Preamble: --In my last years of undergraduate studies, I realized I still couldn’t even formulate coherent questions about the Social Imagination 101�
Preamble: --In my last years of undergraduate studies, I realized I still couldn’t even formulate coherent questions about the world. So, I finally took responsibility for my own education and started exploring nonfiction. …Thus, I was motivated by distress. Graeber (RIP) brought joy into this journey. --One of my favourite quotes (from an author I’ve yet to read, psychiatrist David Viscott) is:
The purpose of life is to discover your gift. The work of life is to develop it. The meaning of life is to give your gift away.
…To change how others see the world in a caring, inspirational manner, now that’s a special gift. --This collection of essays/interviews is a celebration of Graeber’s life work and gift to a world in distress, where Graeber synthesized diverse social theory and released it from academic silos through playful presentations. I’ve yet to read a more talented writer with a more important writing goal.
Highlights:
--This collection basically covers Graeber’s bibliography, with many essays being the seeds that grew into books. Given the context of this book, let’s walk through Graeber’s foundations:
1) Social Theory in Practice: --I cannot think of a more radical author who managed to crack into mainstream Western best-sellers lists/bookstores (the other being Naomi Klein) and Graeber did this synthesizing a mountain of academic texts on challenging topics like debt/bureaucracy/bullshit jobs/anthropology!
[Rebecca Solnit writes:] Our mutual friend the writer, filmmaker, and debt abolitionist Astra Taylor texted him: “Re-reading Debt. You are such a damn good writer. A rare skill among lefties.� He [Graeber] texted back that August, a month before his demise: “Why thanks! Well at least I take care to do so—I call it �being nice to the reader,� which is an extension of the politics, in a sense.� […]
[Nika Dubrovsky writes:] David used to say that when writing in his mind he was talking to his mother, and if he felt that she understood him, he believed that others would, too. His texts were written to be open to discussion and further development by other people. He wanted to change our collective common sense, and this task can only be accomplished collectively.
As a teacher of economics, I have always believed that if you are not able to explain the economy in a language young people can understand, then, quite simply, you are clueless yourself.
…I’ve found it useful to imagine communicating to my former self, retracing my steps. You know your own journey best. --I’m also reminded of fellow social critic/anarchist Chomsky’s critique of ivory-tower social science having physics-envy. Indeed, Chomsky says a car manual (used by a mechanic without ivory-tower education) needs way more jargon because it’s actually technically complex. From the science side, Goldacre also laughs along with the and cringes at the galaxy-brain texts of . --Next steps: how do we reach those who do not read critical books? I think of the everyday conversations I have with gym bros who listen to Joe Rogan, who (still) think Trump is an outsider, who see Jordan Peterson as an intellectual. We have so much work to do with those around us, and we need a diverse toolbox to communicate effectively. Ex. despite being triggered by the “socialism� label, I’ve gotten some of these same bros to acknowledge that Bernie Sanders is sincere (having ).
2) Anthropology: --Graeber is trained as an anthropologist (PhD supervisor: Marshall Sahlins). However, I now view Graeber’s direct anthropology works to be his most questionable works, as he wanders off in idealist rabbit-holes (i.e. dives into culture; ex. his final major project, in collaboration with archaeologist Wengrow: The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity, 2021) when there are clearmaterialistexplanations in anthropology to start from (see later for example). --Once we build a materialist foundation, Graeber’s idealist lens shines. Some examples: i) process of theoretical reduction: “simplifying and schematizing complex material in such a way as to be able to say something unexpected�, ex. Claude Lévi-Strauss, Marcel Mauss ii) shismogenesis/culture areas: identities created through difference from others iii) types of social domination that characterize various societies: sovereignty/bureaucracy/heroic …As Graeber puts it:
I find that historians obviously do the most detailed, empirically informed work, but they have this rigorous refusal to talk about anything for which they do not have specific, concrete evidence, to the extent that you have to treat things that you can’t prove as if they didn’t happen, which is insane. So people write things about the origin of democratic institutions based on where they find the first written evidence for people sitting around making decisions together. And we have to pretend that before that they didn’t do that. It’s absurd. On the other hand, economists go all the way the other way. It’s all models. They don’t really care what’s there. They listen until they can have enough evidence to plug in to a model where they can show some signs that people are doing what they think they really ought to have been doing, and then they create a model saying they did that. I think anthropology is a happy medium. We can fill in the blank spaces, but we can do so based on empirical observation of what people in analogous situations actually have tended to do.
--Local historian professor Martin Kitchen somehow managed to pack a textbook’s scope of analysis into just 120 pages (published in 1976), providing an academic overview of the range of theories diagnosing fascism in order to build a critical definition of fascism. --As this book covers theory, I’ll have to read Kitchen’s historical accounts of Nazi Germany to build a further synthesis�
Highlights:
--I’ll list the theories in the following format: i) label: their general perspective (where they are coming from) ii) how they diagnose fascism iii) Kitchen’s critiques of their diagnosis …I’ve ordered these theories from least to most useful (with increasing detail):
1) Nationalist: either high point (pro-fascist) or low point (conservative nostalgia) in national history. 2) Christian: blames secularization (Kitchen: but is the antidote theocracy?). 3) Conservative: socioeconomic change disrupts traditional values leading to mass revolt (Kitchen: pessimistic nostalgia; idealism).
4) Psychological: (Durkheim critiques this as stuck in a vacuum lacking sociology). a) Individual psychology: narrow focus on fascist leadership’s characteristics. b) Social/mass psychology: irrational masses; Wilhelm Reich on authoritarian family/sexual inhibition; Adorno on personality. c) Neo-Marxist psychology: tries to integrate sociology, i.e. how economic structure reflected in ideological superstructure leading to false consciousness; Fromm on alienation (Kitchen: but how was fascism set in motion?)
