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A Theory of Imperialism by Utsa Patnaik
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Debating “A Theory of Imperialism�

Preamble:
--Having spent time dissecting this book’s sequel (see: Capital and Imperialism: Theory, History, and the Present), which systematically applies “A Theory of Imperialism� to the major periods of modern history (colonial/inter-war/post-WWII/Neoliberal globalization), I’ll avoid duplicating that review.
--Since I finished the sequel first, my main reason in finishing this dense book is for Marxist geographer David Harvey’s critique of the book, and the Patnaiks� response, which make up the last 2 chapters; so, I’ll use this review to unpack this academic turf-war.
...TL;DR summary: how central is the legacy of the colonial division of labour (esp. plantation system) to modern capitalism?

Harvey vs. the Patnaiks?:
--I believe I have a balanced approach in unpacking this, given:
a) On Harvey’s side (British-American geographer), I study geography (favourite prof: Jim Glassman); I've also benefited greatly from Harvey’s lectures for A Companion to Marx's Capital, etc.
b) On the Patnaiks� side (Indian political economists), their Indian comrade/historian Vijay Prashad has inspired my interest in Global South perspectives to re-balance Western-centric Leftism ().
--This confrontation played out like the Western stereotype of the Cold War; a lot of build-up while direct confrontation was avoided. (Note: in reality, the Cold War featured many nasty “hot� conflicts in the “periphery�, many involving Western reactions against the South’s decolonization: The Jakarta Method: Washington's Anticommunist Crusade and the Mass Murder Program that Shaped Our World):

1) Reluctance to use “imperialism�:
--On the surface, Harvey’s avoidance of conceptualizing “imperialism� for contemporary times actually seems quite useful in avoiding needless divisiveness on the Left (esp. from a Western Leftist), as he wants to avoid mixing the term to describe asymmetrical trade relations of a rising Asia with the West’s colonial legacy. Instead, Harvey wants to focus on “shifting hegemonies� and “uneven geographical development�.
--However, the Patnaiks� are clear that their “theory of imperialism� is not to completely replace existing theories of imperialism (which primarily focus on surface events like wars/conquest; indeed, Harvey is a prime example of this with his The New Imperialism during the War on Terror/Iraq!), but to extend the concept to the totality of capitalism’s history and re-position theory to include critical Global South perspectives. Hence, the Patnaiks� presents “a theory� rather than “the theory� of imperialism.

2) “Geographical Determinism�?:
--“Unfortunately, [the Patnaiks] get their concepts of space, place, environment, and geography all wrong.� -Harvey
…Harvey’s nuclear threat against the Patnaiks is “geographical determinism�, probably highlighted by the Patnaiks� chapters on material asymmetry of the South’s superior resources. Harvey applies Marx’s dialectical approach in his “dynamic geography� that focuses on social relations, rejecting the crude physical geography of an-atlas-is-my-Bible Jared Diamond/Jeffrey D. Sachs.
--However, Harvey’s nukes seem to point straight up, as his characterization clouds his further critiques. He seems to ironically slip into a physical geographer himself as he finds offense by the Patnaiks� varied use of “tropical�, “sub-tropical�, “periphery�, “South�, demanding precision by considering various physical conditions/exceptions. The Patnaiks shrugs this off in a sentence, but I would be interested in the Patnaiks turning the nukes around and elaborating on the social relations of these terms.
--Harvey of course knows the social relations where the Global South is forced by the Global North to export rather than feed themselves. I’m reminded of Michael Hudson’s stark description of the World Bank as the most evil organization in the world in its attempt to systematically rule the Global South by starvation, forcing cash crop exportation thus dependency on the US's heavily-subsidized food grains (Super Imperialism: The Origin and Fundamentals of U.S. World Dominance; ).
--The Patnaiks� main response to “geographical determinism� is their position that the South can socially improve their material output via land augmentation, but this requires mass mobilization/infrastructure which contradicts imperialist social relations:
-colonial de-industrialization: Late Victorian Holocausts: El Niño Famines and the Making of the Third World
-decolonization’s social mobilization: Prashad's The Darker Nations: A People's History of the Third World
-Neoliberal reaction to decolonization: The Agrarian Question in the Neoliberal Era: Primitive Accumulation and the Peasantry, The Poorer Nations: A Possible History of the Global South and The Divide: A Brief Guide to Global Inequality and its Solutions
--China of course exemplifies the contradictions of the messy real world, but where is China’s equivalence of the World Bank/IMF/WTO intellectual property regime/Wall Street financialization/petrodollar hegemony (not to mention global military bases/media/education/Hollywood)? For someone so focused on dialectics, I did not see enough of weighing the contradictions regarding China in Harvey’s A Brief History of Neoliberalism. This is a problem with replacing “imperialism� with “shifting hegemonies�/asymmetrical trade (which can be as benign as between California vs. Nevada).

