Kevin's Reviews > The Democracy Project: A History, a Crisis, a Movement
The Democracy Project: A History, a Crisis, a Movement
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Kevin's review
bookshelves: 1-how-the-world-works, 2-brilliant-intros-101, theory-socialism-anarchism, history-america-north, critique-statism, critique-liberalism, econ-democracy, econ-finance, econ-inequality, theory-organize, theory-education
Nov 02, 2014
bookshelves: 1-how-the-world-works, 2-brilliant-intros-101, theory-socialism-anarchism, history-america-north, critique-statism, critique-liberalism, econ-democracy, econ-finance, econ-inequality, theory-organize, theory-education
Read 4 times. Last read November 15, 2024 to November 16, 2024.
Social Imagination 101: how do we change the world if we cannot even imagine it?
Preamble:
--Graeber’s magnum opus is his 2011 Debt: The First 5,000 Years, a masterpiece of theory.
…However, the first Graeber book I read was this 2013 follow-up, where Graeber tries to synthesize:
a) theory (professor of anthropology)
b) practice (firsthand experience with Occupy Wall Street activism).
--This was easily one of my most influential (and inspirational) early reads. Re-reading this 11 years later was a good test for the tools I’ve gathered since (esp. the critiques of Graeber’s final major project, 2021’s The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity)...
The Brilliant:
1) dz�?:
--I’ve yet to read a writer who has synthesized so much fascinating research (often buried in dense academic writing) and presented it in such an engaging, accessible manner.
--Graeber starts with a stark contradiction in the US: why does the public have such low approval for politicians, yet such high approval for “democracy�?
a) Elitist influences:
--Roots in aristocracy (“rule of the best�), which under capitalism is plutocracy (rule of the wealthiest). Property-holding white male voters represented “the people�.
--Elections are a crude form of democracy, being divisive competitions promoting narrow factionalism, a logic suited for militaries where a majority of armed men would rule by force.
--Assuming people already have all the answers of what they want to vote for crudely dismisses the learning process of discussion. It’s the elitist/patriarchal assumption of “rational calculations� by those used to giving commands and not having to empathize with others.
--Liberalism/capitalism was long hostile to Populist “Democrats� (the most mainstream being Thomas Paine), smeared as “mDz-ܱ�/“aԲ� during 1770-1800. Those who started to use the label often used it provocatively (ex. Robespierre, Jefferson). “Democrats�/“democracy� became coopted in 1830-1850. “Western civilization� innovating “democracy� only became popularized in post-WWI Western universities.
b) Populist influences:
--“Direct democracy� does not revolve around centralized competitive elections where voters are mere spectators; most decisions are instead done locally in participatory public assemblies; cooperation in consensus (unlike crude “rational calculations�, the higher standard of being “rDzԲ� requires listening/facilitation/empathy) is more constructive than divisive competition (direct winners/losers are not optimal neighbors/communities); lottery (“sortition�, like jury) prevented charismatic demagogues manipulating elections, etc.
--The US was particularly influenced by Native American democracy; here, Graeber is referring to the “influence debate�, see: Donald A. Grinde/Bruce Johansen. In The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity, Graeber/Wengrow expands this further to the “indigenous critique� of Western hierarchies influencing the European Enlightenment. At the core is the belief that equality ensures personal liberty (prevents despotic rule).
2) �?:
--For a sample of the brilliance of Graeber’s Debt: The First 5,000 Years, we can apply the above to the debates on what to do with the US Revolution’s war debts (Graeber is referencing Charles A. Beard/William Hogeland/Terry Bouton/Woody Holton):
a) Elitist approach:
--The mythical Founding Fathers/Continental Congress were the richest Americans, the major bondholders/creditors/speculators who bought war bonds at depreciated prices and insisted they be paid back in full.
--A central bank (like Bank of England) was created to circulate the war debt as currency.
b) Populist approach:
--The rejected alternative promoted the masses (debtors) who would benefit from letting the war debts inflate away, replacing it with paper money currency issued by local land banks under public control (i.e. public banks; The Public Bank Solution: From Austerity to Prosperity).
--Local control of printing own currency allows control over depreciating the value through inflation, helping debtors pay off debts against speculators (not to mention control to promote local investments). Furthermore, populist debtors wanted to abolish debts, more equality in property ownership, etc. For a future design of economic democracy (micro and macro), see: Another Now: Dispatches from an Alternative Present
The Questionable:
1) Revolutions as Transformations in Common Sense?:
--Graeber cites Immanuel Wallerstein (World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction) in considering how the processes surrounding the French Revolution ushered in the “Modern World System� (liberalism/capitalism, i.e. towards a single world market and world politics of colonial empires), revolutionizing our common sense:
i) Change is good (“progress", paired with capitalism’s economic growth),
ii) Government policy should manage this change,
iii) Government power/legitimacy comes from “the people�.