5) Liberal: “Totalitarianism�: --Became prominent during 1950s-60s in the West’s Cold War framing of “democracy� vs. “totalitarianism� (where communism was equated with fascism). --Declined by 1960s given USSR’s post-Stalin changes. Kitchen’s main critique is that grouping fascism with communism (even Stalinism) misses foundational differences in socioeconomic/political aims/historical context. --ex. C.J. Friedrich (operational): Kitchen: too much focus on mass party’s power given its contradictions/purges. --ex. Hannah Arendt (essentialist): permanent terror/anti-humanist rigid ideology; Kitchen: but fascist majority less affected/more detached; fascist political aim was not communism’s radical change. Later, Arendt updated that “totalitarian� no longer applied to USSR (“one party state�). --ex. Herbert Marcuse/Frankfurt School (Left critique): roots of fascism in liberalism (full use of private property but monopoly capitalism crisis amidst labour movement threat); Kitchen: but lack specifics of why Germany/Italy in particular. After fall of fascism, Marcuse’s One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society (1964) focused on the modern welfare state’s conformist, consumerist society as a hybrid of capitalism and socialism. Kitchen cautions against some of the absolute/unhistorical claims. --ex. Franz Neumann’s 1942 Behemoth: The Structure and Practice of National Socialism, 1933-1944 focused particularly on the connection between fascist leadership and capitalism (esp. big industrialists) as well as fascist leadership’s conflicts with the liberal status quo resulting in divide-and-rule to prevent organized opposition to the new “totalitarian monopoly capitalism�; Kitchen notes this starts to depart from the original totalitarian theory equating communism with fascism. -ex. Ernst Nolte’s 1963 Three Faces of Fascism: Action Francaise, Italian Fascism, National Socialism shifts away from totalitarian theory but keeps liberalism’s anti-communism. Bolshevism destroyed the preconditions of fascism: feudalism/bourgeoisie/freedom of press/patriotism/antisemitism. However, Nolte still frames communism and fascism as social revolutionary movements, whereas Kitchen stresses that fascism is reactionary against revolution including purging radicals from its own parties (see later). Thus, Kitchen critiques Nolte’s idealism (focus on ideology/psychology) lacking historical materialism.
6) Liberal: “Middle Classes�: --Another theory convenient for liberals is to frame fascism as an independent (“aܳٴDzԴdz�) mass movement of the middle class, in contrast to the “heteronomic� view of fascism being controlled by monopoly capitalism (see Marxist theories later). --ex. Talcott Parsons (conservative): refers to Durkheim’s “anomie� (imperfect integration) and Weber’s rationalization (of science/techno) triggering reactionary romanticism. --ex. Seymour Martin Lipset: middle class threatened by big capital from above and the labour movement from below; Kitchen: but fascism was supported by big capital/landowners. --Empirical studies do reveal most Nazi Party/Italian Fascist Party membership were middle class and previously voted as centrists, thus fascism was unique amongst Right-wing movements as being a petite bourgeois pseudo-democratic mass party. …Rhetorically, there was a weaponization of a “socialism of the petite bourgeoisie� ideology (rejection of the pressures of liberalism/modernity), composed of unemployed university grads/low-paid white collar/small business/small farmers. This was in contrast to the working class, who voted for social democrat/communist parties. --However, Kitchen stresses the contradictions between: a) Mass base: --Left-populist rhetoric in Italy (anarcho-syndicalist/fascist unions) and Germany (Strasser/Nazi union NSBO) were a contradictory mess (radical petite bourgeois). Beyond their immediate class interests seeking protection, what was their future vision? Class divisions are kept, with idealist fantasies of pre-monopoly capitalism/Middle Age guilds/estates. b) Leadership: --Hitler/Mussolini collaborated with the capitalist functional elite (big capital/Right bourgeois parties) and used state power to destroy socialism/labour movements. --Hitler manipulated Left populism’s anti-capitalism into antisemitism; thus, this scapegoating was functional and not merely irrational (ex. purging highly-skilled Jewish armaments workers). Once in power (required mass base given failures in 1930-33), the elite collaboration betrayed its populist party program (which critiqued monopolies/chain stores; supported populist land reform and SA paramilitary replacing army/bureaucracy) and purged populist radicals (1934 Röhm Putsch/Night of the Long Knives). --In Italy, syndicalist ideas were suppressed in 1925 and fascist unions disbanded in 1928.
…see comments below for rest of the review (Marxist theories, Kitchen’s concluding definition)�...more
Economics of Class War 101: Liberal-to-Fascist Pipeline�
Preamble: --With Trump 2024 adding to the spread of reactionary politics in capitalist countriEconomics of Class War 101: Liberal-to-Fascist Pipeline�
Preamble: --With Trump 2024 adding to the spread of reactionary politics in capitalist countries, this was the first book I prioritized. …The author uses a historical materialist lens to analyze society, which elite liberals (devoted to cosmopolitan capitalism: Necessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic Societies) find intolerable (because it clarifies real-world capitalism’s contradictions/class conflict). ...Indeed, elite liberals would rather risk Trump winning than have a moderate like Bernie Sanders open the door to material conditions/economic populism (ex. It's OK to Be Angry About Capitalism). This book dissects the Liberal-to-Fascist pipeline�
Highlights:
--The author’s historical materialist lens reveals the politics (group decision-making: ) of “economics�, in particular how recessions (and fascism) can be weaponized by liberals to defend capitalism against economic democracy. …This lens and the writing-style is academic/dense, so I always find it useful to re-organize into a summary (below). The author’s innovation is focusing on the WWI period (whereas we usually focus on WWII period) using Britian (leading capitalist) and Italy (developing capitalist) as case studies:
1) Proto-Austerity: Classical Gold Standard (1870s-1914): --It would take at least a separate book to unpack this period (esp. the context of British empire’s domestic and foreign colonization; for a big picture, see Capital and Imperialism: Theory, History, and the Present). --The context for this book is that “austerity� (restrict state spending) can be partially traced to the gold standard, which tried to separate “politics� from “economics� by restricting state spending over concerns of gold outflows (see later).