3) End of drain?:
--“The historical draining of wealth from East to West for more than two centuries has, for example, been largely reversed over the last thirty years.� -Harvey
…This of course reminds me of ; I try to limit my use of individualist identity, but I cannot help being reminded of the Indian-British dynamics here. It is amusing how Harvey muddles his precise-geographical-terms critique by adding in “East�/“West�, but the much-greater blunder here is the crude portrayal of “historical draining of wealth�, which Utsa Patnaik has done important work on regarding colonial India.
--Indeed, Harvey briefly recognizes the Patnaiks� distinctions for the South’s reserve army of labour (see later), but:
i) Seems to brush aside the Patnaiks� comparisons with the triangular colonial arrangement (the “ideal� capitalist system where capitalist leader Britain offered its domestic market + colonial loot to its newly-industrializing capitalist rivals of Europe/settler colonies which sustained global capitalist demand, all at the cost of the colonies).
ii) Again focuses on physical materials (“Depriving the metropolis of coffee, tea, bananas, cacao, peppers, and spices might provoke revolutionary thoughts in metropolitan populations who are used to such products, but this is hardly a convincing basis for a theory of imperialism.� -Harvey) and missing the Patnaiks� social argument on capitalist contradictions: a money-using economy where money serves as both means-of-exchange and store-of-wealth, thus increasing prices of materials (from capitalist growth's demands + imperialist suppression of supply) risks wealth-holders shifting from holding money to holding commodities (esp. gold, due to rising commodity prices) which threatens the money-using system of capitalism.
Citizens must be given grounds to expect that the value of money is going to be stable. To display how well understood this point was among economic thinkers of an earlier era, the Patnaiks unearth a gorgeous quote from Keynes which refers to Lenin: “Lenin is said to have declared that the best way to destroy the Capitalistic System was to debauch the currency � Lenin was certainly right. There is no subtler, no surer means of overturning the existing basis of society than to debauch the currency.� (The Economic Consequences of the Peace). [Emphasis added; from Forward by Akeel Bilgrami]
…Part of Harvey’s dismissal stems from US production: “super-efficient and highly subsidized production of sugar, rice, cotton, and citrus allows for a subtropical component within a metropolitan capitalist economy, and this component is highly competitive with tropical producers both at home and abroad�. The Patnaiks counter with the contradiction of “super-efficient� vs. “highly subsidized�, as the latter reveals a glimmer of the high energy costs (on top of capitalism being an externalizing machine of social/environmental costs!). Europe/Japan rely on even greater subsidies, and once again we have to return to social relations of Global North’s astronomical all-seasons demand.

4) Synthesis?:
--This academic turf war reminds me of the one waging between anarchist anthropologist/archaeologist David Graeber/David Wengrow (The Dawn of Everything: A New History of Humanity) and Marxists anthropologists Chris Knight/Nancy Lindisfarne/Jonathan Neale etc. (); …rhetorical flailing replacing critical synthesis:
i) Strawman distractions: both sides of both debates are clearly more comfortable hammering non-participants in the form of vulgar reductionists (universal bashing of the aforementioned mainstream geographical determinists Diamond/Sachs) than carefully addressing each other. Both Harvey and the Patnaiks distance themselves from Karl August Wittfogel (“Oriental Despotism� on Asian states) and economists (including Marxist economists of the Global North).
ii) Actual agreements: both Harvey and the Patnaiks are contending with the “contradiction between the territorial logic of state interests and the molecular logic of capital flow�, resulting in shared observations particularly for Neoliberal globalization. Harvey refers to World-Systems theory's Giovanni Arrighi, so I would be interested for the Patnaiks to synthesize this with Samir Amin etc.

