief Justice (who disliked him very much indeed) and, edging even closer to the microphone, squawked, "My fellow citizens, as the President of the United States of America, I want to inform you that the real New Deal has started right this minute, and we're all going to enjoy the manifold liberties to which our history entitles us鈥攁nd have a whale of a good time doing it! I thank you!"

That was his first act as President. His second was to take up residence in the White House, where he sat down in the East Room in his stocking feet and shouted at Lee Sarason, "This is what I've been planning to do now for six years! I bet this is what Lincoln used to do! Now let 'em assassinate me!"

His third, in his role as Commander-in-Chief of the Army, was to order that the Minute Men be recognized as an unpaid but official auxiliary of the Regular Army, subject only to their own officers, to Buzz, and to High Marshal Sarason; and that rifles, bayonets, automatic pistols, and machine guns be instantly issued to them by government arsenals. That was at 4 P.M. Since 3 P.M., all over the country, bands of M.M.'s had been sitting gloating over pistols and guns, twitching with desire to seize them.

Fourth coup was a special message, next morning, to Congress (in session since January fourth, the third having been a Sunday), demanding the instant passage of a bill embodying Point Fifteen of his election platform鈥攖hat he should have complete control of legislation and execution, and the Supreme Court be rendered incapable of blocking anything that it might amuse him to do.

By Joint Resolution, with less than half an hour of debate, both houses of Congress rejected that demand before 3 P.M., on January twenty-first. Before six, the President had proclaimed that a state of martial law existed during the "present crisis," and more than a hundred Congressmen had been arrested by Minute Men, on direct orders from the President. The Congressmen who were hotheaded enough to resist were cynically charged with "inciting to riot"; they who went quietly were not charged at all. It was blandly explained to the agitated press by Lee Sarason that these latter quiet lads had been so threatened by "irresponsible and seditious elements" that they were merely being safeguarded. Sarason did not use the phrase "protective arrest," which might have suggested things.”
― Sinclair Lewis, It Can't Happen Here

“Though the term coup d'茅tat has been used for more than 300 years, the feasibility of the coup derives from a comparatively recent development: the rise of the modern state with its professional bureaucracy and standing armed forces. The power of the modern state largely depends on this permanent machinery which, with its archives, files, records and officials, can follow intimately and, if it so desires, control the activities of lesser organizations and individuals. "Totalitarian" states merely use more fully the detailed and comprehensive information which is available to most states, however "democratic": the instrument is largely the same though it is used differently.

The growth of the modern bureaucracy has two implications which are crucial to the feasibility of the coup: the development of a clear distinction between the permanent machinery of state and the political leadership, and the fact that, like most large organizations, the bureaucracy has a structured hierarchy with definite chains of command. The distinction between the bureaucrat as an employee of the state and as a personal servant of the ruler is a new one, and both the British and the American systems show residual features of the earlier structure.”
― Edward Luttwak, Coup d'Etat: A Practical Handbook