2) Planned Economy: WWI (1914-1918): --WWI forced capitalist countries to re-unite “politics� (ex. state planning) with “economics�: i) Production: --The prior assumption of relying on free “economics� to fulfill social needs has always failed for the masses (our conception of capitalism’s “middle class� had to wait until post-WWII), but elites could always ignore this and blame the public. However, this time the elites were directly threatened by war. --High market Demand (for war-time production) was supposed to be signalled through higher prices, where market freedom was supposed to respond with high Supply in the most efficient manner. That’s the convenient, utopic theory, at least. …In reality, capitalists� short-term profit-seeking led to a shift for high-profit luxury goods and exports, leaving a crisis of war-time shortages. Ex. the British empire’s crucial shipping industry shifted so much to exports that it didn’t even have enough capacity to import wartime essentials, let alone expand its war capacity. Hilarious. --The capitalist State had to take control of the economy for (war-time) needs rather than profits, reluctantly proving how much more efficient/effective planning was. Starting with arms/energy/transportation/agriculture, via output quotas/fixed prices/caps on profits, the capitalist State exposed the chain of production beneath market exchange (Supply/Demand). This uncovering was indeed the premise of Marx’s 1867 Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Volume 1. --Coordination’s cooperation rather than predatory competition drastically expanded production; the State provided physical/social infrastructure, supplied raw materials, guaranteed credit, etc. ii) Labour: --Of course, this was still a capitalist State, so this was all done for war (short-term survival). This exposure of the politics of economics was a long-term threat (public’s political awareness, building imagination for alternatives). --War-time demand for labour (men becoming soldiers, new factory jobs open to women/minorities) meant more bargaining power for workers (full employment, where unemployment could no longer be used to discipline workers). --The capitalist State had to respond with military discipline, increased automation, and nationalism (not just to fight the war, but to hide class conflict within nation). --Several pieces missing from this book: Michael Hudson (Super Imperialism: The Origin and Fundamentals of U.S. World Dominance) considers how the gold standard may limit wars, given the history of capitalist State spending is on wars rather than domestic needs (Debt: The First 5,000 Years). However, we can see in WWI that capitalist states are able to ditch self-imposed limits. …WWI itself can be traced to capitalism’s imperialist competition, see Lenin’s 1916 Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism.
3) Threat of Economic Democracy: “Red Years� (1919-1920): --The book’s focus is on this overlooked period, where 2 groups converged to push the lessons from WWI’s Planned Economy towards Economic Democracy (a dire threat to capitalism): i) Workers: --WWI’s planned economy revealed how an economy run by capitalist profits was a political decision benefiting a certain class. Production for use was not just technically plausible, but directly beneficial for the working class. --Ex. British miners nationalization: …At the peak of union strikes/direct action (peak workers� bargaining power riding the post-WWI economic boom), the miners strike forced a state inquiry which openly denounced free market’s lack of coordination/waste/lack of long-term investments, etc. …However, the state backtracked due to the Treasury economists� fearmongering over public finances (see later); the end of the economic boom ended workers bargaining power/solidarity, followed by austerity’s recession which directly hurt the coal industry (lack exports). The state retreated from coal production, thus a shift from politics to economic markets. --Ex. Italian cooperatives: …Having witness the debacle of capitalist ownership’s short-termism, these enterprises directly displaced capitalist private property (i.e. capitalist ownership of the means of production, separated from the wage workers) through worker ownership/management (Democracy at Work: A Cure for Capitalism). …The Socialist Party’s control of many municipalities provided the infrastructure by socializing finance/housing/transportation/big agriculture and industrial enterprises, ex. cooperative banks providing credit; public works contracts, etc. --Ex. British guilds: …On top of cooperatives challenging capitalist ownership, these guilds also displaced the profit motive. Sectors include building (little fixed infrastructure, thus easy to own means of production)/furnishing/tailoring/agriculture. This also avoids the nationalization struggle mentioned above. …Targeting the post-WWI housing crisis, building guilds won public contracts thanks to its efficiency: without the overhead of capitalist dividends/profits, these guilds operated on cost-price service. Something to remember for today’s housing crisis: -Why Can't You Afford a Home? -Capital City: Gentrification and the Real Estate State …However, austerity ended state contracts for housing projects. --Ex. Industrial councils: …Both Britain and Italy featured revolutionary workers councils which pushed for workers control through councils/committees beyond dependence on the capitalist state (where strikes still led to wage labour contracts), starting with factory occupations (where even police/army started as neutral, key to counter-hegemony and neglected: War is a Racket: The Antiwar Classic by America's Most Decorated Soldier) and building centers for political education (author ties this to Gramsci, etc.).
ii) Reconstructionists: --The workers movements above were the “outsiders�. The “Reconstructionists� were the “insiders�, the reform-minded state officials who experienced WWI’s planned economy and gained growing ambitions for social welfare leading to social peace: housing/education/healthcare/transportation/social security/care-work, etc. --For more lessons applied to today, see: A Good War: Mobilizing Canada for the Climate Emergency
…see comments below for rest of this review: "4) Capitalist Reaction: Austerity/Fascism (1920-Great Depression)" "5) History’s cycles: WWII"...more
Bro hit in the head by Marx’s Capital, develops Narcissism of Small Differences�
Preamble: --This self-published essay-book by social media “Marxist-LeBro hit in the head by Marx’s Capital, develops Narcissism of Small Differences�
Preamble: --This self-published essay-book by social media “Marxist-Leninist� Peter Coffin deserves a prize for being the most infuriating Leftist work that I can remember reading (yes, recency bias). …It’s one thing for me to stomach the likes of Jordan Peterson’s 12 Rules for Life or Hayek’s Road to Serfdom (yes, I’m still slogging through reviewing these); I know what I’m getting myself into with these deliberately anti-Leftist abominations. …But it’s something else to see critical Leftist perspectives which I actually find foundational (i.e. Marxist class analysis and capitalist crisis theory, Leninist anti-imperialism) thrown at other comrades to see what sticks. This crude manner of critique seems to assume the worst in others to generate what appears as the strongest, purest critique; instead, we end up with a bigger mess to untangle. What a missed opportunity to critically synthesize, clarify and unpack contradictions. --In this case, Coffin’s book cover mocks Jason Hickel’s Less is More: How Degrowth Will Save the World. We can start with this context: i) Audience: --Hickel’s degrowth book is communicating to a general English-speaking audience (i.e. Western default liberals), which involves pragmatic use/control of confrontation. --Coffin, meanwhile, is attempting a niche social media takedown (think: DESTROYING liberals, except from the radical Left rather than a Right-wing perspective); it is predictably plagued with bro talk (ex. “Which eventually made Malthus� also look like a bitch. So let’s just quote this bitch verbatim.�). If you want to bypass the bro talk, read Collin Chamber’s article � instead (which I’ll also consider below). Another work falling somewhere in between: Austerity Ecology & the Collapse-porn Addicts: A defence of growth, progress, industry and stuff. ii) Topic: --Hickel is presenting a leftist direction for the (wider) “degrowth� movement, given his inspirations in decolonization. --Coffin is critiquing “degrowth� in general, using Hickel as a proxy.