…See comments below for rest of review�
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Reading Progress

January 6, 2019 – Shelved
October 21, 2020 –
10.0% "I really need to make a renewed effort with the Patnaiks, they really have breath-taking insights but require several layers of prior experience, famously: . What we really need is a popular introduction to their works..."
October 27, 2020 –
10.0% ""the Patnaiks unearth a gorgeous quote from Keynes which refers to Lenin: “Lenin is said to have declared that the best way to destroy the Capitalistic System was to debauch the currency... Lenin was certainly right. There is no subtler, no surer means of overturning the existing basis of society than to debauch the currency.�""
October 28, 2020 –
15.0% ""As in the earlier period, ensuring that the supply of energy and of goods is kept flowing at nonincreasing prices to meet the growing demand at the core is crucial for maintaining the value of money at the core, as well as to ensure the stability of wealthholding, which is a central concern of capitalism; but the conditions for doing so are more difficult to establish in the absence of direct political control.""
March 31, 2022 – Started Reading
April 20, 2022 – Finished Reading

Comments Showing 1-5 of 5 (5 new)

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message 1: by Kevin (last edited May 08, 2024 07:44PM) (new) - rated it 4 stars

Kevin “A Theory of Imperialism� vs. (Global North) Marx/Classical political economy:

--A project I’ve been working on since finishing this book’s sequel is to synthesize the Patnaiks� A Theory of Imperialism with Marxist/Classical Anwar Shaikh’s “real competition� framework of capitalism (Capitalism: Competition, Conflict, Crises), which seems to be the most systematic, strict advancement from where Marx’s unfinished Capital project left off (which itself was built on the Classical political economy of David Ricardo/Adam Smith etc.). Thus, I’m hyper-focused on the Patnaiks� critique of Marx/Classical assumptions.
--Both the Patnaiks and Shaikh reject the Neoclassical (today’s mainstream economics) framework of “perfect competition�, so we can set this aside. Shaikh’s entire premise is to reject the heterodox (Keynesian, “monopoly capitalism� Marxists) response of “imperfect competition� by demonstrating that this still assumes and thus mirrors “perfect competition�. The Patnaiks vary in analysis here.
--The Patnaiks describe the Classical framework as “free competition�, starting with capital/labour having free mobility to seek higher profits/wages (I’m paying close attention to how Shaikh develops this to see how this maps to Shaikh’s “real competition�). This comes from several abstractions in an attempt to clear away pre-capitalist legacies (which includes economic relations of merchant’s + usurer’s capital, as well as slavery/colonialism)/historical accidents to isolate the gravitational logic of capitalism (given the context of Classical political economy, “Industrial capitalism� in particular).


Kevin --The starting economic model for these European political economists is a closed system where all resources/production/distribution/consumption are internal, where actors are reduced to capitalists/wage laborers (further analyses may introduce landlords/merchants/usurers, much less: peasants/social reproduction/the Commons/the State/trade/geopolitics). Marx’s Capital project also started with this, so it’s a darn shame only a fraction of the project was completed.
--Once we understand the closed-reduced-system starting point, we can consider Marx’s gravitational tendencies:
i) Primitive Accumulation: the violent dispossession needed to enforce capitalist markets/property rights in the first place (as these are not human nature!), in particular the labour market/land market/financial markets.
ii) Proletarianization: where capitalism spreads like a virus and replaces pre-capitalist economic relations (i.e. peasants/artisans) with capitalist wage-labour relations (i.e. proletariats).
iii) Reserve army of labour: those not fully absorbed into wage-labour relations, thus serving as surplus/reserves and keeping wage bargaining in check/enforcing work discipline.
iv) Immiseration thesis: rising capitalist accumulation in one pole thus more power to exploit workers in the other pole.
v) Overproduction/profit squeeze: rising exploitation thus rising productivity while workers are increasingly devalued/automated away, threatening the realization of profits (the driver of capitalism).
…and apply these to the messy real world to see how they played out differently in the colonizer North vs. colonized South.