--Let’s consider 2 general lenses to analyze history:
a) idealism: start with ideas driving social change, thus focus on culture/morality/common sense; the above Wallerstein/Graeber analysis fits here.
b) materialism: start with material conditions and how social groups relate to such conditions (esp. production/distribution/reproduction), driving social change; this gets coded into culture/ideas. Ex. both Wallerstein/Graeber use this lens in agreeing that by the 1960s, crisis in productive profits led to shift towards short-term speculation/parasitic rent-seeking (�Neoliberalism�).
…Why did the above liberalism/capitalism changes in common sense (ex. change is good) happen? Were people swept away by new ideas (idealism)? Or perhaps human society always feature a wide range of ideas (given our diversity and contradictions), so we should start with how changing material conditions alter bargaining powers, elevating corresponding ideas (materialism); ex. how capitalism is inherently disruptive, giving more bargaining power to the idea that change is good. Graeber skips Wallerstein’s materialist lens analysis.
…Ex. genders competing for bargaining power is foundational to human society (ex. Mothers and Others: The Evolutionary Origins of Mutual Understanding). Under capitalism, seismic material disruptions of the world wars changed relations in production/distribution/reproduction (esp. forcing women into the workplace to fill in for male soldiers). This drastically changed bargaining power for feminist ideas (women leaving private households to socialize/organize at workplace) and eventually shifted culture/common sense.
--See , which includes comradely critiques of Graeber's idealism. Start from the first episode, and note these episodes:
-"6. Political Anthropology: When Communism Works and Why"
-"7. The Origins of Male Dominance and Hierarchy; what David Graeber and Jordan Peterson get wrong"
-"7.1 Material Conditions: Why You Can't Eliminate Sexism or Patriarchy by Changing Culture"
-"8. Materialism vs. Idealism: How Social Change Happens"
--Graeber’s targets for revolutionizing common sense:
i) Debt/money: Debt: The First 5,000 Years
ii) Work: productivism (Bullshit Jobs: A Theory) vs. leisure/care (The Invisible Heart: Economics and Family Values)/ecology (The Serviceberry: Abundance and Reciprocity in the Natural World)
iii) bureaucracy, i.e. Leftist critique (The Utopia of Rules: On Technology, Stupidity, and the Secret Joys of Bureaucracy)
iv) communism, i.e. baseline rather than property rights (see Graeber’s Debt).
…see comments below (message #5) for rest of the review�
Preamble:
--Graeber’s magnum opus is his 2011 Debt: The First 5,000 Years, a masterpiece of theory.
…However, the first Graeber book I read was this 2013 follow-up, where Graeber tries to synthesize:
a) theory (professor of anthropology)
b) practice (firsthand experience with Occupy Wall Street activism).
--This was easily one of my most influential (and inspirational) early reads. Re-reading this 11 years later was a good test for the tools I’ve gathered since (esp. the critiques of Graeber’s final major project, 2021’s The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity)...
The Brilliant:
1) dz�?:
--I’ve yet to read a writer who has synthesized so much fascinating research (often buried in dense academic writing) and presented it in such an engaging, accessible manner.
--Graeber starts with a stark contradiction in the US: why does the public have such low approval for politicians, yet such high approval for “democracy�?
a) Elitist influences:
--Roots in aristocracy (“rule of the best�), which under capitalism is plutocracy (rule of the wealthiest). Property-holding white male voters represented “the people�.
--Elections are a crude form of democracy, being divisive competitions promoting narrow factionalism, a logic suited for militaries where a majority of armed men would rule by force.
--Assuming people already have all the answers of what they want to vote for crudely dismisses the learning process of discussion. It’s the elitist/patriarchal assumption of “rational calculations� by those used to giving commands and not having to empathize with others.
--Liberalism/capitalism was long hostile to Populist “Democrats� (the most mainstream being Thomas Paine), smeared as “mDz-ܱ�/“aԲ� during 1770-1800. Those who started to use the label often used it provocatively (ex. Robespierre, Jefferson). “Democrats�/“democracy� became coopted in 1830-1850. “Western civilization� innovating “democracy� only became popularized in post-WWI Western universities.
b) Populist influences:
--“Direct democracy� does not revolve around centralized competitive elections where voters are mere spectators; most decisions are instead done locally in participatory public assemblies; cooperation in consensus (unlike crude “rational calculations�, the higher standard of being “rDzԲ� requires listening/facilitation/empathy) is more constructive than divisive competition (direct winners/losers are not optimal neighbors/communities); lottery (“sortition�, like jury) prevented charismatic demagogues manipulating elections, etc.