First as Tragedy, then as Farce: --For a critical synthesis, I will try to untangle the mess by cataloguing the missed opportunities for synthesis (tragedy) and the misdirected accusations (farce). Be prepared with Marx’s Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Volume 1 being tossed around by both “sides�.
1) “GǷɳٳ?�: --Labels contribute to so much confusion; think of all the messy definitions of “capitalism�, “socialism�, “liberalism�, etc. Furthermore, media/social media seem structurally designed to exacerbate confused disagreements by remaining on the surface level (one-word labels/memes being the most shallow). --“Growth� is a mess to unpack, so labelling a movement as “degrowth� is a roll of the dice between confusion vs. provoking insight. Even after diving into this review, I’m still unsure of where I stand on using this label. Kate Raworth (Doughnut Economics: Seven Ways to Think Like a 21st-Century Economist), whom Hickel cites, tries to avoid this confusion by being “growth agnostic�. --In terms of provoking insight, directly challenging endless growth actually seems intuitive to the general public once we frame it within the natural world; somewhere in our subconscious there are concerns for “natural limits�, technological speed-up/scale, and cancerous/viral growth (although our linear thinking has difficulty grasping exponential change). --Digging a step deeper, using the label “degrowth� does mean a strong link with the legacy of The Limits to Growth, which Hickel is well aware of:
It touched a nerve. Limits to Growth exploded onto the scene and became one of the best-selling environmental titles in history, tapping into the countercultural ethos that prevailed in the wake of the youth rebellions of 1968.
…Here, Coffin offers a useful critique: Hickel skips the political context of Limits to Growth, i.e. The Club of Rome, a Western NGO of intellectuals and capitalists lobbying for global issues, which we can describe as liberal technocracy (where “liberal� is cosmopolitan capitalism). …Instead, Hickel just mentions the immediate research team (“a team of scientists at MIT�), which can further perpetuate a general audience’s assumption that “science� is simply objective and apolitical (see later). 2/3 of Coffin’s subtitle (“Overpopulation, Eugenics, and Degrowth�) is focusing on the dangers of liberal technocracy in “environmentalism� throughout history. --So, what is the “growth� we are actually concerned about? Limits to Growth provides a crude start (think: stocks and flows in systems engineering; indeed, one of the key scientists wrote Thinking in Systems: A Primer), where nature has/can reproduce a certain amount of resources, and human-use has a “limit� before we deplete the stocks/recovery. Hickel then adds the evolution of this in ecology/Earth-systems science, i.e. “planetary boundaries�, which considers degradation and integrated systems effects.
2) Capitalist growth?: --What then is the social phenomenon to describe human use? Hickel departs from liberal environmentalism (vague assumptions of technological growth, of humans transcending “natural limits”� but then what are the social drivers of technology? Bad examples include: How the World Really Works: A Scientist's Guide to Our Past, Present and Future) to focus on how the capitalist (commodification for private accumulation) economy (investment/production/distribution/consumption/waste/reproduction) drives growth; so, we can refine our label into “economic growth�, or “capitalist growth�. --Hickel refers to the starting chapters of Marx’s Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Volume 1: i) Capitalism’s value system: --Markets are merely one method of distribution (Debt: The First 5,000 Years), in this case an instantaneous exchange between two self-interested strangers. Markets for “real commodities� (i.e. tangible goods) has long existed (i.e. prior to “capitalism�), but were not foundational since most human relations were long-term community relations. --Markets are dictated by market prices; producing for the market means the focus is on this market price (“e泦Բ-ܱ�) for the end goal of private accumulation, whereas the end use (в-ܱ�) becomes more abstract. --We can add to Hickel: capitalism commodified 3 peculiar markets (labour/land/money) featuring “fictitious commodities� (humans/nature/purchasing power; these are not “produced� solely for market exchange). ii) Capitalism’s process: --Marx distinguished mere trade of two commodities (C-M-C, i.e. Commodity traded for another Commodity, mediated by Money; note the “equality�/“balance� in this exchange) vs. the process of (industrial) capital, --�, i.e. Money invested (Hickel later points out that this is debt, with its compound interest!) to produce Commodity to be sold for more Money (profits). --This process, the “iron law of capital�, drives capitalist production; note the imbalanced growth; when disrupted, capitalist production spirals into irrational crisis, ex. during a crash/recession: commodities like food are destroyed rather than sold at non-profitable prices while the public with insufficient money starve. Hickel [emphases added]:
Here’s how it works. Imagine you’re an investor. You want returns of, say, 5% per year, so you decide to invest in Facebook. Remember, this is an exponential function. So if Facebook keeps churning out the same profits year after year (i.e., 0% growth), it will be able to repay your initial investment but it won’t be able to pay you any interest on it. The only way to generate enough surplus for investor returns is to generate more profit each year than the year before. This is why when investors assess the ‘health� of a firm, they don’t look at net profits; they look at the rate of profit � in other words, how much the firm’s profits grow each year. From the perspective of capital, profit alone doesn’t count. It is meaningless. All that counts is growth.