Kevin --Europe was able to respond to their domestic capitalist social crisis by dispersing their domestic “reserve army of labour� via mass settler migration; this release valve brought compromises to European workers (who could better organize with tighter labour markets) while settlers did their own dispossession of indigenous lands.
--Meanwhile, the Global South’s much larger reserve army (from colonialism’s violent de-industrialization of competitors' superior markets, creating modern mass poverty) were mostly restricted to indentured “coolie� migration via racist immigration control. The Patnaiks point out that proletarianization was limited in the colonized South, since the more abstract colonial drain while preserving the peasantry brought less risk of mass resistance compared to direct mass dispossession.
--Thus, the colonies� pre-capitalist relations were not replaced/exhausted by proletarianization as Rosa Luxemburg (pioneer of introducing theories of imperialism to Marxism) theorized. Nor were colonial markets directly used to absorb capitalist overproduction. This is because of the triangular colonial arrangement, where the capitalist leader Britain maintained global capitalist demand (requirement for economic growth, i.e. profits, the imperative keeping capitalism from crashing) with concessions to its newly-industrializing capitalist rivals (settler colonies + Europe) by opening Britain’s own market to rivals� industrializing goods + fueling their industrialization with Britain’s colonial loot.


message 4: by John (new)

John It's curious for both sides to share so many Marxist concepts yet still end up in such a messy debate.


Kevin John wrote: "It's curious for both sides to share so many Marxist concepts yet still end up in such a messy debate."

--It’s interesting looking back to reflect on the applicability of such debates. If we bypass all the technical jargon, TL;DR seems to be: how relevant is the legacy of the colonial division of labour/plantation system?

i) As usual, too much time spent debating labels (“imperialism”� reminds me of all the leftist debates on “degrowth�).
…Harvey seems so concerned to point out exceptions to the Patnaiks as if they are trying to present “the theory� of imperialism (rather than “a theory�), to the point where Harvey would appear to prefer “no theory� of imperialism.
…It’s really a reflection of what questions we ask and which lenses are most applicable. Harvey is focusing on the working class mostly in Western Europe/North America (i.e. imperialist nations), where within them there are indeed further core-periphery relations. The Patnaiks are in India and are emphasizing Global South exports. It’s awkward for a British-born leftist to dismiss this�

ii) Applicability: if both sides elaborated on how they apply their theories to analyzing leftists strategies, that would really add more substance to this debate.

iii) While I’ve skimmed through Shaikh’s class lectures for his book Capitalism: Competition, Conflict, Crises, I haven’t found the energy to slog though the book. On “imperialism�, we should note that Shaikh’s book focuses on “developed� capitalist nations.

iv) I am slogging through Brewer’s Marxist Theories of Imperialism: A Critical Survey, past the halfway:
a) covered: historical materialism/Marx/Luxemburg/Hobson/Hilferding/Bukharin and Lenin/Baran
b) remaining: Dependency Theories (Frank/Wallerstein/Laclau’s critique/Amin)/Emmanuel/Third World (Indian debates/Arrighi/Rey/Leys/Gallagher and Robinson)/After Imperialism (multinational corporations/central capital/capitalist development in Third World).
…the “Indian debates� section feature the Patnaiks; I’m curious how Brewer fits this into the lineage of Marxist theories on imperialism. Harvey is not referenced in the book.

v) In focusing more on environment/capitalism, I’ve been trying to figure out Jason W. Moore (quite influenced by Wallerstein), who would be on the side focusing more on conceptualizing capitalism’s “imperialism� rather than externalizing it as non-capitalist. A key emphasis is the requirement of cheap food for capitalism.


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