--The US was particularly influenced by Native American democracy; here, Graeber is referring to the “influence debate�, see: Donald A. Grinde/Bruce Johansen. In The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity, Graeber/Wengrow expands this further to the “indigenous critique� of Western hierarchies influencing the European Enlightenment. At the core is the belief that equality ensures personal liberty (prevents despotic rule).
2) �?:
--For a sample of the brilliance of Graeber’s Debt: The First 5,000 Years, we can apply the above to the debates on what to do with the US Revolution’s war debts (Graeber is referencing Charles A. Beard/William Hogeland/Terry Bouton/Woody Holton):
a) Elitist approach:
--The mythical Founding Fathers/Continental Congress were the richest Americans, the major bondholders/creditors/speculators who bought war bonds at depreciated prices and insisted they be paid back in full.
--A central bank (like Bank of England) was created to circulate the war debt as currency.
b) Populist approach:
--The rejected alternative promoted the masses (debtors) who would benefit from letting the war debts inflate away, replacing it with paper money currency issued by local land banks under public control (i.e. public banks; The Public Bank Solution: From Austerity to Prosperity).
--Local control of printing own currency allows control over depreciating the value through inflation, helping debtors pay off debts against speculators (not to mention control to promote local investments). Furthermore, populist debtors wanted to abolish debts, more equality in property ownership, etc. For a future design of economic democracy (micro and macro), see: Another Now: Dispatches from an Alternative Present
The Questionable:
1) Revolutions as Transformations in Common Sense?:
--Graeber cites Immanuel Wallerstein (World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction) in considering how the processes surrounding the French Revolution ushered in the “Modern World System� (liberalism/capitalism, i.e. towards a single world market and world politics of colonial empires), revolutionizing our common sense:
i) Change is good (“progress", paired with capitalism’s economic growth),
ii) Government policy should manage this change,
iii) Government power/legitimacy comes from “the people�.
--Let’s consider 2 general lenses to analyze history:
a) idealism: start with ideas driving social change, thus focus on culture/morality/common sense; the above Wallerstein/Graeber analysis fits here.
b) materialism: start with material conditions and how social groups relate to such conditions (esp. production/distribution/reproduction), driving social change; this gets coded into culture/ideas. Ex. both Wallerstein/Graeber use this lens in agreeing that by the 1960s, crisis in productive profits led to shift towards short-term speculation/parasitic rent-seeking (�Neoliberalism�).
…Why did the above liberalism/capitalism changes in common sense (ex. change is good) happen? Were people swept away by new ideas (idealism)? Or perhaps human society always feature a wide range of ideas (given our diversity and contradictions), so we should start with how changing material conditions alter bargaining powers, elevating corresponding ideas (materialism); ex. how capitalism is inherently disruptive, giving more bargaining power to the idea that change is good. Graeber skips Wallerstein’s materialist lens analysis.
…Ex. genders competing for bargaining power is foundational to human society (ex. Mothers and Others: The Evolutionary Origins of Mutual Understanding). Under capitalism, seismic material disruptions of the world wars changed relations in production/distribution/reproduction (esp. forcing women into the workplace to fill in for male soldiers). This drastically changed bargaining power for feminist ideas (women leaving private households to socialize/organize at workplace) and eventually shifted culture/common sense.
--See , which includes comradely critiques of Graeber's idealism. Start from the first episode, and note these episodes:
-"6. Political Anthropology: When Communism Works and Why"
-"7. The Origins of Male Dominance and Hierarchy; what David Graeber and Jordan Peterson get wrong"
-"7.1 Material Conditions: Why You Can't Eliminate Sexism or Patriarchy by Changing Culture"
-"8. Materialism vs. Idealism: How Social Change Happens"
--Graeber’s targets for revolutionizing common sense:
i) Debt/money: Debt: The First 5,000 Years
ii) Work: productivism (Bullshit Jobs: A Theory) vs. leisure/care (The Invisible Heart: Economics and Family Values)/ecology (The Serviceberry: Abundance and Reciprocity in the Natural World)
iii) bureaucracy, i.e. Leftist critique (The Utopia of Rules: On Technology, Stupidity, and the Secret Joys of Bureaucracy)
iv) communism, i.e. baseline rather than property rights (see Graeber’s Debt).