Investors � people who hold accumulated capital � scour the globe in desperate search of anything that smells like growth. If Facebook’s growth shows signs of slowing down, they’ll pump their money into Exxon instead, or into tobacco companies, or into student loans � wherever the growth is at. This restless movement of capital puts companies under enormous pressure to do whatever they can to grow � in the case of Facebook, advertising more aggressively, creating ever-more addictive algorithms, selling users� data to unscrupulous agents, breaking privacy laws, generating political polarisation and even undermining democratic institutions � because if they fail to grow then investors will pull out and the firm will collapse. The choice is stark: grow or die. […]
Why do investors engage in this restless quest for growth? Because when capital sits still, it loses value (due to inflation, depreciation, etc.). So as capital piles up in the hands of accumulators, it creates enormous pressures for growth. And the more that capital accumulates, the more the pressure builds. […]
These are not ‘bad apples� � they are obeying the iron law of capital.
Over the past 500 years, an entire infrastructure has been created to facilitate the expansion of capital: limited liability, corporate personhood, stock markets, shareholder value rules, fractional reserve banking, credit ratings � we live in a world that’s increasingly organised around the imperatives of accumulation.
--On the question of capitalist drivers, see the interesting intro into the history of owners (investors) vs. managers in: 23 Things They Don't Tell You about Capitalism. For an overview of all the above, see Talking to My Daughter About the Economy: or, How Capitalism Works—and How It Fails. --Coffin grabs his copy of Marx’s Capital to argue that Hickel is actually focusing on accumulation more than capitalism; Coffin seems to naturalize accumulation in abstraction by describing it as simply reinvestment of surplus, which is needed for both maintenance and technological progress. Thus, this is still necessary under socialism, so environmentalists (blurring liberals and Hickel/eco-socialists) are actually moralizing over greed rather than addressing Marx’s core critique of capitalism Marx, which Coffin says is the contradiction of socialized production vs. private accumulation, and the subsequent crises from the tendency for the rate of profit to fall (TRPF) disrupting capitalist production due to capitalist competition’s cost-cutting pushing down prices etc. Coffin:
Growth is the motive Degrowth advocates assert capitalism is driven by � and this is a key error. The assertion here is that motive dictates mode [of production], that because “humans are greedy,� we engage in the kind of production our species engages in. However, the exact opposite is correct; the ruling motive is entirely downstream of the ruling interest. The current, capitalist mode of production contains a fundamental flaw that creates classes of haves and have-nots, rulers and ruled. The motive of the ruling class, the one that makes the decisions about what happens in society, is to preserve the concentration of capital through profit and/or ownership. Any change in motive Degrowth advocates propose without a change in interest, this would merely be symbolic. But Hickel doesn’t advocate for any change in ownership, so there’s no reason to believe Degrowth would be done in a way that is anything but exploitative, because if ownership isn’t addressed, exploitation isn’t addressed.
…We’ll address Hickel/capitalist ownership later. Both “sides� are referencing Marx’s Capital on capitalist production, and clearly a synthesis is required (I’ve also tried to apply Harvey’s A Companion to Marx's Capital to the ecological crises). If Coffin wants to popularize “socialist growth�, it would rather contradict Marx to cling so tightly to the “economic growth� of (market) exchange-values while obscuring use-values, which ties in to Marx’s “commodity fetishism� obscuring the capitalist relations of production Coffin targets. --On the 500 years of capitalist growth infrastructure that Hickel mentions, Hickel starts with GDP. During global capitalism’s most consequential crisis, the Great Depression (1929-1939), the US’s New Deal reforms (watered-down socialist policies) were focused on social needs. The crude measure of GDP (calculating market value of goods/services) rose to the forefront during WWII (the greatest war in human history, which saved global capitalism by destroying stagnant capital and creating booming war markets), which used the crude measure for war production (crude as it includes social ills like war production, while omitting crucial social needs that market prices externalize/perverts, i.e. ecology/care-work/social needs vs. economic rent, etc.). …Post-WWII (which was the start of the “Great Acceleration� in ecological degradation), the measure of GDP became enshrined in the ideology of (economic) growthism by Western capitalism (i.e. OECD), where economic growth became the ideological cover for capitalism to combat communism/socialism targeting social needs and the Global South decolonizing. Hickel [bold emphases added]:
Here’s the key point we need to grasp: GDP is not an arbitrary metric of economic performance. It’s not as though it’s some kind of mistake � an accounting error that just needs to be corrected. It was devised specifically in order to measure the welfare of capitalism. It externalises social and ecological costs because capitalism externalises social and ecological costs. It’s naïve to imagine that if policymakers stop measuring GDP, capital will automatically cease its constant pursuit of ever-increasing returns, and our economies will become more sustainable. Those who call for a shift towards well-being as the sole solution tend to miss this point. If we want to release our society from the grip of the growth imperative, we have to be smarter than that.
…Instead of focusing so much on chasing the ghost of Malthus, I wish Coffin spent more time fleshing out his following point:
This is called the falling rate of profit. It is baked into our economic system. It is totally unavoidable. Because of this, it isn’t actually in the interest of capitalists to fulfill demand in the long term. In fact, if capitalists continually focused on supplying to fulfill demand, they’d eventually go out of business. Hence, degrowth.
...See the comments below for the rest of the review......more
Graeber’s final and most ambitious (collaborative) gift to us is only the beginning�
Preamble: ...The beginning of a storm of debates. Indeed, this is tGraeber’s final and most ambitious (collaborative) gift to us is only the beginning�
Preamble: ...The beginning of a storm of debates. Indeed, this is the 3rd time I've had to update this review due to comradely feedback as I shift my reading context:
1) A momentary rupture of the Status quo: --I started with a celebratory review to honour Graeber's last major project and to review it from a mainstream (i.e. not politically radical/academically critical) readership context given its NYT best-seller reach. --Indeed, much of the "debunking" in this book is directly targeting mainstream "public intellectuals", i.e. Harari (Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind), Pinker (The Better Angels of Our Nature: Why Violence Has Declined), Diamond (Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies), Fukuyama, etc. and their mainstream cultural influences (esp. Rousseau's "noble savage" vs. Hobbes' "the war of all against all" requiring a "Leviathan"). ...There’s always a certain joy seeing status quo liberals (think: cosmopolitan capitalism) frame Graeber’s social imagination as “dԲdzܲ� (most famously for Graeber's Debt: The First 5,000 Years, which coincided with the Occupy Wall Street that Graeber was involved in); suddenly, the inescapable “Capitalist Realism� overcast disperses and the skies open with possibilities. ...What better time than now to revive social imagination as status quo faith propels us towards ecological crises. 5 stars! --I was also biased by social media (which amplifies and flattens differences) and assumed this book would be a useful intervention for crude Leftist debates between "anarchists" and "Marxists", where self-professed “anarchist� Graeber attempts to transcend vulgar caricatures by reframing assumptions shared by both “sides�.
2) ...Now what? (The dialectical dance between materialism and idealism): --Just as Occupy was an invigorating breath of fresh air before it was suffocated (although it did have lasting influences setting up Bernie Sanders' campaigns, which also were derailed...), what frameworks/tools did this book actually provide to mainstream readers for long-term transformative reconstruction (i.e. not just short-term deconstruction)? --Here is where critiques started to pile up, crucially by leftist/critical anthropologists, which made me re-evaluate how I read Graeber (I'm specifically singling out Graeber not Wengrow because Graeber sits in the unique position of being a radical activist/academic who cracked into mainstream readership). --My initial update acknowledged that: i) My reading context is “historical materialism� in a broad sense (i.e. analytical lens to start with, rather than rigid conclusions; I've written a checklist here: A People's History of the World: From the Stone Age to the New Millennium), meaning my foundation for analyzing the processes of history/society starts with the material conditions, i.e. the interactions between (1) physical environmental conditions and (2) social relations to fulfill material needs (production/distribution/reproduction, and the corresponding class conflicts/political bargaining power/contradictions). (3) Ideas with more bargaining power eventually get coded into our culture. "Marxist", if you're not using scare-quotes. ...The interactions between these material conditions vs. our cultural ideas (stories we tell to normalize the interactions) make up the dialectical dance between materialism vs. idealism. While there is a "chicken-or-egg" debate between materialist vs. idealist perspectives, I find starting with material conditions provides a sound foundation whereas starting with cultural ideas can leave us untethered to reality. At their best, Graeber/Wengrow acknowledge this:
Perhaps Marx put it best: we make our own history, but not under conditions of our own choosing.
ii) With this materialist foundation in place, I've made the habit of letting Graeber waltz in and flip everything on its head while still (somewhat) respecting the foundations by engaging with its concepts (rather than completely omitting it to create a parallel universe). ...In the context of academia, I like to describe Graeber (and his colleague Michael Hudson) as bulls in a china shop; they are the big-leap "creative destruction" in contrast to the carefully-plodding rigorous side (which I tend to practice if left to my own devices). So, I personally find Graeber's challenges invigorating since I tend to balance it out (i.e. someone needs to pick up the pieces after a Graeber/Hudson rampage). iii) However, had I read Graeber without a materialist foundation, I would find Graeber's most provocative challenges disorienting. Would mainstream readers be carried away by the excesses of "creative destruction" rhetoric (which became glaring in my second read; I was still holding onto the excuse of marketing for a mass audience...) and miss the moments when Graeber is playing with (rather than rejecting) materialism (if you need a starting point, wherever Graeber mentions Marx)? --So, I started with the wonderful "Climate & Capitalism" ecosocialist journal edited by Ian Angus and reviewed their historical materialist critique titled , (authored by anthropologists Chris Knight/Nancy Lindisfarne/Jonathan Neale: "Among our heroes are the extensive publications of the readable Christopher Boehm, Frans de Waal, R. Brian Ferguson, Sarah [Blaffer] Hrdy, Martin Jones and Laura Rival."), which I appended to the comment section in this review (comment #35). --My foremost goal remains to seek synthesis; I want to dispel the sad irony that Graeber’s last project identifies “culture areas�/schismogensis (the creation of one’s own identity through difference from others, see later; we can add “narcissism of small differences� and capitalist atomization) as a key barrier to system change, yet this book has created quite the uproar amongst the Left in particular.
3) The devil is in the details: --You can see the direction I am heading. After reading this book twice, I put it and the topic on hiatus despite numerous comrades recommending the "What is Politics?" . --Coincidentally, I started re-reading Graeber's works in parallel with dense readings in historical materialism (particular the ecological lens as well as value theory/accounting) in hopes of those momentary ruptures of "creative destruction", so I had to re-open this can of worms. ...To me, the most damning critique by "What is Politics?" is the messy interpretations/omissions on the positions of current anthropology made by Graeber/Wengrow, which is catastrophic because (as leftist anthropologists/archaeologists themselves) this should be their expertise and top priority for a book marketed to the public (i.e. to clearly popularize the best of anthropology)! ...I'm left with the sad conclusion that this book: i) Runs circles around status quo priests (Harari/Pinker/Diamond/Fukuyama; yes, they are very influential in popular culture for convenient propagandistic reasons, but why should we perpetuate the myth that these figures represent the critical research in anthropology/archeology?) until we are all dizzy, and... ii) Fumbled a great opportunity to popularize (and indeed debate/synthesize) radical/critical anthropology (great, more homework), etc. ...A bitter but important pill to swallow as I re-read the rest of Graeber's works. I've left my review below mostly unedited, as I think it still reflects the gist of Graeber/Wengrow's positions. As critical readers, we are forever tasked with further synthesizing.