…see comments below (message #5) for rest of the review�
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Reading Progress
2013
–
Started Reading
2013
–
Finished Reading
November 2, 2014
– Shelved
April 1, 2018
–
Started Reading
April 2, 2018
–
40.0%
"Ch.4 introduces some overarching analysis of US financial imperialism and the parasitism of the Finance sector, this is part of what separates David Graeber and Michael Hudson from the mainstream "Economics" analyses that somehow can model everything except the real world!"
April 26, 2018
–
80.0%
"Rereading 5 years later and still a revelation. A major tactic of Financial Capitalism is make Wall Street/US Treasury/World Bank/IMF/WTO seem natural and inevitable by destroying social imagination. Graeber revives social possibilities by challenging and expanding our assumptions of "democracy" and "anarchism"..."
May 5, 2018
–
80.0%
"Rereading this 5 years later and still one of the most inspiring works! Reviving the social imagination for direct democracy truly illustrates how morbid our miseducation is..."
May 9, 2018
–
Finished Reading
July 24, 2019
–
Started Reading
August 7, 2019
–
Finished Reading
November 15, 2024
–
Started Reading
November 16, 2024
–
Finished Reading
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Neat, how do you find Sarah Schulman's works?
With nonfiction, it seems many are turned off from dry school textbooks (painful how "history" is taught), and miss out on the magic of ones that synthesis real-world material conditions with social imagination (Graeber, Varoufakis, etc.). Of course this can come from both sides and blur, ex. Arundhati Roy's fiction (more playful) and nonfiction (more urgent), but I've been turned off by fiction since so many people (well represented on ŷ) seem to read fiction in high school and not critically challenge the framing by further learning real-world conditions and get stuck (ex. Orwell's Animal Farm & 1984, To Kill a Mockingbird, Lord of the Flies, etc. etc.).
Enjoy this book, it was the first Graeber book I read, feels like a lifetime ago!

I majored in French with a lot of literature classes, so I learned how to appreciate historical conditions and context in literature. After reading a couple Engels quotes in the Robert Tucker's 2nd edition Marx-Engels reader a few months ago ("According to the materialist conception of history, the ultimately determining element in history is the production and reproduction of real life."(760), "history is here simply meant to comprise all spheres—political, juridicial, philosophical, theological—belonging to society and not only to nature" (767)) I started to understand the importance of context, especially world historical context, something I think Graeber so excellently puts his work in terms of: the world historical ("history is here simply...") context of how things unfolded, and how they arranged themselves such that they are today like this, though its just one configuration out of many possibilities that might happen, that we can shift into or out of. That's what I think is needed more in both fiction and nonfiction: a wider context, scope, at least understanding, as opposed to a microscopic view of a subject sectioned off from all other things.

Cheers, I appreciate the recommendations for Schulman, and I definitely agree on some nonfiction being like "a guided tour through a curated museum", which is why I contrasted Graeber from dry textbooks (history and social studies can be so dry when it's just surface-level names-and-dates, so much noise without the critical structures).
Also agree on the need for synthesis. I do realize literature is an area I am lacking, although my favorite political economists always seem well-versed in this. For the questions I raise, I just think there's a great need to synthesize the material sciences/empirical research side as well; we each can only prioritize so much.

2) Occupy Wall Street’s Strategy?:
--The core critique of Graeber/Occupy revolves around:
a) Pro-Demands:
--This group (rejected by Graeber’s Anti-Demands side) wanted Occupy to back specific demands, especially the overarching ones like ending corporate personhood (The Corporation: The Pathological Pursuit of Profit and Power), removing capitalist financing of elections, etc.
--This group is associated with the labour movement, where winning demands is essential to exercising and building bargaining power (winning improvements to social needs): Raising Expectations (and Raising Hell); My Decade Fighting for the Labor Movement
b) Anti-Demands:
--Graeber’s side wanted to avoid making demands, seen as dependency on the State to hand out change, and wanted instead for participants to experience “direct democracy� through self-organization.
--This experience was seen as crucial to cultural transformation in common sense (idealism’s revolution), by being-the-change (“prefigurative politics�) and believing that the experience is contagious (“contaminationism�).
--Graeber refers to abolitionist/feminist movements who took a long time to build, often outside formal politics. All this high-level theory is one thing (and I agree there’s a case to be made that Occupy should not be relied on to do everything), but once we get into the details of material conditions/bargaining power, Graeber’s own analysis below sometimes contradicts with his ideals:
i) Why did Occupy spread so quickly?