Highlights:
--This book is the culmination of a project (apparently Graeber envisioned a trilogy) between anthropologist/activist Graeber and archeologist Wengrow, which started as an investigation on the “origins of inequality�, but ended with the authors attempting a complete reframing that raises new questions ("What is Politics?" praises the foundational, big-picture questions asked) and possibilities (but are they materially sustainable?) (lecture:
Myth #1: Prior to agriculture, humans lived as primitive egalitarian hunter-gatherers: --This vulgar “stages of development� assumption (once again, in popular culture, but not in leading anthropology) can be traced to the Enlightenment and the shock of Europe’s (i.e. “an obscure and uninviting backwater full of religious fanatics�) sudden integration into the world economy. --In typical “Great (Western) Man Theory� manner, modern liberals like smug muppet Steven Pinker (the Ayn Rand for Bill Gates) portray the Enlightenment in an isolationist manner of inventive European men. Even when these Enlightenment-era Europeans detail encounters with the rest of the world (American indigenous/Chinese/Indian/Persian etc.), this is either omitted or rendered as “mere projection of European fantasies�. --This erases the dialogue behind the Enlightenment: missionary/travel literature became popular back in Europe for its critique of settlers/Europe and social imagination for alternatives. In particular, the “Indigenous critique� (ex. Kondiaronk) against European (ex. French) elite private property regime against mutual aide while the masses toiled + accumulation of oppressive power against individual freedoms/consensus-building (participatory democracy) caused Jesuit outrage and stimulated Enlightenment debates. --A counter to this critique was based on Lockean property rights, where colonialists portrayed the indigenous as "primitive" in a negative sense, esp. not putting labour into the land, thus part of nature with no property claims. ...Graeber/Wengrow contends that Jean-Jacques Rousseau was able to coopt (1) the “Indigenous critique� and (2) its reactionary backlash to create the “stupid savage� myth (later abused in “Social Darwinism� and “scientific racism�; Rousseau's actual theory is the “noble savage�) where primitive peoples were indeed egalitarian but this cannot be an alternative to the trap of private property’s progress. "What is Politics?" critiques that connecting “stupid savage� to an economist like A.R.J. Turgot is insightful, but it's a stretch to connect it to Rousseau. ...The “stupid savage�/“noble savage� myth(s) and Thomas Hobbes� “L𱹾ٳ� myth (violent primitive anarchy constrained by the benevolent State), the two “sides� of the modern debate, both assume a “primitive� stage. --Since “stages� and “primitive� still run deep in mainstream imagination, Graeber/Wengrow presents a dynamic human history of conscious social experimentation, esp. the prominent example of seasonal fluidity between mass collective mobilization (i.e. harvests/festivals... often egalitarian) and nomadic bands (often hierarchical). However, "What is Politics?" highlights the obvious materialist factors of seasonal changes which Graeber/Wengrow obscure. --Now, as my long preamble has warned, we should not confuse "public intellectuals" like Pinker/Harari with critical researchers in anthropology/archaeology, so in my third reading I'll focus on the debates/omissions of Graeber/Wengrow with the latter regarding "egalitarian hunter-gatherers" (discussed in the "What is Politics?" series): i) Richard Borshay Lee, 1968 Man the Hunter: The First Intensive Survey of a Single, Crucial Stage of Human Development� Man’s Once Universal Hunting Way of Life, from the 1966 "Man the Hunter" symposium on hunter-gatherer research/"primitive communism", which Graeber/Wengrow tie to "behavioural ecology". "What is Politics?" highlights how Graeber/Wengrow connecting the "stupid savage" myth to post-1960 anthropology seem to rely solely on Colin Turnbull's 1961 The Forest People. ii) James Woodburn, 1982 "" article (on "immediate return" hunter-gatherers). iii) Christopher Boehm, 1999 Hierarchy in the Forest: The Evolution of Egalitarian Behavior (foundational synthesis of "reverse hierarchy") iv) Chris Knight: 1991 Blood Relations: Menstruation and the Origins of Culture; also see this v) Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, 1999 Mother Nature: Maternal Instincts and How They Shape the Human Species and 2009 Mothers and Others: The Evolutionary Origins of Mutual Understanding
Myth #2: Surplus from agriculture/technologies traps societies into inequality: --This technocratic justification for stages is popular amongst mainstream luminaries like chronically-wrong Francis Fukuyama and an-atlas-is-my-bible Jared Diamond; Harari's Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind considers the framing of wheat domesticating humans. --Graeber/Wengrow review Neolithic cultivation to contrast the biodiversity of Neolithic botanists (and egalitarianism from women’s roles becoming more visible) vs. the “bio-power� of agricultural food productionism/domestication rule over animals (crucial to our biodiversity crisis; Rob Wallace would love this!)� flexible/collective flood-retreat farming/“play farming�/“ecology of freedom� conscious choices and experimentation vs. Enclosures private property/full-time peasant toil/“ecological imperialism� environmental determinism� --A finer distinction is considering the rigidity of the “grain states� concept by fellow anarchist/anthropologist James C. Scott.
Myth #3: Urbanization’s increasing complexity/scale requires hierarchical rule: --Another technocratic justification for stages... Note: in systems theory, complex systems both in nature and in society do not require top-down organization. --Graeber/Wengrow review early cities that lacked rulers and had various egalitarian schemes: Ukraine “mega-sites�, Uruk (Mesopotamia), Indus Valley, China’s “Late Neolithic�, Teotihuacan (Mesoamerica), etc. This reminds me of Michael Hudson (who collaborated with Graeber) on ancient Mesopotamian cities; a pity they didn’t co-author a book.
New framework, new questions: --By debunking the myths underlying the “origins of inequality� question and revealing the dynamic social possibilities throughout human history, new questions surfaces: “how did we get stuck?� and can we escape? ...Harari: “There is no way out of the imagined order [...] when we break down our prison walls and run towards freedom we are in fact running into the more spacious exercise yard of a bigger prison.�. Mark Fisher's “Capitalist Realism: Is There No Alternative?� leaves a similar feeling, quite frankly.
…First, a new framework is considered: --3 principles of domination (note: not all 3 have to be present; indeed they can be contradicting forces): 1) control force: sovereignty 2) control knowledge: bureaucratic administration (interesting to note the esoteric component of this bureaucratic “knowledge�, which we can connect to today's financial instruments + intellectual property rights regime!) 3) charismatic politics: heroic competition --3 basic freedoms: 1) leave: “expectations that make freedom of movement possible � the norms of hospitality and asylum, civility and shelter� (of course, there are strong materialist factors here as to the physical ability to leave and find new land). 2) disobey 3) shape new social realities/switch between
--“How did we get stuck?�: a compelling first stab: The Roman Law roots of private property (right to use + enjoy products + *most crucially* right to damage/destroy) and its connection to slave law’s objectification (thus a “power� rather than a “right� involving mutual obligations negotiated with others)� ...Thus, the logic of war (arbitrary violence/interchangeable enemies) is inserted into the intimacy of domestic care (patriarchal household private property)... The effects on women and exiles regarding the basic freedoms ...The proliferation of “culture areas�/schismogenesis: “the process by which neighbouring groups began defining themselves against each other and, typically, exaggerating their differences. Identity came to be seen as a value in itself, setting in motion processes of cultural schismogenesis.� (for my 2nd reading, I tried to key in on this as I'm lacking in cultural studies; I need to review more of Graeber unpacking “identity politics� in politics/culture: ).