�Debt peonage united both post-secondary students (student loan debt) and the working class (credit card debt/payday loans/subprime mortgage/rent); this divide of “middle class� vs. working class started to blur, with many students entering the work force of increasingly-precarious service-sector jobs.
ii) Role of media?
…Graeber acknowledges that Gandhian nonviolence requires media coverage and some legal support.
…Coverage by the international press (The Guardian, Al Jazeera) pressured US capitalist mainstream media to not completely censor the movement, while viral social media added some visibility as well.
…More important seems to be the early assumption by Liberals that Occupy could be co-opted into electoral support for the Democratic Party, similar to how the Tea Party movement was used by Republicans. However, as soon as this illusion ended, mainstream media switched to slandering and then blackout censorship.
iii) Why did it collapse?
…Smear moral authority with sensationalism around issues of sanitation/sexual assaults.
…Scare off middle-class: betrayal by liberals/Democratic Party and media blackout, followed by post-9/11 militarized police brutality. Remember, Graeber was Anti-Demands, but still relied on Democratic Party for legal protection which was lost because there’s no possible mainstream coalition with no demands. As Graeber writes:
The radicals� call for revolutionary change creates a fire to the liberals� left that makes the liberals� own proposals for reform seem a more reasonable alternative. We win them a place at the table. They keep us out of jail. In these terms, the liberal establishment utterly failed to live up to their side of the bargain. […]--Without the Democratic Party/media/unions, where was the bargaining power coalition? Organizing debtors takes a lot of time/effort. Occupy did plant the seeds for Bernie Sanders, but I cannot help thinking there were some missed opportunities where more rigorous strategies might have captured (ex. Raising Expectations (and Raising Hell); My Decade Fighting for the Labor Movement).
What surprised many of us was the reaction of our liberal allies. America, after all, sees itself not as a nation united by any particular ethnic origin, but as a people united by their freedoms; and these were the very people who ordinarily put themselves forth as those freedoms� most stalwart defenders. The fact that they proved happy instead to see civil liberties as so many bargaining chips, to be defended only if strategically convenient, was sobering—even to many anarchists like me who have come to expect almost nothing else from the liberal establishment.
--Indeed, Graeber has a passage that could be read in a rather anti-idealist manner:
There are many things in short supply in the world. One thing of which we have a well-nigh unlimited supply is intelligent, creative people able to come up with solutions to problems like that. The problem is not a lack of imagination. The problem is the stifling systems of debt and violence, created to ensure that those powers of imagination are not used—or not used to create anything beyond financial derivatives, new weapons systems, or new Internet platforms for the filling out of forms.--A few more points by Graeber: since 1968 (following Wallerstein), when given the option, liberalism seems more determined to:
a) crush social imagination for alternatives (Capitalist Realism: Is There No Alternative?; also see Klein’s The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism and The Capital Order: How Economists Invented Austerity and Paved the Way to Fascism), rather than
b) actually trying to make capitalism more sustainable (Keynesian redistribution/welfare state compromise).
--Graeber: capitalist media is not just:
i) propaganda (for nuance on how this differs from Trump’s “fake news� misdirection, see Chomsky’s Understanding Power: The Indispensable Chomsky), but also
ii) weaponized cynicism: convincing the public that everyone else is a sheep, keeping us isolated/divided-and-ruled. This is truly concerning, considering the most progressive mainstream news (Comedy Central's The Daily Show) also perpetuates this. The revolution will not be televised.

--Graeber briefly considers:
a) “Sadr City strategy�:
--Armed militias in extreme foreign military occupations (Iraq’s Sadrists ,also Lebanon’s Hezbollah) create dual power by implementing populist autonomous institutions (ex. free birth clinics) and then building a security apparatus around it. Eventually, borders are negotiated and they enter formal politics.
--Graeber warns that such violent conditions require military discipline limiting democratic experiments and is prone to charismatic leaders.
b) “San Andrés strategy�:
--Zapatistas is the popular example of maintaining autonomous power, where a peace treaty negotiation process via democratic participation was a firewall. An example closer to Occupy (i.e. Pro-Demands on constitution amendments) is Ecuador under Correa writing a new constitution influenced by indigenous groups.
c) “El Alto strategy�:
--Combine the above: Indigenous popular assemblies took control of utilities (esp. water), helped elect Morales while maintaining dual power.
d) “Buenos Aires strategy�:
--Delegitimize politics; in Argentina, this forced Kirchner to default on foreign debt, causing waves that shook the IMF. Graeber sees this as fitting Occupy (Anti-Demands).