--We have a lot to work on and a lot to work with thanks to Graeber (RIP... here's Hudson and Steve Keen remembering Graeber: )...more
“the process of liberation is irresistible and irreversible� -Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (adopted by “the process of liberation is irresistible and irreversible� -Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (adopted by the UN General Assembly Resolution 1514 (XV), 14 December 1960)
Preamble --I’ve listened to enough hours of Vijay’s lectures to fill several books� such a vibrant story-teller of critical global history, especially when he goes off-script: --The lens used is crucial, since the “history� and “geopolitics� we receive in English are usually built on layers and layers of imperialist biases; it takes a lifetime of reading diverse sources to uproot, and Vijay gifts us his synthesis. On “ideological censorship�: …Vijay quips how “globalization� is predominantly one-way, where Western theory is globalized while Eastern/Global South theory remains localized (i.e. theory comes from the West, whereas the South is only used for guerilla manuals). --Despite this, I’ve only read Vijay’s 2 lengthiest works: The Darker Nations: A People's History of the Third World and its sequel The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South. Recently, Vijay and his publishing house LeftWord Books () have made an effort to offer shorter, more accessible introductions.
Highlights --In this accessible overview of US imperialism, Vijay is inspired by Eduardo Galeano’s ability to bring to life human resiliency in the worst of conditions. This overview captures the peaks, valleys and flows, instead of getting lost in a two-dimensional forest of names and dates (we are all too familiar with history textbooks); we can sift through the sand of details elsewhere.
--An outline: 1) Colonial “tܲٱ� and “civilizing mission� into the 20th century: colonialism’s continuation, where liberation finally came from (often armed) struggles instead of Enlightenment liberalism.
3) Not Cold War (East-West), but Anti-colonialism (North-South): --Western narratives of the 20th century center around liberal so-called democracy’s struggles against Fascism (WWII) and then Communism (Cold War); we have already identified Liberalism’s uses of Fascism (see the end for Liberalism's capitalist crises). ...Vijay challenges this 20th century depiction by centering anti-colonialism as the key struggle, which includes re-framing the 1917 Russian Revolution and its aftermath (Red Star Over the Third World). --After WWII, the colonial struggle resumed in full force with US seeking “preponderant power� with endless coups on one side vs. anti-colonial struggles for multi-polarity on the other. For more on “exceptionalism�: American Exceptionalism and American Innocence: A People's History of Fake News―From the Revolutionary War to the War on Terror ...One such struggle was the Third World project highlighted by the 1955 Bandung Conference, the New International Economic Order (NIEO), Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), UNCTAD, G77, etc. I've summarized this, the various conflicting class dimensions, and how these were often coopted by liberalism, in reviewing The Darker Nations: A People's History of the Third World ...Arab Nationalism was another related struggle. Post-WWII US empire was predicated on securing Gulf oil, which meant protecting the puppet despot monarchs against an array of challenges; this includes weaponizing religion (Saudi's World Muslim League, mujahideen, etc.). Vijay goes more into this here: …also useful: The Management of Savagery: How America's National Security State Fueled the Rise of Al Qaeda, ISIS, and Donald Trump
4) Reaction to anti-colonialism: the “Manual for Regime Change�: i) Lobby public opinion (i.e. domestic US, world): the evolution beyond conventional warfare into “hybrid warfare� revolves around public relation and propaganda. A striking example is given of propaganda father Edward Bernays hired to sell United Fruit Company’s Guatemala coup. -Necessary Illusions: Thought Control in Democratic Societies -Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media ii) Appoint the right man on the ground (esp. ambassador): as the joke goes: “Why can there not be a coup in the US? Because there is no US embassy in the US.� ...Here we should note the fascist “Business Plot� against FDR: The Plot to Seize the White House: The Shocking True Story of the Conspiracy to Overthrow FDR iii) Make sure the generals are ready iv) Make the economy scream: this topic in political economy deserves its entire book series. This ties in with a broader topic of Neocolonialism (esp. IMF, World Bank, NGOs) used to counter the Third World project’s NIEO. v) Diplomatic isolation vi) Organize mass protests (i.e. in target country): another massive and messy topic in divide-and-conquer, involving “Colour Revolutions�, weaponizing religion/ethnic divides, the sad collusion between CIA and US trade unions (ex. AFL-CIO, jokingly called "AFL-CIA"), etc. vii) Green light (from the US) viii) A study in assassinations: supplying kill lists and training/funding death squads to keep a greater distance. ix) Deny: interesting critique of Popper’s The Open Society and Its Enemies - Volume Two: Hegel and Marx definition of “conspiracy theories� (as thinking war/unemployment/poverty are designed by elites) and consequences (paranoia leading to totalitarianism). No wonder Popper was in the Mont Pelerin Society with all the crackpot anti-planning planners/anti-conspiracy conspirators.
5) Post-USSR: --The fall of the Soviet umbrella leading to more aggressive US regime change, starting with Panama 1989 and Iraq 1990. --Vijay pivots Harvey’s A Brief History of Neoliberalism into the North-South framework; I’ve summarized this in reviewing The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South --The book’s chronology ends with COVID19, but does not get into the new Cold War against China. However, included is a curious 1951 document "Proposal to Unite Democratic Nations and Islamic World into an Anti-Communist Force" sent from Taiwan to the US (which previews the aforementioned reactionary weaponizing of religion e.g. Saudi's World Muslim League) ...For Vijay's recent take on China (which has evolved since “The Poorer Nations�):